Journal articles: 'Feast of Saint Anthony the Great'

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Lee, Anthony. "Feast of Saint Anthony." Prairie Schooner 81, no. 2 (2007): 145–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/psg.2007.0141.

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Gibbons, Katy. "Saints in Exile: The Cult of Saint Thomas of Canterbury and Elizabethan Catholics in France." Recusant History 29, no. 3 (2009): 315–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200012176.

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In late December 1585, the abbey of Saint-Victor, on the south-eastern-edge of Paris, played host to a group of English Catholics. The journal of Guillaume Cotin, the community’s librarian, tells us that the English arrived in the run-up to the feast of the martyrdom of Saint Thomas of Canterbury. The feast itself, on 29 December, was marked by a high mass sung in honour of the saint, with a sermon [service] in English. Several supplementary masses were also celebrated by English priests. Apparently, in order to attend these celebrations, ‘English Catholics came in very great multitude’.

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Kieckhefer, Richard. "Presence, Place, Period, and Principle: A Medievalist's Reflections on Robert Bartlett's Book about Saints." Church History 85, no. 4 (2016): 793–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640716000809.

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The title of Robert Bartlett's book on saints,Why Can the Dead Do Such Great Things?, comes from Saint Augustine, who thought of heaven as a preeminently social environment. It is thus easy to entertain a fantasy about a conversation among saints in heaven. One saint boasts that his feast day has a higher liturgical ranking than the others'. This provokes a second saint to point out that the first may have a grand feast day, but is not, like himself, the subject of a properly papal canonization. A third saint is proud of his artistic representations. A fourth points out that he is so important that he is mentioned in Robert Bartlett's latest book. But this boast backfires. All the saints burst into laughter. As one of them points out, “That's nothing special—we're all in Bartlett's book! He didn't miss any of us!”

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Della Costa, Francesco. "The Sacred Pig. Ritual food-sharing on the feast of Saint Anthony in Celano, Italy." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 25, no. 5 (2020): 570–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2020.1794379.

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Ciulu, Marius-Stefan. "The Use and Importance of Biblical References in Vita Antonii." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 11, no. 1 (2019): 90–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ress-2019-0007.

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Abstract Athanasius the Great succeeded with his Vita Antonii to create a new literary genre, the „biography of a saint“. Through his approach, shaped by his impressive theological knowledge and familiarity with the biblical text, Athanasius unlocked an immense amount of cultural knowledge. The Archbishop of Alexandria structured this hagiographic work on the father of monasticism in a way that allowed the reader to understand and perceive the peculiarities of Saint Anthony in accordance with the Orthodoxy of the Church. The present study examines how Athanasius the Great used about four hundred direct and indirect biblical references to represent a personality of his time, who corresponded to the highest Christian ideals. The main topics of our study are: the importance of the Holy Scripture, how it is highlighted in the Athanasian text; the biblical portrait of Anthony the Great; the speech of the great Anchorite, which accounts for more than a third of this hagiographic work; the representation of the last days of Antonius.

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WALSH, MARTIN W. "Martin and Luther: The Reformer and his Name-Saint." Michigan Academician 47, no. 1 (2020): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.7245/0026-2005-47.1.1.

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ABSTRACT Although born on the Vigil of the Feast of Saint Martin of Tours and given that saint's name at baptism, Luther had very little truck with his name-saint, whether during his early career as monk and theologian or in his years as the vanguard of the Reformation. Indeed, it would seem he honored Saint George more than Saint Martin. The power of Martin's name and of the iconic image of his sharing his mantle with a beggar, however, would not be ignored by Luther's followers or by his opponents. This paper examines the intersection of the image of Saint Martin with the career of the great Reformer focusing on such events as the Leipzig Debate of 1519 and examples from the polemical literature, such as Thomas Murner's The Great Lutheran Fool. Moreover, in the development of anecdotal “Luther lore” after his death we find a general rapprochement of Luther commemorations with the traditional German celebration of a carnivalesque Martinmas. If Luther largely ignored his name-saint, present day Lutheranism embraces the Bishop of Tours, as evidenced by its numerous church dedications and images of Saint Martin's Charity.

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Lukács, László. "Szent Vendel tiszteletéről Somogyban." Kaposvári Rippl-Rónai Múzeum Közleményei, no. 3 (2014): 235–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26080/krrmkozl.2014.03.235.

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Saint Wendelin is the patron saint of livestock, stock-breeders and herders in the modern era. His cult be-came popular in Hungary in the 18th century. The german settlers and shepherds who arrived with the new sheepbreeds bred in the great manors played a huge part in the popularisa-tion of his cult. His cult was quite vivid in the Hungarian, Ger-man and Croatian villages within the borders of the diocese of Veszprém, to which County Somogy belonged until 1993. He was honored especially in the villages where clergymen, episcopal manors, or the order of the Piarists had their lands or landcentres. Some parishes built churches, many more built chapels in his honor, or erected his statues. His day was celebrated as a votive feast every year with masses, proces-sions and the prohibition of working with workstock on that day.

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Suarez, Michael F. "A New Collection of English Recusant Manuscript Poetry from the Late-Sixteenth Century: Extraordinary Devotion in the Liturgical Season of ‘Ordinary Time’." Recusant History 22, no. 3 (1995): 306–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200001941.

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At Yale University, the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library's James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection has recently acquired a fascinating manuscript of late sixteenth-century Roman Catholic devotional verse in English (Osborn Shelves a30). Following the liturgical year from Trinity Sunday to the feast of Saint Catherine on November 25th, these fifty-eight poems celebrate the solemnities, feasts, and memorials of the Roman liturgical calendar throughout the approximately twenty-six weeks comprising the major portion of ‘ordinary time’. Presumably, this collection would have had a companion volume, now lost, covering the period from Advent to Pentecost which includes the principal solemnities and great seasons of the liturgical year.

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Mitralexis, Sotiris. "High-Season Piety: An Ethnographic Account of Community, Commensality, and Ritual in Anafi Island’s Summertime Orthodox Christian Religious Practices." Religions 16, no. 3 (2025): 278. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16030278.

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This paper explores the material culture of religious life on the Greek island of Anafi during the peak tourism season of summer 2023. Through ethnographic fieldwork, the paper examines the public celebration of a number of feasts coinciding with the summer high season: the Transfiguration of Christ, one of the Great Feasts of the Orthodox Church, celebrated on the sixth of August; the Dormition of the Theotokos (Mary the “Birthgiver of God”) on the fifteenth, with evening Supplications to the Theotokos in church on every August weekday leading up to the feast; the feast and commemoration of the immensely popular Saint Fanourios on the twenty-seventh of August, with the main celebration centering on the preceding day’s vespers; and, in September, the major feast of the island: the Nativity of the Theotokos (8 September), which unfolds into four-days-long festivities, due to the main shrine of the island being dedicated to the protectress of Anafi, Panayia Kalamiotissa. This paper focuses especially on the role of commensality and shared meals in maintaining kinship ties and social communion. Ritualized festive eating emerges as a way of consolidating the community of permanent island residents and diasporic islanders returning for summer. The continuity of these embodied practices provides insight into Anafiot identity and lived religion. Ultimately, this paper reflects on how contemporary Orthodox theologians have re-discovered the priority of materiality and the senses in ecclesial life.

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Pałęcki, Waldemar. "Misterium Najświętszego Imienia Jezus w liturgii Kościoła rzymskiego." Poznańskie Studia Teologiczne, no. 36 (March 18, 2021): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pst.2020.36.09.

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According to the bible tradition, the name of a person determine its personality and dignity. Since the 18th century there is known commemoration of the most sacred name of Jesus in the liturgy of Roman Church. The essence of this devotion contains the liturgical texts assigned for that day. Especially many texts of the pre-Vatican liturgy point out the great importance of that day. After the Second Vatican Council the commemoration was removed from the liturgical agenda, but anew established in 2002. Analysis of the texts contained in missal and breviary show theological contain of that feast day. The base are words about the humiliation and glorification of the Servant of Yahwe derived from the second chapter of the Letter of Saint Paul to Philippians (Phil. 2:6–11) and from the Acts of Apostles. In that book it is said that the name of Jesus is the only one by which we can be saved (Acts 4:8–12). Liturgical texts from the Old Testament indicate the fulfilment of the prophecy in the name of Jesus. Different motivation of praising the name of Jesus is shown in the literature of Christian writers who demonstrate the beauty and sweetness of the name of Jesus. Before The Second Vatican Council, in the sermons of St. Bernard it is highlighted that this name is innate, not given. Saint Bernard from Siena said in his sermons that the name of Jesus is the name of His mercy. This text is the base of the Office of readings after the Second Vatican Council. Nowadays this feast is celebrated on 3rd January and links the mystery of the nativity and of the revelation of the Lord, pointing out the unity in the celebration of the mystery of Incarnation.

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Zrelli, Magdalena. "SAINT FAUSTINA KOWALSKA – LONELINESS IN GOD." Catholic Pedagogy 35, no. 1 (2024): 322–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.62266/pk.1898-3685.2024.35.27.

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ABSTRACT: Aim: The purpose of the article is to present the life of Saint Sister Faustina Kowalska with particular attention on her loneliness in God. Methods: Analysis of dozen available biographies of Saint Faustina Kowalska and the „Diary” written by her. Results: Sister Faustina was gifted by God with many extraordinary graces, she experienced revelations, ecstasies, the gift of bilocation, great suffering, reading in human souls, mystical engagements and weddings. She was basically very lonely throughout her life, but it didn't bother her because God was always with her. This simple girl, who had only completed three grades of primary school, completely surrendered herself to God's will and, despite many problems she encountered on her way, fulfilled every task given to her by the Lord Jesus. Outside, Sister Faustina's life was very ordinary, every day was basically the same. She was a gardener, a cook, and in the last year of her life, as much as her health allowed, she served as a porter. Everything she did was dedicated completely to the Lord Jesus. Conclusion: The most important task of Saint Sister Faustina Kowalska was to convey the message of Mercy to the Church and the world, which is a reminder of the biblical truth about God's merciful love for every person, a call to entrust one's life to Him and actively love one's neighbors. It was the Savior who gave her the "vessels" thanks to which we can draw the graces of Divine Mercy. Sister Faustina is the author of the famous „Diary”, a bestseller translated into over 30 languages. By getting to know her notes, we see what a strong bond she had with the Lord Jesus. Today Saint Sister Faustina is one of the most popular saints of our time. Pilgrims from all continents make pilgrimages to her relics located in the Sanctuary of Divine Mercy in Kraków-Łagiewniki. Originality: The article is the quintessence and at the same time a pleasant presentation of the life of Saint Faustina Kowalska, resulting from the review and analysis of several available studies and biographies of her life. Keywords: Helena Kowalska, Sister Faustina, Secretary of Merciful Jesus, Apostle of Divine Mercy, Prophet of our times, Great Mystic, Mistress of spiritual life, Feast of Divine Mercy, Chaplet, Hour of Mercy.

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Starodubcev, Tatjana. "Physician and miracle worker. The cult of Saint Sampson the Xenodochos and his images in eastern Orthodox medieval painting." Zograf, no. 39 (2015): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog1539025s.

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Saint Sampson, whose feast is celebrated on June 27, was depicted among holy physicians. However, his images were not frequent. He was usually accompanied with Saint Mokios (in Saint Sophia in Kiev, the Transfiguration church in the Mirozh monastery and the church of the Presentation of the Holy Virgin in the Temple in the monastery of Saint Euphrosyne; possibly also in Saint Panteleimon in Nerezi and Saint Demetrios in the village of Aiani near Kozani; furthermore, in the church of Saint Nicholas in Manastir and, afterwards, in the katholikon of the Vatopedi monastery). In a later period, he was usually shown in the vicinity of Saint Diomedes (in the churches of Saint Achillius in Arilje, Saint George in the village Vathiako on Crete, Saint Nicholas Orphanos in Thessaloniki, the Annunciation in Gracanica, the narthexes of the Hilandar katholikon and the church of the Holy Virgin in the monastery of Brontocheion at Mistra, the katholicon of the Pantokrator monastery and the church of Saint Demetrios in Markov Manastir). There are no substantial data regarding the identity of the saints depicted next to him in the metropolitan Church of Saint Demetrios at Mistra, while in a number of cases the image of the saint shown next to him has not been preserved (e.g. Saint Irene in the village of Agios Mamas on Crete, Gregory?s Gallery in the church of Saint Sophia in Ohrid and the church of the Holy Virgin (Panagia Kera) near the village Chromonastiri on Crete). On the other hand, in the church of the Holy Virgin in Mateic, Saint Sampson is, exceptionally, depicted among bishops, while in the church of the Holy Archangels in Prilep and the chapel of the Holy Anargyroi in Vatopedi, he is, as usual, surrounded by holy physicians but his mates are not featured - neither Saint Mokios, not Saint Diomedes. The earliest known commemorative text dedicated to him is the extensive hagiography - Vita Sampsonis I, composed in the seventh or the early eighth century. Other hagiographies, which mostly date from the tenth century, are completely based on the earlier writing. Such a composition can be found in the Synaxarion of the Church of Constantinople. In the extensive text (Vita Sampsonis II), Symeon Metaphrastes added a part that included detailed descriptions of a number of posthumous miracles, mostly healings; all these events are also mentioned in the short Hagiography. Finally, in the late thirteenth century, Constantine Akropolites wrote the still unpublished Hagiography (Vita Sampsonis III), in which he presented an account of events from the later history of the Saint?s hospital. The hagiographies inform us that Sampson was a Roman by birth and a kin of Emperor Constantine. He inherited a fortune, which he distributed to the poor. Then, he departed for Constantinople, where he found a modest home. Patriarch Menas ordained him a priest. Relying on the medical knowledge, Sampson was saving the sick and he even cured Emperor Justinian from an incurable disease. For that reason, the Emperor found a large house, in which he established and fully equipped a xenon (hospital, ?????), whereas Sampson was appointed as the skeuophylax of the Great Church. The Blessed continued to work there until his death. His venerable leipsana, which rested in the church of Saint Mokios, constantly issued the cures. His feast was celebrated in the hospital founded by him. Long time had passed between the period in which the Saint had lived and the epoch in which his earliest hagiography was compiled. During that time, some events could have fallen into oblivion and accounts of other events could have been invented. Accordingly, the results of the researchers of Saint Sampson?s xenon?s history are valuable. The hospital was housed in Sampson?s home, where he provided not only health care, but also food and bed. It was presumably founded in the fourth century. The xenon was burned in the Nika riots in 532 and Emperor Justinian had it renovated and expanded. Based on some documents issued in the Empire of Nicaea, it may be concluded that the xenon had vast estates. The Crusaders first sacked it, to subsequently use it for their own needs, as they established the Order of Saint Sampson. The hospital soon received many properties in Constantinople and its environs, Hungary and Flanders. It seems that after the liberation of Constantinople, the activities of Saint Sampson?s hospital were ceased and that there was a monastery at its place in the Palaiologan period. Anyway, the reputation of its holy founder persisted throughout the thirteenth century. Constantine Akropolites wrote the already mentioned Hagiography, and in one of his letters he spoke of the Saint, who was also mentioned in a poem by Manuel Philes (died around 1345). In Constantinople, the veneration of Saint Sampson had two centres - the hospital named after him and the church of Saint Mokios, where his leipsana rested. According to the synaxaria of the Typikon of the Great Church and the Church of Constantinople, the feast dedicated to the Saint was celebrated at his xenon. The former text informs us that the service was held by the Patriarch, whereas Symeon Metaphrastes relates that the vigil on the eve of the feast took place over the relics in the church of Saint Mokios. The Patriarch celebrated the feast dedicated to Saint Sampson with hospital clergy in the church within the xenon, both mentioned by Metaphrastes. It was either this church or a shrine from a later period that housed the iconostasis noted down by Constantine Stilbes, an eyewitness of the Latin capture of the Byzantine capital. Written sources and archaeological finds are consistent in that the hospital was located between the churches of Saint Sophia and Saint Irene. However, the first excavations carried out at the site of the xenon were not properly documented, whereas archaeologists involved in further investigations could not rely on reliable data, though they carefully examined all finds. The question arises why Saint Sampson was at first usually depicted in the company of Saint Mokios, a presbyter who died a martyr?s death in Constantinople (May 11), and later, together with Saint Diomedes, the physician who died in Nicaea (August 16). Therefore, this paper briefly presents the hagiographies of the two saints and the churches in the Byzantine capital where their relics rested - the monastery of Saint Mokios, which did not exist in the mid-fourteenth century, and Saint Diomedes, which was counting its last days in the fourteenth century, reduced to a small monastery. Dobrynja Jadrejkovic (subsequently Antony, archbishop of Novgorod) noted down around 1200 that the saint?s stick, epitrachelion and robes were kept at the hospital of Saint Sampson, whereas in the church of Saint Mokios, under the altar, rested Saint Mokios and Saint Sampson. He also mentioned that water flew from the latter?s grave, as well as that the church of Saint Diomedes was near the Golden Gate and that the relics of Saint Diomedes rested there. However, the Russian pilgrims who visited Constantinople during the Palaiologan period mentioned neither Saint Sampson?s hospital, not the church of Saint Mokios, whereas the church of Saint Diomedes, but not his relics, was noted down only by an unknown traveller who described the pilgrimage undertaken between the late 1389 and the early 1391. The answer to the question of what happened to the leipsana that once laid in these churches is not possible to provide. The fate of the relics of Saint Sampson, previously kept in his xenon, is not known, nor is it known where the commemorations of the three saints were held in the capital during the Palaiologan period. Anyway, the depictions of Saint Sampson accompanied by Saint Diomedes - whose oldest examples are preserved in Arilje - indicate that the connection of these two priest-physicians had already begun by the time when the church was painted (1295/1296), but, judging by the available sources, the only evidence on the process is given by the paintings. Although Saint Sampson founded the hospital which was probably the oldest in Constantinople, and though his leipsana, kept in the church of Saint Mokios, had healing powers, while his relics in the xenon were visited by pilgrims, it seems that the respect for this saint in the Byzantine capital was not reflected in the frequency of his images among holy physicians: he was fairly rarely shown among them. As a matter of fact, the earliest representations of Saint Sampson originated from Constantinople. They can be found on lead seals made for the hospital in the second half of the sixth and during the seventh century. On the other hand, there is no any known preserved depiction of this saint in the mural decoration of the early churches. Accordingly, it may be assumed that the veneration of Saint Sampson was initially limited to Constantinople, and that it was only later, since the time when his short hagiography was included in the synaxarium and his extensive hagiography was written for the Metaphrastes?s comprehensive work, that it was adopted in other areas of the East Christian world. It may seem paradoxical that the preserved images of the Saint dating from the period when his xenon flourished are less numerous than those from the time when the hospital, in all probability, did not exist. It seems that after the liberation of Constantinople from Latin rule, Saint Sampson was earnestly honoured and that the believers frequented the monastery at the site of the old xenon, though the hospital did not exist anymore. The former assumption is corroborated by the writings of Constantine Akropolites and Manuel Philes, whereas the latter is supported by the coins from the Palaiologan period found in the sacral building within the complex that once belonged to Saint Sampson?s hospital. Although his miraculous leipsana rested in the church of Saint Mokios, the posthumous miracles of Saint Sampson, described in later hagiographies, mostly took place in his xenon, which housed the relics that were visited by pilgrims and where commemorative services dedicated to him were held. The veneration of the Saint was long fostered within the institution founded by him - the ancient hospital where trained doctors worked - i.e. it was nurtured between the reputation of medical skills based on secular knowledge and miraculous healings.

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Shead, Norman F. "Four Scottish indulgences at Sens." Innes Review 58, no. 2 (2007): 210–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0020157x07000078.

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English interest in the great Cistercian abbey of Pontigny was stimulated by the exiles there of two archbishops of Canterbury, Thomas Becket and Stephen Langton.1 As archbishops of Canterbury, Langton and Edmund of Abingdon made gifts to Pontigny abbey in consideration of the welcome given to Becket.2 Edmund did not die at Pontigny, but was a confraterof the community, and the abbot claimed the body, asserting that Edmund had expressed a wish to be buried there. The process of canonisation was rapid.3 After Edmund's canonisation, Henry III sent a chasuble and a chalice for the first celebration of the feast, and granted money to maintain four candles round the saint's shrine.4 In 1254, en route from Gascony to meet Louis IX in Chartres and Paris,5 Henry visited Pontigny, as his brother Richard of Cornwall, who seems to have pressed for canonisation, had done in 1247.6 Archbishop Boniface of Canterbury ordered the celebration of the feast to be observed throughout his province.7 Pope Alexander IV granted a dispensation to allow Englishwomen to enter the precinct of Pontigny abbey on the feast of the translation of the relics of St Edmund8 (women were normally forbidden to enter a Cistercian monastery). Matthew Paris, the greatest English chronicler of the age, wrote a life of the saint.9 English interest continued into the fourteenth century. In 1331 an English priest was given a licence to visit the shrine,10 but it seems likely that the Hundred Years’ War made pilgrimage to Pontigny difficult.11 The indulgences preserved by the abbey reveal an interest in the shrine throughout the Western Church, granted as they were by prelates from Tortosa to Livonia and Estonia, and from Messina to Lübeck.12

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Fedotov, S. P. "The role of metropolitan Anthony Surozhsky (Bloom) in building relations between the Russian orthodox church and the church of England in the XX century." History: facts and symbols, no. 4 (December 20, 2023): 144–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24888/2410-4205-2023-37-4-144-155.

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Introduction. The article is devoted to the consideration of the role of the metropolitan Anthony Bloom of Sourozh in the development of relations between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Church of England. The personality of the metropolitan Anthony is connected with the formation of the Surozh diocese of the Russian Orthodox Church. In addition, Father Anthony assisted in the functioning of the Commonwealth of Saint Albania and Reverend Sergius, an Orthodox Anglican organization. The organization began its work in 1928. In this organization, Father Antony Bloom began his service in England in the role of spiritual director. Materials and Methods. Important sources for this article were the writings of Antony Bloom himself, where he describes the pages of his biography, tells about his work in England. In addition, information from publicist literature was also used. An important source was information from the website of the Foundation for the Spiritual Heritage of the Metropolitan Anthony Surozhsky. It contains memoirs of contemporaries and Bloom's own articles. It is also important to note the works of N.M. Zernov, a Russian emigrant, one of the initiators of the Commonwealth of St Albans and Reverend Sergius. N.M. Zernov invited Fr Anthony to England to conduct the work of the Commonwealth. N.M. Zernov together with his wife in the journal "Sobornost" left a series of his memoirs about the activities of the organization. In these memoirs there is a reference to the role of Antony Bloom in the development of relations between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Church of England in the 20th century. Results. The author concludes that Father Anthony Bloom conducted active missionary work among English society. This allowed to increase the number of Orthodox believers in England. During the period of Antony Bloom's ministry, new parishes of the Russian Orthodox Church were opened in Great Britain. Father Anthony assisted in the activities of the Commonwealth of St Albans and Reverend Sergius. Conclusion. In the twentieth century there were a number of events that affected the decline in co-operation between the ROC and the Church of England. However, thanks to individual representatives of the Russian emigration, the relationship between the ROC and the Church of England not only survived, but continued to develop with greater vigour. To a greater extent this result is due to the personality of Metropolitan Anthony Surozhsky Bloom. He conducted work with believers and was engaged in explaining the fundamentals of the Orthodox faith on radio and television. This great work contributed to the development of dialogue between the Orthodox and Anglicans. Anthony Bloom was a participant in important events in the history of the dialogue between Orthodox and Anglicans in the second half of the 20th century.

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Souza, José Antônio de C. R. de. "Santo Antônio: os governantes e a política." Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira 64, no. 255 (2019): 616. http://dx.doi.org/10.29386/reb.v64i255.1711.

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A proximidade de eleições municipais dos brasileiros, dentre os quais um grande número é devoto de Santo Antônio, sugere buscar em Sermões deste santo subsídios que norteiem os formadores de opinião, os governantes, os candidatos e os próprios eleitores para que bem cumpram com seus respectivos deveres. Inspirando-se na Sagrada Escritura e no pensamento filosófico de perfil estóico-agostiniano, o Santo magistralmente nos fala e nos ensina a respeito da justiça, do bem-comum, da paz, da solidariedade, da responsabilidade e do compromisso social, coroados pela Caridade e cuja vivência resulta na construção do Reino nesta terra.Abstract: As the Brazilian municipal elections draw near and because so many Brazilians are devotees of Saint Anthony, this paper suggests that we should turn to the Saint’s Sermons in search of insights that could help public-opinion makers, rulers, candidates and the voters themselves to fulfill their respective duties well. Inspiring himself in the Sacred Scriptures and in a philosophical thought of Stoic-Augustinian nature, and with great mastery, the Saint speaks to us and teaches us about justice, the common good, peace, solidarity, responsibility and social commitment, all crowned by the virtue of Charity and the practice of which can lead to the building of the Kingdom in this earth.

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Kropáček, Luboš. "Making Fraternity an Essential Link in Christian-Muslim Relations." AUC THEOLOGICA 11, no. 1 (2021): 11–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/23363398.2021.2.

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The article provides a survey of ideas and initiatives advanced by Christian and Muslim religious leaders and believers towards a mutual religious rapprochement in the past more than fifty years. On the Christian side, the process was started at the Second Vatican Council and developed with the great personal involvement of all popes of the following half-century. Muslim positive initiatives, from official centres as well as from committed intellectuals, have appeared somewhat later and still have to combat hostile moves of partisans of radical Islamism. Our article discusses the culminating point reached so far in the positive efforts of Pope Francis in his meetings with the Grand Imam of Al-Azhar Sheikh Ahmad al-Tayyib, including their agreement on the fraternity as a desirable bond for all believers in God. Our reflections try to mark out the main points of understanding achieved by the two religious leaders in the document signed by them in Abu Dhabi in February 2019 and, thereafter, further developed by the Pope in his comprehensive encyclical Fratelli tutti, issued in Vatican on the feast of Saint Francis in October 2020.

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WENZEL, SIEGFRIED. "THE WORK CALLED CONGESTA AND FIFTEENTH-CENTURY ENGLISH THEOLOGY." Traditio 73 (2018): 291–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2018.5.

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Congesta, written about the middle of the fifteenth century in England and only partially preserved, is a massive sermon commentary, originally in five volumes, covering the Sundays of the church year, some feast days and common sermons for saints, and two special occasions (“In Time of Persecution” and “For Religious”). Of the entire cycle only forty-six sermons are extant in two manuscripts (Oxford, Magdalen College MSS 96 and 212). The commentary deals at great length with the Epistle or Gospel lection of the respective Mass. Its anonymous author, probably an English Carthusian, excerpted long passages from over 130 named authors and anonymous works, including Petrus Berchorius, Saint Brigid of Sweden, and the Imitatio Christi. The sermons, which are basically moral postillation of the lections and show much concern with the qualities of a good pastor, can be seen as part of the reforming tendencies in the English church marked especially by Thomas Gascoigne. The article describes and discusses the sermon cycle, analyzes the sermon for 23 Trinity, and discusses the structure of the sermons and some of the authors of the later Middle Ages that are quoted or excerpted. An appendix lists the authors and anonymous works quoted in alphabetical order.

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Sylvand, Thomas. "The Symbolic Strategies of Amédée VIII: A Utopian Vision Examined through Alignments and Artistic Representations." Journal of Visual and Performing Arts 2, no. 1 (2024): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.58721/jvpa.v2i1.441.

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This article explores the intricacies of the Duchy of Savoy during the 15th century, exploring its complex connections with Africa, the Crusades, and the Holy Empire. Focused on the reign of Amadeus VIII, who later became Pope Felix V, the study investigates the unique devotion to Saint Maurice d'Agaune and Saint Anthony the Great within the Duchy. The research unveils new evidence through architectural alignments, religious symbolism, and artistic representations, notably analyzing Konrad Witz's "La Pêche miraculeuse." It discovers significant alignments from Chambéry to Ripaille, Basel, and Magdeburg, indicating political and symbolic strategies. The article introduces the concept of an "inclined cross," aligning Savoy with Magdeburg, Cyprus, Rhodes, and Turin. The symbolic reading of the Savoy Knot, associated with the motto Foedere et Religione Tenemur (F.E.R.T), suggests a mnemonic tool possibly derived from maritime practices, providing insights into the Duchy's unique strategies and perspectives. This Savoyard motto, a relic of the Middle Ages and some of its medals or coins, happily cultivated its reputation for mystery or obscure meaning. The methodology involves expanding references, exploring heraldry, and examining religious and spiritual connections. The article proposes a potential link between Savoy's alignments and Egyptian or Ethiopian influences, supported by pilgrimages from these regions. It suggests the existence of a coherent utopia imagined by Amadeus VIII, fostering a new perspective on the artistic achievements of the time. The erasure of symbolic constructions, orchestrated by subsequent figures like Enea Silvio Piccolomini, is discussed, leaving enigmatic traces of the Duchy's engagement with Africa.

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Ivannikova, Liudmyla. "Prescriptions and Prohibitions in Calendar Narratives of the Hubcha Village (Khmelnytskyi Region)." Slov'ânsʹkij svìt, no. 21 (December 30, 2022): 62–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/slavicworld2022.21.062.

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The article deals with normative texts that coordinate, regulate and govern human behavior both in everyday life and in certain sacred time intervals. They reflect the people’s worldview on casual relationships in the surrounding world and in human life. These are beliefs, signs, omens, superstitions, calendar and oneirologic narratives. All these texts contain recommendations and prohibitions on what should and should not be done at different time periods. The subject of the study are the calendar narratives from the Hubcha village (Khmelnytskyi Region) that contain original plots reflecting the system of prescriptions and prohibitions, as well as punishments for their violation. The material for the research are the prose narratives and small folklore forms representing the local tradition of one village and recorded by the authoress in the late 20th – early 21st century. By their content, they are clearly divided into two categories: 1) texts that regulate the tradition, such as a ban on certain types of food and leisure during fasting, or recommendations for performing certain types of work during the calendar year; and 2) texts that describe punishment for violating behavioural norms. The most common prohibitions recalled by the pillars of this village’s tradition include: sweeping out the garbage and whitewashing in the hut, especially the stove, on Christmas holidays; overhearing cattle’s chatter on New Year’s Eve; performing any kind of work on holidays, especially on Mavka’s Easter; and disrespecting any (even a minor) holiday, including Sunday. A violator of these prescriptions and prohibitions will face an inevitable punishment, such as illness, or even death. A number of abnormal natural phenomena (drought, torrential rain, crop failure, pests) are also explained by violations, during annual holidays, of certain prohibitions, such as blocking a fence on Radunytsia (Saint Thomas Week); or a woman was the first to enter the house on a big holiday, etc. All these instructions are often combined with initial and prognostic magic techniques. In some cases, the calendar narrative is contaminated with dream interpretation. These are mostly plots about almsgiving: the deceased in a dream reports receiving alms, he thanks or reproaches for improper alms, or asks for alms through a dream. Sometimes, people see in their dreams the afterlife of their relatives, who were generous or greedy. These texts are rooted in the Christian worldview and are narrated mainly during the Great Lent. Another series of contaminations of the calendar narrative with dream interpretation is attached to the Feast of the Jesus Transfiguration. These are plots common throughout the Slavonic world that dead children are not given apples in the other world if their mothers ate them before the Apple Feast of the Saviour. All the regulations available in the texts may be divided into three groups: a system of prescriptions, a system of prohibitions, and a system of punishments. All these texts had a pedagogical function, transmitting behavioural stereotypes and fixing certain customs that became an everyday norm.

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Allison, Antony F. "Richard Smith’s Gallican Backers and Jesuit Opponents. Part III: The Continuation of the Controversy 1631–c. 1643." Recusant History 20, no. 2 (1990): 164–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200005343.

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When he arrived in France in the summer of 1631 Smith began to give all the help he could to the French writers who had taken up his cause. In doing so he put himself in a very delicate position as a member of Richelieu’s household for he was exacerbating the dissensions in the French Church that the Cardinal was intent upon healing because they posed a threat to national unity. Moreover, the writer to whom Smith chiefly looked for support, the Abbé de Saint-Cyran, was soon to become, for reasons partly political and partly doctrinal, the object of Richelieu’s implacable hostility. Smith had to proceed with great caution if he were not to lose the extraordinary advantages that the Cardinal’s patronage brought him. I propose now to follow the controversy as it developed in France during the 1630s, illustrating Smith’s rôle in it mainly from his private correspondence preserved among the papers of the English secular clergy in the archives of the Archdiocese of Westminster. The dossier is far from complete but enough has survived to allow us to trace with reasonable clarity moves that would otherwise have been totally obscure. The greater part of it consists of letters from Smith to the clergy’s Agent at Rome, Peter Fitton, between 1631 and 1634 (after which there is a gap in this series), and from Smith to the Secretary of the clergy in London, John Southcote, from 1631 until the latter’s death in 1637. There are also a number of letters from Southcote to Smith and to Fitton between 1631 and 1637, and a few to Smith from other members of the clergy, in particular Anthony Champney, formerly Vice-President of the English College at Douai and now chaplain to the English Benedictine nuns at Brussels. After 1637 the correspondence still extant becomes very sparse.

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Супрун, Сергей Валентинович. "The History of the Divine Service to All Russian Saints." Праксис, no. 2(2) (September 15, 2019): 190–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2658-6517-2020-2-2-190-209.

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В данной статье автор рассматривает историю службы Всем русским святым с момента её возникновения до настоящего времени. Созданная в середине XVI века насельником Суздальского Спасо-Евфимиева монастыря иноком Григорием, служба пережила долгие годы забвения, которые пришлись на Синодальный период истории Русской Церкви. Она возродилась на Поместном Соборе 1917-1918 годов благодаря стараниям профессора Петроградского университета Бориса Александровича Тураева. На протяжении многих лет служба совершенствовалась и дополнялась святителем Афанасием (Сахаровым) и другими русскими гимнографами. Впервые возрождённая служба Всем русским святым была опубликована к моменту закрытия Поместного Собора в 1918 году. Следующее её издание с «политическими» правками вышло в 1946 году после окончания Великой Отечественной войны. В 1987 году, к 1000-летию Крещения Руси, в майской Минее был напечатан текст данной службы, который использовался за богослужением до 2015 года, после чего постановлением Священного Синода был в очередной раз отредактирован. Служба Всем святым, в земле Русской просиявшим, несомненно является самым замечательным произведением русской гимнографии XX века, и ознакомление с её историей позволит читателю лучше понять смысл не только данного последования, но и самого праздника Всех Русских святых. In this article the author considers the history of the divine service to All Russian Saints since its beginning until present time. The divine service, created in the middle of the 16 century by Grigoriy, a monk of Suzdal the Saviour Monastery of Saint Euthymius, had been in oblivion for many years, during the Synodal period of the Russian Church history and was reborn at the 1917-1918 Church Council due to efforts of Boris Aleksandrovich Turaev. Since the Council it has been improved and complemented by St Afanasiy (Sakharov) and other hymnographers for many years. In 1918 the close of the Church Council saw the first publication of the text of the divine service to All Russian Saints. Its next «politically» edited option was published in 1946 after the Great Patriotic war. In 1987, in commemoration of the 1000th anniversary of Russian Baptism, the text was published in May Mineya. The text had been used for worship until 2015. Later it was once again edited by the decision of the Holy Synod.The divine service to All the Saints, whose light shone forth in Russian land, is undoubtedly the most remarkable work of Russian hymnography of the 20th century. The acquaintance with its history allows the reader to understand the sense of not only this service order, but also the Feast itself.

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Aguilar, Filomeno. "Rice, Culture and Ideology." Beacon: Journal for Studying Ideologies and Mental Dimensions 4, no. 1 (2021): 010320377. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.5119861.

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The role of rice in Filipino culture, religious worship and everyday life of Filipinos altered dramatically throughout the Philippines history. I study several cultural practices that demonstrate that change. My paper also focusses on the inclusion of rice in a new “anti-Green Revolution” ideology promoted now in the Philippines society by elites and traditionalists. The article includes a detailed analysis of trends in rice consumption. That  numerical analysis helps to understand the place and role of rice in Filipino culture through everyday nutrition patterns.   In the pre-conquest period, rice was not only regarded as an elite food or marker of social, ecological, and geographic differentiation, but also as a magical element of culture that was deeply involved in magical and occult practices of the islanders of the archipelago. The conductors of pagan rituals included only women and men could not participate in rice harvesting even in the situation of reaper amount insufficiency. Harvesting was involved in the system of beliefs in spirits and ghosts of fields and local islanders’ cosmology. The set of beliefs even included specific “rice ghosts” which “reside” in rice panicles. The remainder of this pre-colonial ancient tradition can be traced even today among the Bontok people.   With the advent of Spaniards and Roman Catholicism to the archipelago, occult traditions and magical rituals gradually subsided, but rice continued to be a highly esteemed food and element of culture.   Since the late eighteenth to the 1870s rice became an export product of the Philippines. It was a short period of the Philippines history when the Filipinos treated rice as a production commodity, not as a consumable good. However, throughout the main part of the archipelago’s history rice was regarded a consumer product whose consumption reflected the stratification of Filipino society. This is a crucial feature of rice sociology that may help to understand many aspects of rice as a cultural artefact in the Philippines, both in history and modern society.   E.g., modern Pahiyas festival in Quezon Province held during celebrating the feast of San Isidro Labrador, the patron saint of farmers, may be viewed as an invented tradition. It did not exist in historical past but it is sustained now by a lot of Filipinos and local administration to enhance the local attractiveness for foreign tourists. Transformation of the Pahiyas from community celebration to ostentatious cultural performance entails argumentation between traditionalists that stress importance of rice as an ancient sacred thing and modernists that treat the feast as a purely secular show. In addition to Pahiyas, rice is still regarded as a cultural artefact by many Filipinos. It is a symbol of prosperity and Heaven’s grace, especially at wedding ceremonies and house-warming celebrations.   The emergence of “organic rice” farming is a proof of continuing trend to regard rice as a distinctive sign of social stratification. Besides, it acquires traits of ideology aimed against total equality programme brought about by the Green Revolution. Among a group of scientists, community workers and farmers called MASIPAG (Magsasaka at Seyentipiko Para sa Ikauunlad ng Agham Pang-agrikultura), organic rice farming was initiated as a form of resistance against the Green Revolution and as a way of bringing back "traditional" farming practices. The Green Revolution scenario with its motto feed everyone that came after the notorious famine substituted low-quality cheap rice for the great variety of rice grades grown earlier. Organic rice planting is, therefore, an attempt to revive the old traditions and inscribe them into modern Filipino culture.

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Farbaky, Péter. "Neapolitan Cardinal in Early Renaissance Hungary •." Acta Historiae Artium 62, no. 1 (2022): 63–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/170.2021.00005.

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In recent years, international research has turned with renewed attention to the Hungarian early renaissance and the art patronage of King Matthias Corvinus. indeed, it was in Hungary that italian renaissance art first appeared outside the italian peninsula. in 1476, he married Beatrice, daughter of Ferdinando d’aragona (Ferrante), who brought to Buda a love of books and music she had inherited from her grandfather, alfonso d’aragona. the work of Beatrice’s brother, giovanni d’aragona, previously known mainly from thomas Haffner’s monograph on his library (1997), is presented here from the viewpoint of his influence on Matthias’s art patronage. Ferrante’s children, alfonso, Beatrice, and giovanni were educated by outstanding humanist teachers. giovanni acquired many church benefices, and when Pope sixtus iv created him cardinal at the age of twenty-one, he made a dazzling entrance to rome. John was – together with Marco Barbo, oliviero Carafa, and Francesco gonzaga – one of the principal contemporary patrons of the College of Cardinals.On 19 april 1479 the pope named him legatus a latere to support King Matthias’s planned crusade against the Porte. giovanni went from rome to Hungary via Ferrara and Milan with two noted humanists in his retinue: the encyclopedist raffaele Maffei (volaterranus) and Felice Feliciano, bookbinder and collector of roman inscriptions. He spent much of his eight-month stay in Hungary with Matthias and Beatrice, no doubt exerting a significant influence on them, particularly in the collecting of books. Matthias appointed his brother-in-law archbishop of esztergom, the highest clerical office in Hungary. leaving Hungary in July 1480, giovanni returned to rome via venice and Florence, where lorenzo de’ Medici showed him the most valuable works of art in his palace. giovanni was appointed legate to Hungary again by sixtus iv in september 1483, and – together with Francesco Fontana – he stayed in Buda and esztergom between october 1483 and June 1484. the royal couple presented him with silver church vessels, a gold chalice, vestments, and a miter.Giovanni’s patronage focused on book collecting and building. He spent an annual sum of six thousand ducats on his library, and his acquisitions included contemporary architectural treatises by alberti and Filarete. it was around the time he was in Buda – between 1479 and 1481 – that the first large-format luxury codices were made for Matthias and Beatrice by the excellent Florentine miniaturist, Francesco rosselli. in rome, giovanni (and Francesco gonzaga) employed the Paduan illuminator gaspare da Padova, and his example encouraged Matthias and Beatrice to commission all’antica codices. anthony Hobson has detected a link between Queen Beatrice’s Psalterium and the livius codex copied for giovanni: both were bound by Felice Feliciano, who came to Hungary with the Cardinal. Feliciano’s probable involvement with the erlangen Bible (in the final period of his work, probably in Buda) may therefore be an important outcome of the art-patronage connections between giovanni and the king of Hungary.A passion for building was something else that giovanni shared with Matthias. He built a palace for himself in the monastery of Montevergine and another near Montecassino, of which he was abbot. He also built the villa la Conigliera in Naples. Matthias’ interest in architecture is much mentioned in antonio Bonfini’s history of Hungary, but only fragments of his monumental constructions, which included the renaissance villa Marmorea in the gardens to the west of the royal Palace of Buda, have survived.Giovanni and Matthias also had a connection through the famous Milan goldsmith Cristoforo Foppa (Caradosso), whose workshop was located in giovanni’s palace in rome. after his patron’s death in autumn 1485, he attempted to sell a – subsequently famous – silver salt cellar he had been unable to complete. it may also have been at the Cardinal’s recommendation that Matthias invited Caradosso to Buda for a several-month stay in 1489/90, during which he made silver tableware and possibly – together with three other lombardian goldsmiths who were there at the time – the lower part of the magnificent Matthias Calvary.Further items in the metalware category are our patrons’ seal matrices. My research has uncovered two smaller seals, both with the arms of the House of aragon at the center, that belonged to giovanni d’aragona. one, dating from 1473, is held in the archives of the Benedictine abbey of Montecassino. the other was made after he was created cardinal in late 1477 (it is held in Hungarian National archives). He also had an elaborate prelate’s seal matrix made in the early renaissance style, of which impressions survive on the documents in the archivio apostolico vaticano and the esztergom Primatial archive. at the center of the mandorla-shaped field, sitting on a throne, is the virgin Mary (Madonna lactans type) together with two intervening standing saint figures whose identification requires further research. Beneath it is the cardinal’s coat of arms crowned with a hat. it may date from the time of Caradosso’s first presumed stay in rome (1475–1479), suggesting him as the maker of the matrix, although to my knowledge there is no further evidence for this. the seals of King Matthias have been thoroughly studied, and the form and use of each type have been almost fully established.Giovanni d’aragona was buried in rome, in his titular church, the Dominican Basilica of santa sabina. Johannes Burckard described the funeral procession from the palace to the aventine in his Liber notarum. Matthias died in the vienna Burg, a residence he had only just taken up, in 1490. His body was taken in grand procession to Buda and subsequently to Fehérvár Basilica, the traditional burial place of Hungarian kings. the careers of giovanni and Matthias, full of military, political and ecclesiastical accomplishments, were thus both cut short. the great works of art they engendered, however, mark them out as highly influential patrons of renaissance art and humanist culture.

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ვაშალომიძე, გიორგი. "ნათლისღების იკონოგრაფია და მისი საღვთისმეტყველო – სახისმეტყველებითი ასპექტები". სჯანი 25 (18 жовтня 2024): 117–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.62119/sjn.25.2024.8109.

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The topic we present in this article is the iconography of the Baptism and its theological and typological aspects. It suggests discussion of the iconographic representation of this event. As is known, iconography is one of the most important means of communicating with God. According to the teachings of the Church, the basis of the veneration of icons is the Incarnation of the Second Person (Hypostasis) of the Holy Trinity. As a result of the Incarnation of God the Son, the invisible God became visible, the basis of which is the Incarnation of God. Iconography found its origin in the early Christian era. As it is well known, the Roman Empire was the center of the establishment of Christianity as a religion. Israel, where the Saviour lived and executed His ministry, was then under the rule of the Roman Empire. In those times, a large part of society was illiterate. Therefore, iconography was of great importance. In fact, it acquired the essence of “visual theology“. According to the Church Teaching, veneration of an icon does not mean veneration of the paint and material, but that of the image depicted on it. Saint John of Damascus says: “Veneration of an icon ascends to the prototype of its image “. In this regard, it was particularly important to illustrate the events of the Gospel. As is known, it is the book bearing great significance in the Christian Church, for it contains events related to the ministry of the Incarnate God in this world. Therefore, it is the most important duty of a Christian to know its content, which is why, in Christian iconography, special attention was drawn to the portrayal of the events of the Gospel. The Baptism of Jesus Christ is one of the most important events. As is known, the Incarnate God was baptized at the age of thirty. It was the Saviour’s age when the most important period of His ministry in this world began. All the four evangelists give their accounts of the Baptism of the Incarnate God. The Baptism of Jesus Christ took place in the following way: One day the Saviour went to John the Baptist who baptized people in the Jordan River. John stopped Him and told Him that, conversely, he needed to be baptized by Him, to which Jesus Christ answered: “Let it be so now, it is proper for us to do this to fulfill all righteousness. “(Matthew 3:15). According to the Gospel, John “allowed“ the Saviour to come to him. The Lord went into the water and as He came up from it, the heavens were opened to Him and the Holy Spirit descended like a dove and the voice of the Father came from Heaven: “This is My beloved Son, in Whom I am well pleased. “(Matthew 3:17) The Baptism of Jesus Christ is called the revelation of the Holy Trinity. The Holy Trinity was revealed in the following form: the Father, Whose voice was heard from Heaven, the Son, Who was baptized in the Jordan River, and the Holy Spirit, Who in the form of a dove alighted upon the Lord. In addition, it must be noted that by going into the water of the Jordan River, Jesus Christ established baptism as a mystery. It is an interesting fact that in the iconography of the early Christian epoch, we come across episodes of deer who are drinking water greedily. For instance, in the 6th century iconography of the Baptism in the Catacomb of Pontian, we see a scene of deer drinking from the river. Almost the same image is depicted on the Bitchvinta mosaic. The iconography of the aforementioned image represents an illustration of the following words from the psalm: “As the deer pants for the water brooks, so pants my soul for You, O God“. (Psalm 42:1) According to the psalm, human beings should have a strong longing for deification, for being baptized. In the early representations of the Baptism, Jesus Christ is predominantly depicted as a Young Child. In later times, this depiction is replaced by the image of the Man. It is a known fact that the Saviour was baptized in an adult age, when He was thirty years old (below, this theme is discussed in detail). Why was the Lord portrayed as a Young Child in the era of early Christianity? This is a question that stirs up our interest. As is known, the Baptism is called in other words – “to be born again“. In the Gospel According to John, the Saviour says to Nicodemus: “Jesus answered and said to him, ‘Most assuredly, I say to you, unless one is born again, he cannot see the Kingdom of God.’ “(John 3:3) In the iconography of the Baptism, the depiction of the Saviour as a Young Child indicates the second, spiritual birth of a baptized person. According to the Church Teaching, an old man, burdened by sin, goes into the water and a new man, cleansed of guilt, is born anew and emerges from there. In the later period, the iconographic composition of the Baptism, which is known to everyone today, was formed. In the center of it, the Saviour stands in the Jordan River, John the Baptist is on His left side. He has put his right hand on the Saviour’s head. On the right side of Jesus Christ, there are angels who worship the Lord, bowing before Him. A dove descends from the sky above the Saviour’s head, which in many cases is accompanied by a beam that comes from above and is directed towards the image of the Saviour. The mentioned iconographic representation is fully consistent with the event described in the Gospel, according to which, while the Son of God was being baptized in the Jordan River, the Holy Spirit descended in the form of a dove and the voice of the Father was heard from Heaven. The significance of the Baptism as the revelation of the Holy Trinity is vividly shown in the image mentioned above. The Son is portrayed as the Man in the Jordan River, the Holy Spirit – in the form of a dove as described in the Gospel, and the Father – in the form of the beam which descends from the height of the Heaven and is followed by the dove. Particularly interesting is the latter. The iconography meticulously conveys the physical appearance of the Son and the Holy Spirit in the Gospel. Namely, the Son of God – in the form of a Man, the Holy Spirit – in the form of a dove. However, as we know, it is only possible to depict material forms (or nature), while it is not possible to do so with voices. Therefore, in this case, iconography uses the image of a beam, as the representation of the Father and His voice, which is directed to the Lord Who stands in the Jordan River. This beam is followed by the Holy Spirit, revealed in the form of a dove. The aforementioned is based on the corresponding exegesis, according to which, lest anyone should think that the voice coming from heaven belonged to someone else, the Holy Spirit in the form of a dove, emanating from the "Father's voice", alighted upon Jesus Christ in the Jordan River. In the composition of the iconography of the Baptism, a number of exegeses related to this feast day are represented. They are discussed in this article. As one of the examples of it, we offer the following: Until the 13th century, the Saviour was portrayed naked in the composition. In the later period, however, He was depicted with a loincloth around His waist. The naked image of Jesus Christ expresses the Gospel story, according to which He enters the Jordan River and receives Baptism. Apart from it, the expression of the naked Jesus Christ reflects several aspects of the relevant exegesis. By the nakedness of the Incarnate God, putting off the corruptible clothing of the human nature by a human being and his being endowed with divine grace are represented in iconography. As we learn from the book of "Genesis", God clothed with skin human beings who were cursed by Him because of their sin (Genesis 3:21). This is interpreted by exegetes in the language of typology as well: in particular, the human nature was deprived of God’s grace and was clothed with death, but at the Baptism, the nakedness of the Saviour released from death man clothed with sin, and endowed him again with divine grace. In the composition of the Baptism, we often come across the portrayal of the Cross. There are cases when the Cross in the form of a stele (stone-cross) is placed in the Jordan River. In some iconographic renderings, the Saviour stands on a cross-shaped pedestal, under which a snake (a serpent) is lying, and there are also other images of a snake in the Jordan River, on which the Saviour stands and vanquishes it. The inclusion of the images of the Cross and the snake (serpent) in the composition of the Baptism is based on the theological teaching that Christ defeated death with the Cross; the mystery of baptism, which was instituted by the Saviour when He was baptized in the Jordan River has the following essence: when a person is baptized, the old man dies and a new man, cleansed of sins, is born again and emerges from the water. Exegetical and homiletic works clearly attest that iconography of the Baptism encompasses various theological and typological aspects. Not only the Gospel story of the Baptism, but also its exegesis is conveyed in it. Apart from it, the teaching about the significance of baptism as a Church mystery is also evident in it. It can be said that each rendering of the aforementioned iconography not only recounts the Baptism of Jesus Christ, but also calls those who look at it to receive baptism and start a new life.

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C., Alex Rajakumar Paul, and K. Premkumar Dr. "SONGS AND MUSIC - AS EXPRESSIVE THERAPY IN SHAKESPEARE'S PLAY "THE WINTER'S TALE"." International Journal of Computational Research and Development 1, no. 1 (2017): 188–91. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.230716.

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The Winter’s Tale is a great tragic comedy. It is a comedy hovering on the brinks of tragedy. It includes conflicts within friends, family and generations. It is a romantic play with unique dramatic structure. It is expressed in a brilliant two part structure. While commenting in the structure of the play, the Director Martin Maraden points out: To create the two different worlds of Sicilia and Bohemia and yet to have them seem necessary to each other is one of the challenges of The Winter’s Tale. I think the contrast in the play makes perfect sense, we begin in Sicilia, we sojourn in Bohemia… (James Deborah, 2002.) The first part of the structure is Sicilia kingdom ruled by King Leontes. King Polixenes, the king of Bohemia is visiting King Leontes who happens to be his friend and decides to leave Sicilia after his visit. Leontes tries to convince Polixenes to stay for longer. But Polixenes refuses and when Leontes’ queen Hermione requests him, he accepts to stay a little longer in Sicilia. So Leontes is seized with jealousy over their relationship in the first three Acts of the play which leads into series of events those results in the death of his wife Hermione and his son Mamillus. In a fit of jealousy he abandons his other baby with the help of Antigonus on the coast of Bohemia. To introduce the next part or structure of the play and make it convincing to the Elizabethan audience “Time” enters as chorus and announces the passage of sixteen years. I that please some, try all: both joy and tenor Of good and bad, it makes and unfold error, Now take upon me, in the name of Time, To use my wings, Impute is not a crime To me, or my swift passage, that I Over sixteen years, and leave slide the growth untried Of that wide gap, ……..(Act IV, Sc – i) Shakespeare leaving Leontes, who mourns the result of the foolish jealousies, who shuts himself away from human company transports the audience through this chorus of Time to comical events after sixteen years. Lauchen Maclean Watt commenting on the function of chorus in his article, “Attic and Elizabethan Tragedy”, he deducts that: …Here was something intensely human, yet super human. Here was a meaning given to what was beyond all meaning, a light cast over what must forever remain dark beyond all penetration. Thus the poet of tragedy produces an ecstasy. He draws men out of themselves - lofts their souls up to the applauding and the tearful eye, which are his certificates of success. So, indicating the loftiness of his calling as prophetic criticism and interpretation of life, the utterance of his creation must move along in loftier majestic cadence than the huckster’s cry or utterance of the streets; and the lyrical comment of some ideal spectator may well intervene to give spaces when the pent up feeling of actor and of audience must have relief and rest. This was the function of the chorus – one of the most remarkable adjuncts of any literary criticism (Watt, Lauchian Madeon, 1908.) Shakespeare uses ‘Time’ as chorus, a spectator, who lifts the curtains after the tragic events of the first three acts of the play revealing the progress of the invisible, leading the audience on the side of good, to the romantic beauty of the couple, Prince Florizel and Princess Perdita and also to the pastoral beauty of the land. The author uses this musical convention in furtherance of dramatic resolution and functions as an expressive therapy attributing cathartic effect of healing the mental state of the characters, empowering an atmospheric change through songs and music in the second part of the structure of the play. As the critic Lauchian Maclean Watt points out this Chorus of Time heals and gives relief and rest to the pent up feeling of actors and audience. For the Elizabethan, music was either a performing art or composition or a philosophical concept or all three according to critic Christopher R. Wilson and Michela Calore. In many of his comedies Shakespeare has introduced songs which not only increase the entertainment value of the comedies, provide dramatic relief after tragic stress and strain, but are also intimately related with the action of the play. In the other place of Shakespeare the songs are mainly provided by the clown ‘the fun maker’ of the play, in The Winter’s Tale they are provided by Autolycus, ‘the merry rogue’, who sings in order to attract the simple rustics to purchase his wares. In this paper the researcher discusses the use of music therapy as expressive therapy in the songs and music of Shakespeare’s play The Winter’s Tale. The American music therapy defines music therapy which uses music to effective positive changes in the psychological, physical, cognitive, or social functioning of individuals with health or educational problems. The role of music therapy as expressive therapy in drama is the scope of the researcher. While elucidating about Drama Therapy in his book on “Essay in drama therapy – The Double Life”, the author says ‘As a field, drama therapy is a hybrid’ (P.1) and to achieve therapeutic goals of symptom, relief, emotional and physical integration and personal growth. It is an active approach that helps the client to tell his story to solve problem, achieve catharsis, and extend the depth and breath of inner experience, understanding the meaning of images and strengthen the ability to observe personal roles while increasing flexibility between roles. In The Winter’s Tale, an analyses of the roles of songs and music will reveal that how they are expressed to prevent or resolve psychological difficulties and achieve optimal growth and development in the characters. R. J. Martin in his article ‘Music in Shakespeare: the bard’s innovative use of music as a dramatic tool’ has deducted, the use of songs and music by Shakespeare, under four categories. Music in Shakespeare usually serves multiple purposes. Attempting to categorize songs by the purpose they serve presents challenges as the musical selection often fit into more than one category. Terms like: “Revelatory songs,” “Ritualistic songs,” “Epiphantic songs” and “Atmospheric songs,” often fall short in describing the full depth of playwright purpose in choosing a musical passage.(Martin R.J) And Music is all important in the second part of the play. The scenes of the sheep rearing feast in Act IV are used by Shakespeare to present those human values which Leontes had vanished from his court: love, joy, trust, hospitality, good fellowship. And also there are dialogues between the peddler and clown with his girlfriends, Mopsa and Dorcas about songs and ballads. It contains a large quantity of the history of songs in the sixteenth century and is one of the most important to be found in Shakespeare. Shakespeare introduces Autolycus- a merry rogue and a vagabond. The ballads he tries to sell off to the clown and his lovers describe the situation of the ballad, but they are used for the dramatic progression of the play.. As again the Critic In the Act IV, Sc iv line 190-199 the servant of the clown announces of peddler name Autolycus at the door who sings to sell his items to people: SERVANT: He hath songs for man or woman, of all sizes no milliner so can fit his customers with gloves : he has the prettiest love songs for maids, so without bawdry (which is strange); with such delicate burdens of dildoes and fadings, jump her and thump her; and where some stretch - mouth rascal would, as it were, mean mischief and break a foul gap into the matter, he makes the maid to answer “whoop, do me no harm, good man:” puts him off, slights him with ‘whoop, do me no harm, good man.’ (Act IV Sc I lines 190-199). Autolycus has important artistic function in the play, apart function from his share in the plot, His worldliness, wit and songs bring relaxation and relief of his dramatic value Martin points out that “Shakespeare certainly believed in the power of music as a healing force and in its power to influence nature- the idea of the ‘music of the spheres’ and the effect of both heavenly and earthly harmonies on the wellness of the human spirit.” (Sumonova) Autolycus, the merry rogue enter the play in Act IV scene iii with a song which begins when daffodils begin to peer with heigh; the doxy over the dale, why, then comes to the sweet the year for the red blood reigns in the winter’s pale (Act Iv Sci II) reigns supreme, some of the poetically most memorable allusions are to spring - the spring embodied by the young lovers, which, in the play’s symbolic pattern, takes the place of the long wintry period established by Leontes. Especially the line ‘For the red blood reigns in the winter’s pale ie the boundaries, the domain of winter; the line sums up the basic progression of the play. All the sweet sights and sounds of the country side in the first blush of spring are beautifully touched upon. These songs can be categorized under the ‘Atmospheric songs’ as they promote the feelings of audience from cold, sad and frozen because of the tragic events of the earlier parts of the play to fresh, purely romantic spring part of the second structure of the play. Revelatory songs serve the purpose of understanding character’s personality. In the second stanza of the song of ‘when daffodils….’ He cleverly hints at his profession of his cheating and stealing. It summarizes that the white linen spread out to bleach or to dry on the hedge, while the sweet birds sing merrily, increases his desire for stealing. A quart of ale that he gets from the sale of the stolen linen is as precious to him as a peg of costly wine fit for King. The white sheet bleaching on the hedge With hey! The sweet birds. O how they sing? Doth set my pugging tooth an edge; For a quart of ale is a dish for a King. (Act IV Sc iii) In this song of enjoyment of Spring by Autolycus is then followed by certain soliloquizing disclosure of his antecedents and of his present cogitation. He also justifies himself and his profession in the second song. If tinkers may have leave to live, And bear the sow – skin budget, Then my account I well may give, And in the stocks avouch it. (Act IV Sc iii) He argues that if tinkers are allowed to trade and carry their tools in their pig-skin bags, then there is no reason why he should not be free to ply his trade of stealing. He attempts to moralize his occupation saying that there is no reason why he should not be able to give an account of his occupation and assert that it is as honest as that of a tinker and, therefore, get released from the stocks. The third song is more typical of a ‘revelatory’ song of a vagabond. He formulates a romantic philosophy of tramping: Jog on, Jog on, the foot – pathway, And merrily hent the stile – a: A merry heart goes all the day, Your sad tires in a mile – a. (Act IV Sc iii) These revelatory songs of the merry rogue serve as an expressive therapy for the dramatist for he had to introduce a character who can bring merry to the characters and to the audience by his songs. Simple dialogues may not have suited him for he is involved in the immoral activities of cheating and thieving , the audience must have turned wild with laughter and characters were able to have some more fun in sheep shearing ceremony. In the next scene of sheep shearing ceremony Autolycus is introduced by the servant of the Clown as one who sings of his wares with thorough sense of enjoyment, over and above his merely commercial motives in the promotion of the quickest sale of ‘trinkets’, etc., which articles, as the servant afterwards declares, he sings over as if they were Gods and Goddesses. So the audience has a revelation of the character Autolycus about his vocal qualities and that he is a true artist not only in his most questionable doings but musically also as far as his style of song is concerned. The following songs in Act IV Sc iv (1) ‘Lawns as white as driven snow Get you hence, for I must go Will you buy any tape?’ reveal that Autolycus sings his song with just the right feeling, and does not merely announce his wares but actually makes people fall in love with them. When he puts forth what he designates as being a merry ballad, but a very pretty ‘One’ and which ballad he tells Dorcas and Mopsa that he will have a part in it, his answer is notable. He is indeed a most roguish Peddler, but he is also right willing to sing for singing’s sake. He joyfully exclaims, ‘I can bear my part; you must know,’ its my occupation, have at it with you”. (Act IV, Sc iv, line 285). The Songs in The Winter’s Tale are highly realistic. They are songs of practical life and experience: They have direct merry roguishness. Instrumental Music The idea of music in all of Shakespeare’s plays except in 3 Henry IV and King John practical instrumental indicate in stage directions and dialogue to mark the solemnity of specific occasions. In the play ‘The Winter’s Tale’ there is a stage direction for music in the shepherd’s dance Act IV Sc iv and for the awakening of Hermione in Act V Sc iii and there is no stage decoration for the dance of Satyrs at the sheep - shearing feast. The music that accompanies the dance of the shepherds must be ritualistic to denote the sheep shearing ceremony. We comprehend the ceremonial activities from the words of the shepherd who explains how his wife would behave on these sheep shearing ceremonies. He says “Would sing her song and dance her turn; now here/on his shoulder, and his/……” (Act IV Sc iv lines 57 – 58). The ritualistic music and dance awakens Perdita from her romantic mood to behave as the hostess of the family. As Martin says in his commentary that “Ritualistic Songs” are used for in casting, magical and ceremonial purposes, these songs are ceremonial in purpose and a music therapy to change the pessimistic mood between Florizel and Perdita. The dance of Satyrs by the troupe from Polixenes words in reply to shepherd that it is an entertainment or refreshing dance after boredom of monotony. They dance and no music direction is given. The wordings of the Songs are not given, the suggestion probably is that the troupe could sing any song or play any music to suit the time, place or audience were the play is acted. Since music in Shakespeare’s plays is also used in light - hearted contexts and for a lively repartee. The fourth kind of song or music as discussed by the critic Martin is ‘epithantic’ uses of Music as employed to announce an epiphany. An excellent example is in the last Act and last scene of the play The Winter’s Tale which is called the statue- scene by critics. This wonderful scene been highly eulogized, with few exceptions, by all the critics of Shakespeare. Leontes has faithfully kept his vow and done a ‘most saint – like penance’ for full sixteen years. In the last scene all the characters are taken by Leontes to the statue of Hermione. Leontes gazes, “recognizes Hermione’s natural posture”, asks her to chide him, yet remembers how she was tender ‘as infancy and grace’. Sweet though the statue be, it remains cold and withdrawn yet it’s ‘majesty’ exerts a strangely potent ‘magic’ before which Perdita kneels almost in ‘superstition’. Audience witnesses the rebirth of Leontes. In Perdita, on the other hand, the vision produces the first move towards reconciliation: binding together mother and daughter in the single process of recreated life. Paulina’s command in the last scene (Act V Sc iii) “Music awake her; strike!” and to the surprise of all characters on stage, what appears to be a statue of Hermione starts to walk to the sound of music. Christopher R. Wilson and Michela Calore in their book on Music in Shakespeare a dictionary (2007) have appropriately quoted Dunn “the use of music here could be considered…. as a typical use of musical instrumentalist to underscore a dramatic climax. But it is, of course, as an example of music’s restorative powers that it gains it chief importance” (299). This resuscitation scene is a fair example how Shakespeare used the sense of temporal impermanence to overcome the present in the reference to the filling up of grave. With Leontes and Hermione finally embraced to the wonder of those who surround them, it only remains for the play to be rounded off by the gesture by which the family unity is finally restored and in which the father bestows his blessings. Hence, though music was being used from Greek drama “Shakespeare facilitated a paradigm shift in the way that music was used”. “In conclusion Shakespeare intended music in his plays to encompass a larger role than simply an interruption or distraction; he carefully inserted the music in support of his overall dramatic goals for the work.” (Sumanova.com).

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Marina, Toumpouri. "Monastery of Mega Spilaion." Database of Religious History, June 27, 2024. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12574766.

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The Monastery of Mega Spilaion (meaning "great cave" in Greek) was formally known as the Monastery of the Dormition of the Theotokos (in Greek Ιερά Μονή Κοιμήσεως της Θεοτόκου). It is hewn to the west side of mount Chelmos at an altitude of 900 m over the steep Vouraikos gorge, some 11 km from the town of Kalavryta, in Peloponnese, southern Greece. The cave was known in antiquity, since the geographer Pausanias was reporting that the daughters of Proetus found refuge there during their madness. During the first Christian centuries, hermits have occupied the cave. Mega Spilaion is one of the oldest monasteries in Greece, and according to tradition it was founded in 362 by the brothers Symeon and Theodore from Thessaloniki, who discovered in a cave the icon of the Theotokos. They were guided by Euphrosyni, a young local shepherdess. The two brothers had previously lived as monks on Mount Athos and went to pilgrimage to Jerusalem and Sinai, prior to arriving to the cave and finding the icon. The icon of the Mother of God (Panagia Megalospilaiotissa, meaning "Virgin of the Great Cave" in Greek) is an important relic, since it is believed that this was the first depiction of Virgin Mary painted by Apostle and Evangelist Luke, brought with him during his mission in the Peloponnese. Furthermore, according to Byzantine historians and the imperial chrysobull issued to the Monastery of Mega Spilaion, Apostle Luke wrote his Gospel in the same cave fifteen years after the Ascension of Christ. It was suggested that Theophilus to whom the Gospel of Luke and the Acts of the Apostles are addressed may have been the governor of the region, where the Monastery is located. The history of the Monastery under Byzantine and Latin rule is quite obscure. It gained prominence from about 1354 onwards, when it served as the residence of the Orthodox Bishop of Patras, since the city was occupied by the Latins, and hence became the seat of the Latin Archbishopric. The monastic complex suffered large-scale destructions in 849 during Iconoclasm, in 1400, and 1640, when it was comprehensively rebuilt, since the fire destroyed the auxiliary buildings and important number of liturgical objects and artefacts. The katholikon (main church) of the Monastery was preserved until 1934, when it was burned. It was repaired in 1937. In 1943, the German troops pillaged it and executed 22 persons (monks, pilgrims and workers). New buildings were built after the Second World War, which nowadays comprise an eight-storey complex set in the 120 metres high facade of the cliff. The Monastery was restored between 2003 and 2013. There are four more chapels: the first is where blessed Euphrosyni, the shepherdess was praying, and the other three are dedicated to Saint Catherine, Saint Luke of Steiris and the Taxiarchs. Outside the walls of the Monastery there are three more chapels dedicated to Saint Anthony, the Holy Trinity and chapel at the cemetery dedicated to All Saints. Above the Monastery at the top of the rock, where two towers were built during the war for liberation from the Ottomans, there are two more chapels: the first is dedicated to Saint Luke and the other to the Ascension of Jesus Christ. The 17th-century katholikon is decorated with frescoes and has mosaic flooring and a bronze door with relief decoration. At the museum of the Monastery are exhibited important liturgical objects and artefacts, while an important number of relics, including those of its two founders and the shepherdess, blessed Euphrosyni, are kept in a special hall. Mega Spilaion operates as a male Monastery and officially celebrates the feast of the Dormition of Virgin Mary (15 August), the feast of the Elevation of the Holy Cross (14 September), since it holds a piece of the Cross of Jesus Christ, and finally on the 18th of October, the feast of the founders of the Monastery and of Apostle Luke the Evangelist, to whom is attributed the venerated icon of the Mother of God.

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Ruiz, Jiménez Juan. "Danzas populares en Vitigudino (1589)." Paisajes sonoros históricos (c.1200-c.1800), December 16, 2023. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10395353.

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En 1589, los mozos de la villa de Vitigudino (Salamanca) establecen un concierto por un año con el tamborilero Sebastián Martín para que acompañara los bailes de dichos mozos todos los domingos y principales fiestas del año, así como para tañer en la celebración de sus desposorios. In 1589, the young men of the town of Vitigudino (Salamanca) established a one-year contract with the pipe and tabor Sebastián Martín to accompany the dances of the said young men every Sunday and main festivities of the year, as well as to play at the celebration of their nuptials.

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Ruiz, Jiménez Juan. "Capilla de música en la iglesia de Nuestra Señora de la Encarnación de Íllora (1636-1674)." Paisajes sonoros históricos (c.1200-c.1800), December 15, 2023. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10392119.

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Las agrupaciones musicales existentes en pequeños núcleos de población son todavía muy poco conocidas. Desempeñaban un importante papel en la solemnización de las festividades cívico-religiosas patrocinadas por el cabildo municipal y las principales corporaciones y establecimientos sacros que existían en ellos, así como en los asentamientos urbanos próximos que carecían de esos efectivos musicales. The existing musical groups in small population centers are still very little known. They played an important role in the solemnization of civic-religious festivities sponsored by the municipal council and the main corporations and sacred establishments that existed in them, as well as in the nearby urban settlements that lacked those musical forces.

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Mouchard, F. "Hagiographic cycle of St. George in «Great Menaion» by Demetrius of Rostov." September 8, 2020. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4018469.

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The present paper deals with the Great Menologion of Demetrius, of Ukrainian background, Metropolitan of Rostov and Jaroslavl′ (1701–1709). It proposes an analysis of the hagiographical cycle devoted to St. George the Megalomartyr (whose feast falls on April 23th), included in the third volume of the Menaion. It includes a long narrative with legendary overtones relating the confrontation between the saint and Emperor Diocletian at the time of the last great persecution of pagan Rome, and also seven stories of post-mortem miracles performed by the saint, including the well-known legend about how George slew a dragon to rescue a princess and her city. Demetrius’ text is shown to rely heavily, on the one hand, on traditional Slavic hagiographical material, that is the Great Menaion of Metropolitan Macarius of Moscow from the sixteenth century (itself a compilation of the whole hagiographic tradition of ancient Rus′), and on the other also from Latin sources, the main one being Laurentius Surius’ hagiographical compilation and the then-published volumes of the Acta Sanctorum compilation. His own text is merely a rewriting of both theses sources; it can be shown that Demetrius relies more on the Latin text than on the Slavonic one. But Demetrius, although his work is largely a reworking and translation of previous texts, can be shown to have used a wide range of poetic and rhetorical devices (including, beyond the usual tropes that make almost every Church Slavonic text a kind of poetic prose, a system of metaphors and comparisons underlying the whole cycle, giving it a unique coherence). Thus Demetrius has managed to make this hagiographic compilation an authentic work of his own, his main guideline being obviously a creative fidelity to Orthodox church tradition.  

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Bardik, Maryna. "Baroque Painting of Great Pechersk Church: Unknown Compositions and Spatial Pauses." NATIONAL ACADEMY OF MANAGERIAL STAFF OF CULTURE AND ARTS HERALD, no. 2 (September 3, 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.32461/2226-3209.2.2023.286880.

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The purpose of the article is to present the visual sources of the original Baroque mural paintings of the Dormition Cathedral, as well as to discover the reason for the absence of murals in some compartments of the upper tier before 1843. The research methodology is based on historical, cultural analysis, and art study analysis. Scientific novelty. The author specifies which compartments of the upper tier in the Great Church (Dormition Cathedral) remained without paintings until the 1840s. The reason (the confidentiality of preservation of the Lavra treasury) for which these compartments were not painted in the late 1720s-1730, in 1772-1777 is established. The author reveals and attributes the compositions of the original Baroque decoration of the Church painted in the late 1720s-1730, and conducted the art historical analysis. Conclusions. According to archival documents, the upper side-altars of the Saint Apostle Andrew the First Called (altar part), of the Transfiguration of the Lord (altar part), of the Venerable Anthony of Pechersk and of the Venerable Theodosius of Pechersk were not painted in the 18th century. The absence of murals in these compartments was due to the will to have secret places to keep the Lavra treasures. Fragments of the compositions in the photos (1898; the collection at the National Preserve “Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra”) are murals of the Great Church of the late 1720s – 1730. Key words: sacral culture, Orthodoxy, sacral mural painting, Ukrainian Baroque painting, Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra, Dormition Cathedral.

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Vasiliauskienė, Aušra. "The Iconography of the Altars of St Trinity Church of the Former Bernardine Convent in Kaunas from Seventeenth Century to 1864: The Outline of Research." Menotyra 27, no. 4 (2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.6001/menotyra.v27i4.4371.

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The article analyses the iconographic programme of the altars of St Trinity Church of the convent of former Bernardine nuns (Sisters of the Third Order of St Francis) in Kaunas until its closure in 1864 and reveals the expression of the spirituality of this order in the sacral art as far as the surviving few sources and heritage allow. In order to achieve the goal, the following objectives were established: (1) to reconstruct the old interior of the altar ensemble, (2) to reveal the most important peculiarities of the Bernardines’ spirituality, and (3) to highlight the logical connections between art and Bernardine spirituality in church art through the icono-theological approach. Scarce earliest sources indicate that the most venerated representation of the Virgin Mary and the relics of the True Cross were in the church in the first half of the seventeenth century, and the Feast of the Discovery and Exaltation of the Holy Cross was celebrated. These hints suggest that piety to the Crucifix and the Mother of God was prevalent at that time. The cult of the Crucifix is associated with the common origin of Franciscan religious devotion, which encourages following the example of St Francis by contemplating the suffering of Jesus Christ. Also, it is not difficult to infer that based on the name of the church, the high altar should have been dedicated to the Holy Trinity; therefore, there should have been appropriate piety practices. It is believed that the fraternity of the Holy Trinity was active from the time of the completion of the church. The main accents of iconography of the altars of the Bernardine Church in Kaunas were formed after the disasters in the mid-seventeenth century, the last fire in 1668. The Holy Trinity was the dominant accent of piety. A painting dated to the early eighteenth century that reflects the post-Tridentine recommendations for visual arts decorated the high altar of the same name. In the early eighteenth century, the exceptional piety to St Joseph also gains prominence: in 1703, the fraternity of St. Joseph was established and a separate altar was dedicated to this saint. The feasts of the Holy Trinity and St Joseph were celebrated. It is believed that the Bernardine nuns in Vilnius, who had settled in the city a little earlier, influenced the piety to the Holy Trinity. A highly developed and majestic iconography distinguished their high altar, visually emphasising the figure of the Crucifix. The exceptional piety of the Bernardine nuns of Krakow to St Joseph influenced the cult of this saint. The first Bernardine nuns came to Lithuania from Krakow and, without doubt, the Lithuanian nuns must have kept in touch with the nuns from Krakow. Devotion to the Virgin Mary and the Crucifix was further developed. Two altars in the church were dedicated to the Mother of God (Mary, Consoler of the Afflicted and Our Lady of Sorrows); also, there were altars of Jesus at the Pillar and the Crucifix. The relics of the True Cross preserved and venerated in the altar of the Crucifix are mentioned from the first half of the seventeenth century. The Feast of the Discovery and Exaltation of the Holy Cross was celebrated. The Bernardine nuns venerated the Franciscan saints and close followers and brothers of St Francis. This is confirmed by the altars of St Francis of Assisi (stigmatisation plot), St Clare, and St Anthony of Padua in the church. A closer study into the lives of the lesser-known saints who can be easily confused with other popular saints of the same name revealed a rich gallery of Franciscan saints, especially females, among them. Bernardine nuns had a separate altar and a feast dedicated to St Elizabeth of Hungary, the patron of the Third Order of St Francis and one of the most venerable followers of the example of St Francis’ life. In the context of other Bernardine monasteries in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the Bernardine nuns in Kaunas stood out for their veneration of this saint. Bernardine nuns also distinguished St Rose of Viterbo, St Agnes of Assisi, and St Barbara, whose cult is associated with active devotion of the Lithuanian Bernardines to this saint. The iconography of the Bernardine Church was influenced by the Convent of St George the Martyr in Kaunas, whose church was naturally richer and whose iconographic programme covered a broader spectrum. Interestingly, it also contained images or sculptures of all the above-mentioned saints associated with the Franciscan Observants, including the female saints lesser known to other communities of believers, while individual altars were dedicated to St Rose from Viterbo and St Barbara. The ensemble of church altars, which had been gradually evolving from the seventeenth century, and the practices of piety hardly changed until the closure of the convent in 1864. It is unfortunate that due to the lack of sources, many assumptions and questions remain, and one can only hope that further research into the interior of the church will lead to more discoveries.

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Samokhvalov, Igor M. "Introduction to the Sixth Edition of the JEVTM." Journal of Endovascular Resuscitation and Trauma Management 3, no. 2 (2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.26676/jevtm.v3i2.93.

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Dear Readers, Welcome to the sixth edition of the JEVTM! In 1866, the Great Russian surgeon and scientist Nikolai Pirogov wrote: “A new era for surgery will begin, if we can quickly and surely control the flow in a major artery without exploration and ligation”. This era has now arrived and it is called EVTM! Our mission has been to maximize the benefits of endovascular technologies for trauma and bleeding patients: from the first attempts of REBOA by Carl Hughes in the 1950s with hand-made aortic balloon occlusion catheters used in our department since the early 1990s to modern successful cases of out-of-hospital REBOA use in combat and civilian casualties for ruptured aneurysms, post-partum hemorrhage and trauma. In this edition, you will find articles related to a new strategy of damage control interventional radiology (DCIR), partial REBOA in elderly patients and in ruptured aortic aneurysms, thrombolysis for trauma-associated IVC thrombosis, simulation models for training of REBOA, contemporary utilization of Zone III REBOA and more. As a continuation of EVTM development, Russian surgeons, emergency physicians, anesthetists, and others will be involved in the world of EVTM, participating in expanding the horizons of trauma care and cultivating the endovascular mindset. Also published in this edition are some of the abstracts that will be presented at the EVTM conference in Russia, St. Petersburg (7/06/2019). More than 35 oral and 30 poster presentations will make this conference a scientific feast for our audience! By adopting these new techniques for bleeding management, we are following Pirogov’s motto – to achieve fast endovascular hemorrhage control – which can only be done as part of an interdisciplinary approach.  We look forward to seeing you in Saint Petersburg at the EVTM-Russia meeting! www.evtm.org

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Vorozhikhina, Ksenia V. "V.S. Soloviev Between Orthodoxy and Catholicity: Responses of Contemporaries." History of Philosophy, 2021, 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2074-5869-2021-26-2-35-45.

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The article is devoted to the foreign and Russian reception of theocratic utopia of V.S. Soloviev, presented in his French works “The Russian Idea”, “Saint Vladimir and Christian Politics”, “Russia and the Universal Church”. Soloviev’s theocratic project, which assumed the subordination of the Russian emperor to the pope and the reunion of the Orthodox and Catholic churches, aroused great interest abroad. His report “The Russian Idea”, dedicated to Russia’s mission to conciliate the two branches of Christianity, was enthusiastically received by the Catholic press and received many praise. The Russian philosopher was seen by Western critics as a new apostle, called to return the Orthodox to Catholic unity. However, the treatise “Russia and the Universal Church” turned out to be unacceptable for Catholics for its mysticism, Soloviev’s teachings about Sophia and creation seemed like a gnostic heresy. Abroad Soloviev’s ecclesiology, philosophy of history, his theocratic project, which in Russia were perceived as treason to Orthodoxy and as an anti-national utopia, were in demand. Despite the fact that the philosophical and religious foundations of his views were shared by many Soloviev’s French writings evoked an unfavorable impression in the government and the Holy Synod (K.P. Pobedonostsev), indignation and irritation of the Slavophils (I.S. Aksakov, S.F. Sharapov), the Pochvenniks (N.N. Strakhov) and conservative circles (L.A. Tikhomirov); Orthodox clergy (Nikolai (Kasatkin), Anthony (Khrapovitsky), Vladimir (Guettée)) spoke extremely negatively about them. The most favorable were the assessments of K.N. Leontiev and T.I. Filippov. The philosopher’s Russian followers embraced Soloviev’s metaphysics, sophiology, his doctrine of total unity, while in his theocratic aspirations the philosopher remained alone.

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Marina, Toumpouri. "The Orthodox Monasteries of Meteora." Database of Religious History, June 27, 2024. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12573677.

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Meteora (meaning "suspended in the air" in Greek) in the region of Thessaly (Greece), is a group of monasteries built on the summits of vertical sandstone formations, which average 300 m in height while several of them are reaching 550 m. From the 11th century onwards, hermits established their dwellings in the lesser peaks of the sandstones. They eventually formed a single monastic community, of which remains today the 12th century chapel of the Theotokos at the base of the pillar of Doupiani, after which the monastery was named. In the 14th century the Athonite monk Athanasios founded the first monastery built on a summit, the Great Meteoron. Meteora reached the peak of their prosperity in the 16th century. From the 24 monasteries that were built, only six are still functioning today, while the rest are in ruinous state. 1. The Great Meteoron: the church of the oldest and largest of the monasteries of Meteora built by Athanasios in the 14th century is dedicated to the Virgin, while cells for the monks were added later. The second church (the present katholikon) built in 1387-1388 by monk Ioasaph (the Serbian ruler of Thessaly and Epirus Jovan Uroš Nemanjić or John Ouresis Doukas Palaiologos). In 1544-1545 was built a new katholikon dedicated to the Transfiguration of Christ, to which the old church was integrated. It was decorated with frescoes in 1552. The successors of Athanasios expanded the monastery by adding more cells, a hospital, a chapel and renovated the two churches. 2. Varlaam Monastery: the name of the second largest monastery of Meteora comes from the monk who climbed the cliff and founded the monastery around 1350. Varlaam built in total three churches but after his death, the monastery was abandoned, until the beginning of the 16th century when the priest-monks Theophanes and Nektarios Apsara, members of a Byzantine noble family settled there. In 1518 they renovated the church of the Three Hierarchs. In 1541 they built the present katholikon, dedicated to All Saints. It was decorated with frescoes in 1548. In 1627 the chapel of the Three Hierarchs was rebuilt and was frescoed in 1637. 3. Rousanou Monastery: it is believed to have been established in the 14th century, while the 16th century monastery preserved until today, was built by the brothers Ioasaph and Maximos. The katholikon was frescoed in 1560 following the style of the Cretan school of Byzantine iconography. It received the name "Roussanou" probably from the first monk who settled on the rock on which the monastery was built. The monastery is dedicated to the Transfiguration of Christ, although it is also dedicated to saint Barbara. 4. Holy Trinity Monastery: it is believed that the actual monastery was built between 1475-1476, although there is evidence that the first monk who lived at the site was Dometios, in 1362. The wall paintings of the katholikon were completed in different phases. In 1741 brothers Antonios and Nikolaos completed the inside of the church. The esonarthex built in 1689 was decorated in 1692. In 1682 was built and decorated the chapel of saint John the Baptist. 5. Saint Stephen Monastery: it is believed that monks were living on the site since the end of the 12th century and that the founder of the monastery was a monk named Ieremias. The monastic complex was built in the 14th century by the monk Antonios Kantakouzinos, although the present katholikon dedicated to saint Charalampos is a structure of 1798 with frescoes of the 1980s. The old church was constructed at the time of the monastery's foundation or shortly thereafter and was rebuilt by monk Philotheos in 1545. Its painted decoration was executed in two phases. The first phase probably dates from the period spanning the second and the third decade of the 17th century. The second phase was completed around the middle of the same century. 6. Saint Nicholas Anapafsas Monastery: it was founded in the late 14th century. It has served as a resting place for pilgrims and so it received the name "Anapafsas", meaning "the one who rests you" in Greek. The first katholikon of the monastery dedicated to saint Anthony was decorated with frescoes in the 14th century. The monastery was renovated in the first decade of the 16th century, when the present main church dedicated to saint Nicholas was built, and in the 1960s. In 1527 the famous Cretan painter, founder of the Cretan school of Byzantine iconography, Theophanes Strelitzas Bathas painted the katholikon.

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Mangiapane, Francesco. "Wine as Represented in Contemporary Cinema." Signata 15 (2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/127wr.

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Celebrated gastronomic films like Babette’s Feast (1987), Big Night (1996) or Ratatouille (2007) and many others pose the problem of otherness by calling their characters, as holders of heterodox culinary/cultural identities, to seek integration to the social environment. Many films dedicated to wine take a different path. For some time now, along with the progressive saturation of every possible narrative grip within so-called gastromania, wine has acquired a certain visibility as an autonomous cinematographic subject, inspiring films entirely dedicated to it. This is the case of some emblematic titles: Sideways (2004), a progenitor of the genre, and other titles such as Saint Amour (2016), Return to Burgundy (2017), The Chateau Meroux (2011), Days of Harvest (2010), A Good Year (2006), up to the Rohmerian A Tale of Autumn (1998). These films are configured as great narratives of return (nostos), whose heroes are called by fate (the death of a relative, for example) to retrace their life path, backwards, reuniting, through wine, with their own deepest identity. While a clear trend in culinary movies insists on the spatial problem of the coexistence of characters who cook and eat in different ways, many films dedicated to wine pose the problem in temporal terms, calling the protagonists of their stories to come to terms with an inheritance received from the past (what to do with a château or an inherited vineyard in the French countryside?). Thus, multiple political forms are constituted, aiming towards the dissolution of the conflict between the past and the present, making it possible to reconcile this conflict and to relaunch it towards the future. Following this macro-movement backwards, my paper intends to investigate the political forms that involve the terroir and the vineyard by taking into consideration both the side of production and that of wine consumption (with a specific interest towards food and wine tourism) as they are represented in some emblematic movies: A Tale of Autumn (1998), Sideways (2004), Mondovino (2004), A Good Year (2006), Natural Resistance (2014), Saint Amour (2016), and The Last Prosecco (2017). These films will be taken into consideration for their aptitude to complement one another within a systematic set and as instances of a wider trend that is obviously not exhaustive of all the virtualities that wine may open up in stories. The terroir, in these representations, tends to fade as an ineffable, multi-sensorial and stratified semiotic machine, of which wine, although commonly understood as its main emanation, ends up representing only one of the areas of emergence and perhaps not even the most important one. That is why, in order to experience the “true meaning” of their wine, the heroes of these films can only move to the vineyard, experimenting with its daily customs and practices, for a while... or for a lifetime.

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Svend, Clausen. "The holy Kjeld of Viborg (older text)." Database of Religious History, June 27, 2024. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12574197.

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The holy Kjeld of Viborg was a Danish clergyman from the 12th C. who was canonized and revered as a saint until the Danish reformation. Although he was venerated across medieval Denmark, primarily, there are signs from the middle ages that his cult also did spread into Norway, Sweden, and Northern Germany at least to some extent. In Norway his feast day has been found included in a late medieval calendar. In Northern Germany information on him has been found in at least one religious book. In Sweden, no less than 4 fragmentary liturgical manuscripts from the middle ages has been found with his cult included in them. Although one of these 4 manuscripts might be somewhat explained because it was found on Gotland, and this island was under Danish rule during the later middle ages, none of the other three manuscripts can necessarily be explained that easily. Thus although his saint´s cult does not seem to have been venerated systematically across dioceses outside of Denmark, it does seem like his cult must have been known and perhaps even celebrated to some extent also in the areas neighbouring Denmark. At least this seems to have been the case within certain groups or regions, although probably not systematically all over. Possibly his cult spread because it gained a certain regional popularity in parts of the monastic world. Kjeld himself was a member of the holy chapter in Viborg diocese in Denmark and at his time that holy chapter was also an augustinian convent. No less than two of the four medieval manuscripts found in Sweden has monastic origins, as one them stems from the Bridgettines at Vadstena monastery and the other one seems to have roots within the Franciscan Order. According to sources St. Kjeld was born in Jutland probably quite early on during the reign of king Niels of Denmark (1104-34), and he died on 27. September 1150. He was of noble descent and his career as a clergyman was spent at the holy chapter in Viborg diocese in Denmark, where he became a cathedral canon. It also seems like he probably received some kind of formal education himself and later as canon he seems to have led the cathedral school in Viborg for a while. He ended his career at the chapter as elected dean. Later on Viborg always remained the essential center of his saint´s cult. He was canonized presumably on 11. july in either 1188 or 1189 by archbishop Absalon of Lund in Denmark after Absalon had achieved papal consent and permission to let Kjeld´s sanctity be examined and canonize him if this was deemed justified. The preserved text about St. Kjeld was probably written around 1187 or 1188 to coincide with his canonization process. The actual biography is followed by a list of miracles which seems to be more or less contemporary with the biographical text, as many of the miracles seem to have happened during the period from 1185 to 1187 when judging from the dates mentioned. Although the original, complete version of the text has now been lost, comprehensive excerpts are preserved. The anonymous author must have been a well educated clergyman who knew Kjeld personally, and he seems to have been a cathedral canon at the holy chapter in Viborg just like Kjeld himself had been earlier on. The text starts out by telling about his childhood, youth, and education, then continuing on with his clerical career in Viborg, the murder of bishop Eskil, his mentor, and the election of Kjeld as a dean. It goes on from there with his accomplishments during a city fire in Viborg, as a mediator during a civil war in Denmark, and his captivity with heathens. It also tells about how his generosity towards the poor was so great that he became exiled from the holy chapter for a while until being reinstated by the Pope in Rome. It concludes by telling about his death and the subsequent miracles which followed.

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Einarsson, Árni. "Homiletic Symbolism in Heimskringla." Gripla 33 (2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.33112/gripla.33.2.

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This paper examines the hypothesis that the home-coming episode in St. Olaf’s Saga (ch. 32–34) in Heimskringla is an allegory based on homiletic symbolism. The episode is about Olaf’s return to his home in Norway after many years abroad and is one of the events that define the onset of his mission to control and Christianise Norway. Olaf arrives at his mother and stepfather’s home in a vivid, personal and detailed narration, imbued with action and excitement. It is harvest-time, and Olaf’s stepfather, Sigurdur sýr, king of Ringerike, is busy overseeing the harvest activity. He is walking around a field with two other men, dressed in a blue tunic and leggings, a grey cloak and a wide grey hat, a cloth over his face and a staff in his hand with a gilded silver cap on the top, surmounted by a silver ring. He is then summoned by Ásta – his wife and Olaf’s mother – to come home quickly as she has been informed that her son will be arriving soon. Sigurður puts on his royal outfit, including a scarlet robe, spurs of gold and a golden helmet, and goes home with thirty men. Meanwhile, Ásta and twenty others prepare a welcoming feast. She sends envoys to the neighborhood with an invitation to the banquet while the hall is prepared. Everything is just ready when Olaf arrives at his homestead with a retinue of a hundred men. He is greeted by Sigurdur, Ásta and the local crowd, and is led to the throne by his mother. The potential hagiographic nature of St. Olaf’s Saga, combined with the detailed narrative containing many potential symbols in the form of numbers, colours, artefacts and action, give a strong impression of allegory. There is a likely allusion to Mark 6:7 when Ásta assigns twelve people in six pairs to prepare the hall, and again when she sends four people in four directions to invite magnates to the event, echoing the angels in Mark 13:27 who were sent to bring the chosen ones from the four winds. The arrival of Olaf with his hundred men would seem to be a key event. The number 100 (or 120 if a long hundred is meant) is interpreted by Bede, for example, as a symbol of happiness of the elect in eternal life and directly associated with the biblical parables of the lost sheep and the lost coin, which in Christian patristic tradition alludes to the Redemption, the restoration of humanity as the tenth celestial order, a key feature in the history of salvation. This number, one hundred, here associated with a saint, is flanked by many other potential symbols. One is that the combined flocks of Olaf (100+1), Sigurdur (30+1) and Ásta (20+1) make 153 people, a biblical number that has been associated with the elect in the heavenly land, i.a. by Gregory the Great. An examination of how other potential symbols group with Sigurdur and Ásta, reveals a consistent pattern. Sigurdur’s symbols associate him with heaven, the Trinity and the eternal word of God. Typological allusions associate Sigurdur and his staff with Moses and Judah, whose antitype is Christ, while the staff and the ring represent the Cross and the Church, respectively. Sigurdur also reflects the pilgrims in Emmaus, an iconographic motif based on Luke 24:13–53 that involves the resurrected Christ. On the arrival of Olaf, Sigurdur’s colours turn from blue, silver and grey to red and gold. This appears to indicate God’s word with full wisdom (gold), God’s love and the Holy spirit (red, which also signifies martyrdom). The transformation would signify the changes brought about by the advent of Christ (and his parallel, Olaf). Ásta is firmly linked to the four directions and the numbers two and four, which usually signify motherhood and earthly, missionary aspects of the Church, the Gospels and the evangelists. The home-coming episode was most likely understood as an allegory in ecclesiastical circles in medieval times. It uses symbols and images that relate to multiple iconographical features, focusing on escatological aspects of the history of salvation. The episode permits a coherent allegorical interpretation which equates St. Olaf with Christ as the Redeemer. Raudulf’s thattur, another short story about St. Olaf, incorporated in the longer version of his saga but which does not appear in Heimskringla, is also an allegory. Olaf is here placed centrally in an allegorical building modelled on a multidimensional cosmos, taking the symbolic seat of Christ in the Heavenly Jerusalem (Einarsson 1997, 2001, 2005). Both stories indicate a dedicated activity of creative allegorical writing intended to reinforce and nurture the veneration of the saint.

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Ruiz, Jiménez Juan. "Actividad musical en el convento de la Piedad de Guadalajara." Paisajes sonoros históricos (c.1200-c.1800), December 16, 2023. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10395094.

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Diversas crónicas y estudios nos permiten reconstruir la fundación y dotación del convento franciscano de la Piedad de Guadalajara. En él floreció, durante el segundo cuarto del siglo XVII, una nutrida capilla musical de la que formaban parte dos de las hijas de Bernardo Clavijo del Castillo, organista de la Capilla Real de Madrid, a las que se califica de "grandes compositoras y instrumentistas". Various chronicles and studies allow us to reconstruct the foundation and endowment of the Franciscan convent of La Piedad in Guadalajara. During the second quarter of the 17th century, a large musical chapel flourished there, which included two of the daughters of Bernardo Clavijo del Castillo, organist of the Capilla Real of Madrid, who are described as "great composers and instrumentalists".

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Ruiz, Jiménez Juan. "Ceremonia de las doncellas cantaderas en León (1595)." Paisajes sonoros históricos (c.1200-c.1800), May 17, 2025. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15447844.

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En este artículo analizamos los elementos sensoriales de un importante ritual que se celebraba anualmente en la ciudad de León, la ceremonia de las doncellas cantaderas, cuyo origen se remontaba a la Batalla de Clavijo (884) y que fray Anastasio de Lobera, monje cisterciense, nos describe con todo lujo de detalle en la formulación que tenía en 1595, fecha en la que fue testigo presencial de ella. In this article we analyse the sensory elements of an important ritual that was celebrated annually in the city of León, the ceremony of the singing maidens, whose origin dates back to the Battle of Clavijo (884) and which Friar Anastasio de Lobera, a Cistercian monk, describes in great detail in the formulation he had in 1595, the date on which he was an eyewitness to it.

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Mac Con Iomaire, Máirtín. "The Pig in Irish Cuisine and Culture." M/C Journal 13, no. 5 (2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.296.

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In Ireland today, we eat more pigmeat per capita, approximately 32.4 kilograms, than any other meat, yet you very seldom if ever see a pig (C.S.O.). Fat and flavour are two words that are synonymous with pig meat, yet scientists have spent the last thirty years cross breeding to produce leaner, low-fat pigs. Today’s pig professionals prefer to use the term “pig finishing” as opposed to the more traditional “pig fattening” (Tuite). The pig evokes many themes in relation to cuisine. Charles Lamb (1775-1834), in his essay Dissertation upon Roast Pig, cites Confucius in attributing the accidental discovery of the art of roasting to the humble pig. The pig has been singled out by many cultures as a food to be avoided or even abhorred, and Harris (1997) illustrates the environmental effect this avoidance can have by contrasting the landscape of Christian Albania with that of Muslim Albania.This paper will focus on the pig in Irish cuisine and culture from ancient times to the present day. The inspiration for this paper comes from a folklore tale about how Saint Martin created the pig from a piece of fat. The story is one of a number recorded by Seán Ó Conaill, the famous Kerry storyteller and goes as follows:From St Martin’s fat they were made. He was travelling around, and one night he came to a house and yard. At that time there were only cattle; there were no pigs or piglets. He asked the man of the house if there was anything to eat the chaff and the grain. The man replied there were only the cattle. St Martin said it was a great pity to have that much chaff going to waste. At night when they were going to bed, he handed a piece of fat to the servant-girl and told her to put it under a tub, and not to look at it at all until he would give her the word next day. The girl did so, but she kept a bit of the fat and put it under a keeler to find out what it would be.When St Martin rose next day he asked her to go and lift up the tub. She lifted it up, and there under it were a sow and twelve piglets. It was a great wonder to them, as they had never before seen pig or piglet.The girl then went to the keeler and lifted it, and it was full of mice and rats! As soon as the keeler was lifted, they went running about the house searching for any hole that they could go into. When St Martin saw them, he pulled off one of his mittens and threw it at them and made a cat with that throw. And that is why the cat ever since goes after mice and rats (Ó Conaill).The place of the pig has long been established in Irish literature, and longer still in Irish topography. The word torc, a boar, like the word muc, a pig, is a common element of placenames, from Kanturk (boar’s head) in West Cork to Ros Muc (headland of pigs) in West Galway. The Irish pig had its place in literature well established long before George Orwell’s English pig, Major, headed the dictatorship in Animal Farm. It was a wild boar that killed the hero Diarmaid in the Fenian tale The Pursuit of Diarmaid and Gráinne, on top of Ben Bulben in County Sligo (Mac Con Iomaire). In Ancient and Medieval Ireland, wild boars were hunted with great fervour, and the prime cuts were reserved for the warrior classes, and certain other individuals. At a feast, a leg of pork was traditionally reserved for a king, a haunch for a queen, and a boar’s head for a charioteer. The champion warrior was given the best portion of meat (Curath Mhir or Champions’ Share), and fights often took place to decide who should receive it. Gantz (1981) describes how in the ninth century tale The story of Mac Dathó’s Pig, Cet mac Matach, got supremacy over the men of Ireland: “Moreover he flaunted his valour on high above the valour of the host, and took a knife in his hand and sat down beside the pig. “Let someone be found now among the men of Ireland”, said he, “to endure battle with me, or leave the pig for me to divide!”It did not take long before the wild pigs were domesticated. Whereas cattle might be kept for milk and sheep for wool, the only reason for pig rearing was as a source of food. Until the late medieval period, the “domesticated” pigs were fattened on woodland mast, the fruit of the beech, oak, chestnut and whitethorn, giving their flesh a delicious flavour. So important was this resource that it is acknowledged by an entry in the Annals of Clonmacnoise for the year 1038: “There was such an abundance of ackornes this yeare that it fattened the pigges [runts] of pigges” (Sexton 45). In another mythological tale, two pig keepers, one called ‘friuch’ after the boars bristle (pig keeper to the king of Munster) and the other called ‘rucht’ after its grunt (pig keeper to the king of Connacht), were such good friends that the one from the north would bring his pigs south when there was a mast of oak and beech nuts in Munster. If the mast fell in Connacht, the pig-keeper from the south would travel northward. Competitive jealousy sparked by troublemakers led to the pig keepers casting spells on each other’s herds to the effect that no matter what mast they ate they would not grow fat. Both pig keepers were practised in the pagan arts and could form themselves into any shape, and having been dismissed by their kings for the leanness of their pig herds due to the spells, they eventually formed themselves into the two famous bulls that feature in the Irish Epic The Táin (Kinsella).In the witty and satirical twelfth century text, The Vision of Mac Conglinne (Aisling Mhic Conglinne), many references are made to the various types of pig meat. Bacon, hams, sausages and puddings are often mentioned, and the gate to the fortress in the visionary land of plenty is described thus: “there was a gate of tallow to it, whereon was a bolt of sausage” (Jackson).Although pigs were always popular in Ireland, the emergence of the potato resulted in an increase in both human and pig populations. The Irish were the first Europeans to seriously consider the potato as a staple food. By 1663 it was widely accepted in Ireland as an important food plant and by 1770 it was known as the Irish Potato (Mac Con Iomaire and Gallagher). The potato transformed Ireland from an under populated island of one million in the 1590s to 8.2 million in 1840, making it the most densely populated country in Europe. Two centuries of genetic evolution resulted in potato yields growing from two tons per acre in 1670 to ten tons per acre in 1800. A constant supply of potato, which was not seen as a commercial crop, ensured that even the smallest holding could keep a few pigs on a potato-rich diet. Pat Tuite, an expert on pigs with Teagasc, the Irish Agricultural and Food Development Authority, reminded me that the potatoes were cooked for the pigs and that they also enjoyed whey, the by product of both butter and cheese making (Tuite). The agronomist, Arthur Young, while travelling through Ireland, commented in 1770 that in the town of Mitchelstown in County Cork “there seemed to be more pigs than human beings”. So plentiful were pigs at this time that on the eve of the Great Famine in 1841 the pig population was calculated to be 1,412,813 (Sexton 46). Some of the pigs were kept for home consumption but the rest were a valuable source of income and were shown great respect as the gentleman who paid the rent. Until the early twentieth century most Irish rural households kept some pigs.Pork was popular and was the main meat eaten at all feasts in the main houses; indeed a feast was considered incomplete without a whole roasted pig. In the poorer holdings, fresh pork was highly prized, as it was only available when a pig of their own was killed. Most of the pig was salted, placed in the brine barrel for a period or placed up the chimney for smoking.Certain superstitions were observed concerning the time of killing. Pigs were traditionally killed only in months that contained the letter “r”, since the heat of the summer months caused the meat to turn foul. In some counties it was believed that pigs should be killed under the full moon (Mahon 58). The main breed of pig from the medieval period was the Razor Back or Greyhound Pig, which was very efficient in converting organic waste into meat (Fitzgerald). The killing of the pig was an important ritual and a social occasion in rural Ireland, for it meant full and plenty for all. Neighbours, who came to help, brought a handful of salt for the curing, and when the work was done each would get a share of the puddings and the fresh pork. There were a number of days where it was traditional to kill a pig, the Michaelmas feast (29 September), Saint Martins Day (11 November) and St Patrick’s Day (17 March). Olive Sharkey gives a vivid description of the killing of the barrow pig in rural Ireland during the 1930s. A barrow pig is a male pig castrated before puberty:The local slaughterer (búistéir) a man experienced in the rustic art of pig killing, was approached to do the job, though some farmers killed their own pigs. When the búistéirarrived the whole family gathered round to watch the killing. His first job was to plunge the knife in the pig’s heart via the throat, using a special knife. The screeching during this performance was something awful, but the animal died instantly once the heart had been reached, usually to a round of applause from the onlookers. The animal was then draped across a pig-gib, a sort of bench, and had the fine hairs on its body scraped off. To make this a simple job the animal was immersed in hot water a number of times until the bristles were softened and easy to remove. If a few bristles were accidentally missed the bacon was known as ‘hairy bacon’!During the killing of the pig it was imperative to draw a good flow of blood to ensure good quality meat. This blood was collected in a bucket for the making of puddings. The carcass would then be hung from a hook in the shed with a basin under its head to catch the drip, and a potato was often placed in the pig’s mouth to aid the dripping process. After a few days the carcass would be dissected. Sharkey recalls that her father maintained that each pound weight in the pig’s head corresponded to a stone weight in the body. The body was washed and then each piece that was to be preserved was carefully salted and placed neatly in a barrel and hermetically sealed. It was customary in parts of the midlands to add brown sugar to the barrel at this stage, while in other areas juniper berries were placed in the fire when hanging the hams and flitches (sides of bacon), wrapped in brown paper, in the chimney for smoking (Sharkey 166). While the killing was predominantly men’s work, it was the women who took most responsibility for the curing and smoking. Puddings have always been popular in Irish cuisine. The pig’s intestines were washed well and soaked in a stream, and a mixture of onions, lard, spices, oatmeal and flour were mixed with the blood and the mixture was stuffed into the casing and boiled for about an hour, cooled and the puddings were divided amongst the neighbours.The pig was so palatable that the famous gastronomic writer Grimod de la Reyniere once claimed that the only piece you couldn’t eat was the “oink”. Sharkey remembers her father remarking that had they been able to catch the squeak they would have made tin whistles out of it! No part went to waste; the blood and offal were used, the trotters were known as crubeens (from crúb, hoof), and were boiled and eaten with cabbage. In Galway the knee joint was popular and known as the glúiníns (from glún, knee). The head was roasted whole or often boiled and pressed and prepared as Brawn. The chitterlings (small intestines) were meticulously prepared by continuous washing in cool water and the picking out of undigested food and faeces. Chitterlings were once a popular bar food in Dublin. Pig hair was used for paintbrushes and the bladder was occasionally inflated, using a goose quill, to be used as a football by the children. Meindertsma (2007) provides a pictorial review of the vast array of products derived from a single pig. These range from ammunition and porcelain to chewing gum.From around the mid-eighteenth century, commercial salting of pork and bacon grew rapidly in Ireland. 1820 saw Henry Denny begin operation in Waterford where he both developed and patented several production techniques for bacon. Bacon curing became a very important industry in Munster culminating in the setting up of four large factories. Irish bacon was the brand leader and the Irish companies exported their expertise. Denny set up a plant in Denmark in 1894 and introduced the Irish techniques to the Danish industry, while O’Mara’s set up bacon curing facilities in Russia in 1891 (Cowan and Sexton). Ireland developed an extensive export trade in bacon to England, and hams were delivered to markets in Paris, India, North and South America. The “sandwich method” of curing, or “dry cure”, was used up until 1862 when the method of injecting strong brine into the meat by means of a pickling pump was adopted by Irish bacon-curers. 1887 saw the formation of the Bacon Curers’ Pig Improvement Association and they managed to introduce a new breed, the Large White Ulster into most regions by the turn of the century. This breed was suitable for the production of “Wiltshire” bacon. Cork, Waterford Dublin and Belfast were important centres for bacon but it was Limerick that dominated the industry and a Department of Agriculture document from 1902 suggests that the famous “Limerick cure” may have originated by chance:1880 […] Limerick producers were short of money […] they produced what was considered meat in a half-cured condition. The unintentional cure proved extremely popular and others followed suit. By the turn of the century the mild cure procedure was brought to such perfection that meat could [… be] sent to tropical climates for consumption within a reasonable time (Cowan and Sexton).Failure to modernise led to the decline of bacon production in Limerick in the 1960s and all four factories closed down. The Irish pig market was protected prior to joining the European Union. There were no imports, and exports were subsidised by the Pigs and Bacon Commission. The Department of Agriculture started pig testing in the early 1960s and imported breeds from the United Kingdom and Scandinavia. The two main breeds were Large White and Landrace. Most farms kept pigs before joining the EU but after 1972, farmers were encouraged to rationalise and specialise. Grants were made available for facilities that would keep 3,000 pigs and these grants kick started the development of large units.Pig keeping and production were not only rural occupations; Irish towns and cities also had their fair share. Pigs could easily be kept on swill from hotels, restaurants, not to mention the by-product and leftovers of the brewing and baking industries. Ed Hick, a fourth generation pork butcher from south County Dublin, recalls buying pigs from a local coal man and bus driver and other locals for whom it was a tradition to keep pigs on the side. They would keep some six or eight pigs at a time and feed them on swill collected locally. Legislation concerning the feeding of swill introduced in 1985 (S.I.153) and an amendment in 1987 (S.I.133) required all swill to be heat-treated and resulted in most small operators going out of business. Other EU directives led to the shutting down of thousands of slaughterhouses across Europe. Small producers like Hick who slaughtered at most 25 pigs a week in their family slaughterhouse, states that it was not any one rule but a series of them that forced them to close. It was not uncommon for three inspectors, a veterinarian, a meat inspector and a hygiene inspector, to supervise himself and his brother at work. Ed Hick describes the situation thus; “if we had taken them on in a game of football, we would have lost! We were seen as a huge waste of veterinary time and manpower”.Sausages and rashers have long been popular in Dublin and are the main ingredients in the city’s most famous dish “Dublin Coddle.” Coddle is similar to an Irish stew except that it uses pork rashers and sausage instead of lamb. It was, traditionally, a Saturday night dish when the men came home from the public houses. Terry Fagan has a book on Dublin Folklore called Monto: Murder, Madams and Black Coddle. The black coddle resulted from soot falling down the chimney into the cauldron. James Joyce describes Denny’s sausages with relish in Ulysses, and like many other Irish emigrants, he would welcome visitors from home only if they brought Irish sausages and Irish whiskey with them. Even today, every family has its favourite brand of sausages: Byrne’s, Olhausens, Granby’s, Hafner’s, Denny’s Gold Medal, Kearns and Superquinn are among the most popular. Ironically the same James Joyce, who put Dublin pork kidneys on the world table in Ulysses, was later to call his native Ireland “the old sow that eats her own farrow” (184-5).The last thirty years have seen a concerted effort to breed pigs that have less fat content and leaner meat. There are no pure breeds of Landrace or Large White in production today for they have been crossbred for litter size, fat content and leanness (Tuite). Many experts feel that they have become too lean, to the detriment of flavour and that the meat can tend to split when cooked. Pig production is now a complicated science and tighter margins have led to only large-scale operations being financially viable (Whittemore). The average size of herd has grown from 29 animals in 1973, to 846 animals in 1997, and the highest numbers are found in counties Cork and Cavan (Lafferty et al.). The main players in today’s pig production/processing are the large Irish Agribusiness Multinationals Glanbia, Kerry Foods and Dairygold. Tuite (2002) expressed worries among the industry that there may be no pig production in Ireland in twenty years time, with production moving to Eastern Europe where feed and labour are cheaper. When it comes to traceability, in the light of the Foot and Mouth, BSE and Dioxin scares, many feel that things were much better in the old days, when butchers like Ed Hick slaughtered animals that were reared locally and then sold them back to local consumers. Hick has recently killed pigs for friends who have begun keeping them for home consumption. This slaughtering remains legal as long as the meat is not offered for sale.Although bacon and cabbage, and the full Irish breakfast with rashers, sausages and puddings, are considered to be some of Ireland’s most well known traditional dishes, there has been a growth in modern interpretations of traditional pork and bacon dishes in the repertoires of the seemingly ever growing number of talented Irish chefs. Michael Clifford popularised Clonakilty Black Pudding as a starter in his Cork restaurant Clifford’s in the late 1980s, and its use has become widespread since, as a starter or main course often partnered with either caramelised apples or red onion marmalade. Crubeens (pigs trotters) have been modernised “a la Pierre Kaufman” by a number of Irish chefs, who bone them out and stuff them with sweetbreads. Kevin Thornton, the first Irish chef to be awarded two Michelin stars, has roasted suckling pig as one of his signature dishes. Richard Corrigan is keeping the Irish flag flying in London in his Michelin starred Soho restaurant, Lindsay House, where traditional pork and bacon dishes from his childhood are creatively re-interpreted with simplicity and taste.Pork, ham and bacon are, without doubt, the most traditional of all Irish foods, featuring in the diet since prehistoric times. Although these meats remain the most consumed per capita in post “Celtic Tiger” Ireland, there are a number of threats facing the country’s pig industry. Large-scale indoor production necessitates the use of antibiotics. European legislation and economic factors have contributed in the demise of the traditional art of pork butchery. Scientific advancements have resulted in leaner low-fat pigs, many argue, to the detriment of flavour. Alas, all is not lost. There is a growth in consumer demand for quality local food, and some producers like J. Hick & Sons, and Prue & David Rudd and Family are leading the way. The Rudds process and distribute branded antibiotic-free pig related products with the mission of “re-inventing the tastes of bygone days with the quality of modern day standards”. Few could argue with the late Irish writer John B. Keane (72): “When this kind of bacon is boiling with its old colleague, white cabbage, there is a gurgle from the pot that would tear the heart out of any hungry man”.ReferencesCowan, Cathal and Regina Sexton. Ireland's Traditional Foods: An Exploration of Irish Local & Typical Foods & Drinks. Dublin: Teagasc, 1997.C.S.O. Central Statistics Office. Figures on per capita meat consumption for 2009, 2010. Ireland. http://www.cso.ie.Fitzgerald, Oisin. "The Irish 'Greyhound' Pig: an extinct indigenous breed of Pig." History Ireland13.4 (2005): 20-23.Gantz, Jeffrey Early Irish Myths and Sagas. New York: Penguin, 1981.Harris, Marvin. "The Abominable Pig." Food and Culture: A Reader. Eds. Carole Counihan and Penny Van Esterik. New York: Routledge, 1997. 67-79.Hick, Edward. Personal Communication with master butcher Ed Hick. 15 Apr. 2002.Hick, Edward. Personal Communication concerning pig killing. 5 Sep. 2010.Jackson, K. H. Ed. Aislinge Meic Con Glinne, Dublin: Institute of Advanced Studies, 1990.Joyce, James. The Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man, London: Granada, 1977.Keane, John B. Strong Tea. Cork: Mercier Press, 1963.Kinsella, Thomas. The Táin. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970.Lafferty, S., Commins, P. and Walsh, J. A. Irish Agriculture in Transition: A Census Atlas of Agriculture in the Republic of Ireland. Dublin: Teagasc, 1999.Mac Con Iomaire, Liam. Ireland of the Proverb. Dublin: Town House, 1988.Mac Con Iomaire, Máirtín and Pádraic Óg Gallagher. "The Potato in Irish Cuisine and Culture."Journal of Culinary Science and Technology 7.2-3 (2009): 1-16.Mahon, Bríd. Land of Milk and Honey: The Story of Traditional Irish Food and Drink. Cork:Mercier, 1998.Meindertsma, Christien. PIG 05049 2007. 10 Aug. 2010 http://www.christienmeindertsma.com.Ó Conaill, Seán. Seán Ó Conaill's Book. Bailie Átha Cliath: Bhéaloideas Éireann, 1981.Sexton, Regina. A Little History of Irish Food. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1998.Sharkey, Olive. Old Days Old Ways: An Illustrated Folk History of Ireland. Dublin: The O'Brien Press, 1985.S.I. 153, 1985 (Irish Legislation) http://www.irishstatutebook.ie/1985/en/si/0153.htmlS.I. 133, 1987 (Irish Legislation) http://www.irishstatuebook.ie/1987/en/si/0133.htmlTuite, Pat. Personal Communication with Pat Tuite, Chief Pig Advisor, Teagasc. 3 May 2002.Whittemore, Colin T. and Ilias Kyriazakis. Whitmore's Science and Practice of Pig Production 3rdEdition. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2006.

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Ruiz, Jiménez Juan. "Música y ritual en los conventos y doctrinas franciscanas de la provincia de San Gregorio (1726)." Paisajes sonoros históricos (c.1200-c.1800), December 16, 2023. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10395497.

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Los Estatutos y ordenaciones de la Santa Provincia de San Gregorio de religiosos descalzos de la regular y más estrecha observancia de N. S. P. S. Francisco de Philipinas se establecieron en el capítulo provincial celebrado en el convento franciscano de Nuestra Señora de los Ángeles de Manila el 8 de junio de 1726. En ellos se recoge una interesante legislación sobre múltiple aspectos rituales de las ceremonias llevadas a cabo en los conventos y doctrinas que la Orden franciscana había establecido en las Islas Filipinas y se regula el importante papel que la música desempeñó en la educación y adoctrinamiento de los naturales de estas tierras. The Estatutos y ordenaciones de la Santa Provincia de San Gregorio de religiosos descalzos de la regular y más estrecha observancia de N. S. P. S. Francisco de Philipinas were established in the provincial chapter celebrated in the Franciscan convent of Our Lady of the Angels in Manila on June 8, 1726. They contain an interesting legislation on multiple ritual aspects of the ceremonies carried out in the convents and doctrinas that the Franciscan Order had established in the Philippine Islands and regulate the important role that music played in the education and indoctrination of the natives of these lands.

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Ruiz, Jiménez Juan. "Música y ritual en los conventos y doctrinas franciscanas de la provincia de San Gregorio (1726)." Paisajes sonoros históricos (c.1200-c.1800), December 16, 2023. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10395499.

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Abstract:

Los Estatutos y ordenaciones de la Santa Provincia de San Gregorio de religiosos descalzos de la regular y más estrecha observancia de N. S. P. S. Francisco de Philipinas se establecieron en el capítulo provincial celebrado en el convento franciscano de Nuestra Señora de los Ángeles de Manila el 8 de junio de 1726. En ellos se recoge una interesante legislación sobre múltiple aspectos rituales de las ceremonias llevadas a cabo en los conventos y doctrinas que la Orden franciscana había establecido en las Islas Filipinas y se regula el importante papel que la música desempeñó en la educación y adoctrinamiento de los naturales de estas tierras. The Estatutos y ordenaciones de la Santa Provincia de San Gregorio de religiosos descalzos de la regular y más estrecha observancia de N. S. P. S. Francisco de Philipinas were established in the provincial chapter celebrated in the Franciscan convent of Our Lady of the Angels in Manila on June 8, 1726. They contain an interesting legislation on multiple ritual aspects of the ceremonies carried out in the convents and doctrinas that the Franciscan Order had established in the Philippine Islands and regulate the important role that music played in the education and indoctrination of the natives of these lands.

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Ruiz, Jiménez Juan. "Cofradías en la iglesia de San Juan de los Reyes." Paisajes sonoros históricos (c.1200-c.1800), December 16, 2023. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10395084.

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Chavdarov, Anatoliy V. "Special Issue No. – 10, June, 2020 Journal > Special Issue > Special Issue No. – 10, June, 2020 > Page 5 “Quantative Methods in Modern Science” organized by Academic Paper Ltd, Russia MORPHOLOGICAL AND ANATOMICAL FEATURES OF THE GENUS GAGEA SALISB., GROWING IN THE EAST KAZAKHSTAN REGION Authors: Zhamal T. Igissinova,Almash A. Kitapbayeva,Anargul S. Sharipkhanova,Alexander L. Vorobyev,Svetlana F. Kolosova,Zhanat K. Idrisheva, DOI: https://doi.org/10.26782/jmcms.spl.10/2020.06.00041 Abstract: Due to ecological preferences among species of the genus GageaSalisb, many plants are qualified as rare and/or endangered. Therefore, the problem of rational use of natural resources, in particular protection of early spring plant species is very important. However, literary sources analysis only reveals data on the biology of species of this genus. The present research,conducted in the spring of 2017-2019, focuses on anatomical and morphological features of two Altai species: Gagealutea and Gagea minima; these features were studied, clarified and confirmed by drawings and photographs. The anatomical structure of the stem and leaf blade was studied in detail. The obtained research results will prove useful for studies of medicinal raw materials and honey plants. The aforementioned species are similar in morphological features, yet G. minima issmaller in size, and its shoots appear earlier than those of other species Keywords: Flora,gageas,Altai species,vegetative organs., Refference: I. Atlas of areas and resources of medicinal plants of Kazakhstan.Almaty, 2008. II. Baitenov M.S. Flora of Kazakhstan.Almaty: Ġylym, 2001. III. DanilevichV. G. ThegenusGageaSalisb. of WesternTienShan. PhD Thesis, St. Petersburg,1996. IV. EgeubaevaR.A., GemedzhievaN.G. The current state of stocks of medicinal plants in some mountain ecosystems of Kazakhstan.Proceedings of the international scientific conference ‘”Results and prospects for the development of botanical science in Kazakhstan’, 2002. V. Kotukhov Yu.A. New species of the genus Gagea (Liliaceae) from Southern Altai. Bot. Journal.1989;74(11). VI. KotukhovYu.A. ListofvascularplantsofKazakhstanAltai. Botan. Researches ofSiberiaandKazakhstan.2005;11. VII. KotukhovYu. The current state of populations of rare and endangered plants in Eastern Kazakhstan. Almaty: AST, 2009. VIII. Kotukhov Yu.A., DanilovaA.N., AnufrievaO.A. Synopsisoftheonions (AlliumL.) oftheKazakhstanAltai, Sauro-ManrakandtheZaisandepression. BotanicalstudiesofSiberiaandKazakhstan. 2011;17: 3-33. IX. Kotukhov, Yu.A., Baytulin, I.O. Rareandendangered, endemicandrelictelementsofthefloraofKazakhstanAltai. MaterialsoftheIntern. scientific-practical. conf. ‘Sustainablemanagementofprotectedareas’.Almaty: Ridder, 2010. X. Krasnoborov I.M. et al. The determinant of plants of the Republic of Altai. Novosibirsk: SB RAS, 2012. XI. Levichev I.G. On the species status of Gagea Rubicunda. Botanical Journal.1997;6:71-76. XII. Levichev I.G. A new species of the genus Gagea (Liliaceae). Botanical Journal. 2000;7: 186-189. XIII. Levichev I.G., Jangb Chang-gee, Seung Hwan Ohc, Lazkovd G.A.A new species of genus GageaSalisb.(Liliaceae) from Kyrgyz Republic (Western Tian Shan, Chatkal Range, Sary-Chelek Nature Reserve). Journal of Asia-Pacific Biodiversity.2019; 12: 341-343. XIV. Peterson A., Levichev I.G., Peterson J. Systematics of Gagea and Lloydia (Liliaceae) and infrageneric classification of Gagea based on molecular and morphological data. Molecular Phylogenetics and Evolution.2008; 46. XV. Peruzzi L., Peterson A., Tison J.-M., Peterson J. Phylogenetic relationships of GageaSalisb.(Liliaceae) in Italy, inferred from molecular and morphological data matrices. Plant Systematics and Evolution; 2008: 276. XVI. Rib R.D. Honey plants of Kazakhstan. Advertising Digest, 2013. XVII. Scherbakova L.I., Shirshikova N.A. Flora of medicinal plants in the vicinity of Ust-Kamenogorsk. Collection of materials of the scientific-practical conference ‘Unity of Education, Science and Innovation’. Ust-Kamenogorsk: EKSU, 2011. XVIII. syganovA.P. PrimrosesofEastKazakhstan. Ust-Kamenogorsk: EKSU, 2001. XIX. Tsyganov A.P. Flora and vegetation of the South Altai Tarbagatay. Berlin: LAP LAMBERT,2014. XX. Utyasheva, T.R., Berezovikov, N.N., Zinchenko, Yu.K. ProceedingsoftheMarkakolskStateNatureReserve. Ust-Kamenogorsk, 2009. XXI. Xinqi C, Turland NJ. Gagea. Flora of China.2000;24: 117-121. XXII. Zarrei M., Zarre S., Wilkin P., Rix E.M. Systematic revision of the genus GageaSalisb. (Liliaceae) in Iran.BotJourn Linn Soc.2007;154. XXIII. Zarrei M., Wilkin P., Ingroille M.J., Chase M.W. A revised infrageneric classification for GageaSalisb. (Tulipeae; Liliaceae): insights from DNA sequence and morphological data.Phytotaxa.2011:5. View | Download INFLUENCE OF SUCCESSION CROPPING ON ECONOMIC EFFICIENCY OF NO-TILL CROP ROTATIONS Authors: Victor K. Dridiger,Roman S. Stukalov,Rasul G. Gadzhiumarov,Anastasiya A. Voropaeva,Viktoriay A. Kolomytseva, DOI: https://doi.org/10.26782/jmcms.spl.10/2020.06.00042 Abstract: This study was aimed at examining the influence of succession cropping on the economic efficiency of no-till field crop rotations on the black earth in the zone of unstable moistening of the Stavropol krai. A long-term stationary experiment was conducted to examine for the purpose nine field crop rotation patterns different in the number of fields (four to six), set of crops, and their succession in crop rotation. The respective shares of legumes, oilseeds, and cereals in the cropping pattern were 17 to 33, 17 to 40, and 50 to 67 %. It has been established that in case of no-till field crop cultivation the economic efficiency of plant production depends on the set of crops and their succession in rotation. The most economically efficient type of crop rotation is the soya-winter wheat-peas-winter wheat-sunflower-corn six-field rotation with two fields of legumes: in this rotation 1 ha of crop rotation area yields 3 850 grain units per ha at a grain unit prime cost of 5.46 roubles; the plant production output return and profitability were 20,888 roubles per ha and 113 %, respectively. The high production profitabilities provided by the soya-winter wheat-sunflower four-field and the soya-winter-wheat-sunflower-corn-winter wheat five-field crop rotation are 108.7 and 106.2 %, respectively. The inclusion of winter wheat in crop rotation for two years in a row reduces the second winter wheat crop yield by 80 to 100 %, which means a certain reduction in the grain unit harvesting rate to 3.48-3.57 thousands per ha of rotation area and cuts the production profitability down to 84.4-92.3 %. This is why, no-till cropping should not include winter wheat for a second time Keywords: No-till technology,crop rotation,predecessor,yield,return,profitability, Refference: I Badakhova G. Kh. and Knutas A. V., Stavropol Krai: Modern Climate Conditions [Stavropol’skiykray: sovremennyyeklimaticheskiyeusloviya]. Stavropol: SUE Krai Communication Networks, 2007. II Cherkasov G. N. and Akimenko A. S. Scientific Basis of Modernization of Crop Rotations and Formation of Their Systems according to the Specializations of Farms in the Central Chernozem Region [Osnovy moderniz atsiisevooborotoviformirovaniyaikh sistem v sootvetstvii so spetsi-alizatsiyeykhozyaystvTsentral’nogoChernozem’ya]. Zemledelie. 2017; 4: 3-5. III Decree 330 of July 6, 2017 the Ministry of Agriculture of Russia “On Approving Coefficients of Converting to Agricultural Crops to Grain Units [Ob utverzhdeniikoeffitsiyentovperevoda v zernovyyee dinitsysel’s kokhozyaystvennykhkul’tur]. IV Dridiger V. K., About Methods of Research of No-Till Technology [O metodikeissledovaniytekhnologii No-till]//Achievements of Science and Technology of AIC (Dostizheniyanaukiitekhniki APK). 2016; 30 (4): 30-32. V Dridiger V. K. and Gadzhiumarov R. G. Growth, Development, and Productivity of Soya Beans Cultivated On No-Till Technology in the Zone of Unstable Moistening of Stavropol Region [Rost, razvitiyeiproduktivnost’ soiprivozdelyvaniipotekhnologii No-till v zone ne-ustoychivog ouvlazhneniyaStavropol’skogokraya]//Oil Crops RTBVNIIMK (Maslichnyyekul’turyNTBVNIIMK). 2018; 3 (175): 52–57. VI Dridiger V. K., Godunova E. I., Eroshenko F. V., Stukalov R. S., Gadzhiumarov, R. G., Effekt of No-till Technology on erosion resistance, the population of earthworms and humus content in soil (Vliyaniyetekhnologii No-till naprotivoerozionnuyuustoychivost’, populyatsiyudozhdevykhcherveyisoderzhaniyegumusa v pochve)//Research Journal of Pharmaceutical, Biological and Chemical Sciences. 2018; 9 (2): 766-770. VII Karabutov A. P., Solovichenko V. D., Nikitin V. V. et al., Reproduction of Soil Fertility, Productivity and Energy Efficiency of Crop Rotations [Vosproizvodstvoplodorodiyapochv, produktivnost’ ienergeticheskayaeffektivnost’ sevooborotov]. Zemledelie. 2019; 2: 3-7. VIII Kulintsev V. V., Dridiger V. K., Godunova E. I., Kovtun V. I., Zhukova M. P., Effekt of No-till Technology on The Available Moisture Content and Soil Density in The Crop Rotation [Vliyaniyetekhnologii No-till nasoderzhaniyedostupnoyvlagiiplotnost’ pochvy v sevoob-orote]// Research Journal of Pharmaceutical, Biological and Chemical Sciences. 2017; 8 (6): 795-99. IX Kulintsev V. V., Godunova E. I., Zhelnakova L. I. et al., Next-Gen Agriculture System for Stavropol Krai: Monograph [SistemazemledeliyanovogopokoleniyaStavropol’skogokraya: Monogtafiya]. Stavropol: AGRUS Publishers, Stavropol State Agrarian University, 2013. X Lessiter Frank, 29 reasons why many growers are harvesting higher no-till yields in their fields than some university scientists find in research plots//No-till Farmer. 2015; 44 (2): 8. XI Rodionova O. A. Reproduction and Exchange-Distributive Relations in Farming Entities [Vosproizvodstvoiobmenno-raspredelitel’nyyeotnosheniya v sel’skokhozyaystvennykhorganizatsiyakh]//Economy, Labour, and Control in Agriculture (Ekonomika, trud, upravleniye v sel’skomkhozyaystve). 2010; 1 (2): 24-27. XII Sandu I. S., Svobodin V. A., Nechaev V. I., Kosolapova M. V., and Fedorenko V. F., Agricultural Production Efficiency: Recommended Practices [Effektivnost’ sel’skokhozyaystvennogoproizvodstva (metodicheskiyerekomendatsii)]. Moscow: Rosinforagrotech, 2013. XIII Sotchenko V. S. Modern Corn Cultivation Technologies [Sovremennayatekhnologiyavozdelyvaniya]. Moscow: Rosagrokhim, 2009. View | Download DEVELOPMENT AND TESTING OF AUTONOMOUS PORTABLE SEISMOMETER DESIGNED FOR USE AT ULTRALOW TEMPERATURES IN ARCTIC ENVIRONMENT Authors: Mikhail A. Abaturov,Yuriy V. Sirotinskiy, DOI: https://doi.org/10.26782/jmcms.spl.10/2020.06.00043 Abstract: This paper is concerned with solving one of the issues of the general problem of designing geophysical equipment for the natural climatic environment of the Arctic. The relevance of the topic has to do with an increased global interest in this region. The paper is aimed at considering the basic principles of developing and the procedure of testing seismic instruments for use at ultralow climatic temperatures. In this paper the indicated issue is considered through the example of a seismic module designed for petroleum and gas exploration by passive seismoacoustic methods. The seismic module is a direct-burial portable unit of around 5 kg in weight, designed to continuously measure and record microseismic triaxial orthogonal (ZNE) noise in a range from 0.1 to 45 Hz during several days in autonomous mode. The functional chart of designing the seismic module was considered, and concrete conclusions were made for choosing the necessary components to meet the ultralow-temperature operational requirements. The conclusions made served for developing appropriate seismic module. In this case, the components and tools used included a SAFT MP 176065 xc low-temperature lithium cell, industrial-spec electronic component parts, a Zhaofeng Geophysical ZF-4.5 Chinese primary electrodynamic seismic sensor, housing seal parts made of frost-resistant silicone materials, and finely dispersed silica gel used as water-retaining sorbent to avoid condensation in the housing. The paper also describes a procedure of low-temperature collation tests at the lab using a New Brunswick Scientific freezing plant. The test results proved the operability of the developed equipment at ultralow temperatures down to -55°C. In addition, tests were conducted at low microseismic noises in the actual Arctic environment. The possibility to detect signals in a range from 1 to 10 Hz at the level close to the NLNM limit (the Peterson model) has been confirmed, which allows monitoring and exploring petroleum and gas deposits by passive methods. As revealed by this study, the suggested approaches are efficient in developing high-precision mobile seismic instruments for use at ultralow climatic temperatures. The solution of the considered instrumentation and methodical issues is of great practical significance as a constituent of the generic problem of Arctic exploration. Keywords: Seismic instrumentation,microseismic monitoring,Peterson model,geological exploration,temperature ratings,cooling test, Refference: I. AD797: Ultralow Distortion, Ultralow Noise Op Amp, Analog Devices, Inc., Data Sheet (Rev. K). Analog Devices, Inc. URL: https://www.analog.com/media/en/technical-documentation/data-sheets/AD797.pdf(Date of access September 2, 2019). II. Agafonov, V. M., Egorov, I. V., and Shabalina, A. S. Operating Principles and Technical Characteristics of a Small-Sized Molecular–Electronic Seismic Sensor with Negative Feedback [Printsipyraboty I tekhnicheskiyekharakteristikimalogabaritnogomolekulyarno-elektronnogoseysmodatchika s otritsatel’noyobratnoysvyaz’yu]. SeysmicheskiyePribory (Seismic Instruments). 2014; 50 (1): 1–8. DOI: 10.3103/S0747923914010022. III. Antonovskaya, G., Konechnaya, Ya.,Kremenetskaya, E., Asming, V., Kvaema, T., Schweitzer, J., Ringdal, F. Enhanced Earthquake Monitoring in the European Arctic. Polar Science. 2015; 1 (9): 158-167. IV. Anthony, R. E., Aster, R. C., Wiens, D., Nyblade, Andr., Anandakrishnan, Sr., Huerta, Audr., Winberry, J. P., Wilson, T., and Rowe, Ch. The Seismic Noise Environment of Antarctica. Seismological Research Letters. 2015; 86(1): 89-100. DOI: 10.1785/0220150005 V. Brincker, R., Lago, T. L., Andersen, P., and Ventura, C. Improving the Classical Geophone Sensor Element by Digital Correction. In Conference Proceedings: IMAC-XXIII: A Conference & Exposition on Structural Dynamics Society for Experimental Mechanics, 2005. URL: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/242452637_Improving_the_Classical_Geophone_Sensor_Element_by_Digital_Correction(Date of access September 2, 2019). VI. Bylaw 164 of the State Committee for Construction of the Russian Federation “On adopting amendments to SNiP 31-01-99 “Construction climatology”. URL: https://base.garant.ru/2322381/(Date of access September 2, 2019). VII. 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View | Download COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF RESULTS OF TREATMENT OF PATIENTS WITH FOOT PATHOLOGY WHO UNDERWENT WEIL OPEN OSTEOTOMY BY CLASSICAL METHOD AND WITHOUT STEOSYNTHESIS Authors: Yuriy V. Lartsev,Dmitrii A. Rasputin,Sergey D. Zuev-Ratnikov,Pavel V.Ryzhov,Dmitry S. Kudashev,Anton A. Bogdanov, DOI: https://doi.org/10.26782/jmcms.spl.10/2020.06.00044 Abstract: The article considers the problem of surgical correction of the second metatarsal bone length. The article analyzes the results of treatment of patients with excess length of the second metatarsal bones that underwent osteotomy with and without osteosynthesis. The results of treatment of patients who underwent metatarsal shortening due to classical Weil-osteotomy with and without osteosynthesis were analyzed. The first group consisted of 34 patients. They underwent classical Weil osteotomy. The second group included 44 patients in whomosteotomy of the second metatarsal bone were not by the screw. When studying the results of the treatment in the immediate postoperative period, weeks 6, 12, slightly better results were observed in patients of the first group, while one year after surgical treatment the results in both groups were comparable. One year after surgical treatment, there were 2.9% (1 patient) of unsatisfactory results in the first group and 4.5% (2 patients) in the second group. Considering the comparability of the results of treatment in remote postoperative period, the choice of concrete method remains with the operating surgeon. Keywords: Flat feet,hallux valgus,corrective osteotomy,metatarsal bones, Refference: I. A novel modification of the Stainsby procedure: surgical technique and clinical outcome [Text] / E. Concannon, R. MacNiocaill, R. Flavin [et al.] // Foot Ankle Surg. – 2014. – Dec., Vol. 20(4). – P. 262–267. II. Accurate determination of relative metatarsal protrusion with a small intermetatarsal angle: a novel simplified method [Text] / L. Osher, M.M. Blazer, S. Buck [et al.] // J. Foot Ankle Surg. – 2014. – Sep.-Oct., Vol. 53(5). – P. 548–556. III. Argerakis, N.G. The radiographic effects of the scarf bunionectomy on rearfoot alignment [Text] / N.G. Argerakis, L.Jr. Weil, L.S. Sr. Weil // Foot Ankle Spec. – 2015. – Apr., Vol. 8(2). – P. 89–94. IV. Bauer, T. Percutaneous forefoot surgery [Text] / T. Bauer // Orthop. Traumatol. Surg. Res. – 2014. – Feb., Vol. 100(1 Suppl.). – P. S191–S204. V. Biomechanical Evaluation of Custom Foot Orthoses for Hallux Valgus Deformity [Text] // J. Foot Ankle Surg. – 2015. – Sep.-Oct., Vol.54(5). – P. 852–855. VI. Chopra, S. Characterization of gait in female patients with moderate to severe hallux valgus deformity [Text] / S. Chopra, K. Moerenhout, X. Crevoisier // Clin. Biomech. (Bristol, Avon). – 2015. – Jul., Vol. 30(6). – P. 629–635. VII. Computer assisted planning and custom-made surgical guide for malunited pronation deformity after first metatarsophalangeal joint arthrodesis in rheumatoid arthritis: a case report [Text] / M. Hirao, S. Ikemoto, H. Tsuboi [et al.] // Comput. Aided Surg. – 2014. – Vol. 19(1-3). – P. 13–19. VIII. Correlation between static radiographic measurements and intersegmental angular measurements during gait using a multisegment foot model [Text] / D.Y. Lee, S.G. Seo, E.J. Kim [et al.] // Foot Ankle Int. – 2015. – Jan., Vol.36(1). – P. 1–10. IX. Correlative study between length of first metatarsal and transfer metatarsalgia after osteotomy of first metatarsal [Text]: [Article in Chinese] / F.Q. Zhang, B.Y. Pei, S.T. Wei [et al.] // Zhonghua Yi XueZaZhi. – 2013. – Nov. 19, Vol. 93(43). – P. 3441–3444. X. Dave, M.H. Forefoot Deformity in Rheumatoid Arthritis: A Comparison of Shod and Unshod Populations [Text] / M.H. Dave, L.W. Mason, K. Hariharan // Foot Ankle Spec. – 2015. – Oct., Vol. 8(5). – P. 378–383. XI. Does arthrodesis of the first metatarsophalangeal joint correct the intermetatarsal M1M2 angle? Analysis of a continuous series of 208 arthrodeses fixed with plates [Text] / F. Dalat, F. Cottalorda, M.H. Fessy [et al.] // Orthop. Traumatol. Surg. Res. – 2015. – Oct., Vol. 101(6). – P. 709–714. XII. Dynamic plantar pressure distribution after percutaneous hallux valgus correction using the Reverdin-Isham osteotomy [Text]: [Article in Spanish] / G. Rodríguez-Reyes, E. López-Gavito, A.I. Pérez-Sanpablo [et al.] // Rev. Invest. Clin. – 2014. – Jul., Vol. 66, Suppl. 1. – P. S79-S84. XIII. Efficacy of Bilateral Simultaneous Hallux Valgus Correction Compared to Unilateral [Text] / A.V. Boychenko, L.N. Solomin, S.G. Parfeyev [et al.] // Foot Ankle Int. – 2015. – Nov., Vol. 36(11). – P. 1339–1343. XIV. Endolog technique for correction of hallux valgus: a prospective study of 30 patients with 4-year follow-up [Text] / C. Biz, M. Corradin, I. Petretta [et al.] // J. OrthopSurg Res. – 2015. – Jul. 2, № 10. – P. 102. XV. First metatarsal proximal opening wedge osteotomy for correction of hallux valgus deformity: comparison of straight versus oblique osteotomy [Text] / S.H. Han, E.H. Park, J. Jo [et al.] // Yonsei Med. J. – 2015. – May, Vol. 56(3). – P. 744–752. XVI. Long-term outcome of joint-preserving surgery by combination metatarsal osteotomies for shortening for forefoot deformity in patients with rheumatoid arthritis [Text] / H. Niki, T. Hirano, Y. Akiyama [et al.] // Mod. Rheumatol. – 2015. – Sep., Vol. 25(5). – P. 683–638. XVII. Maceira, E. Transfer metatarsalgia post hallux valgus surgery [Text] / E. Maceira, M. Monteagudo // Foot Ankle Clin. – 2014. – Jun., Vol. 19(2). – P.285–307. XVIII. Nielson, D.L. Absorbable fixation in forefoot surgery: a viable alternative to metallic hardware [Text] / D.L. Nielson, N.J. Young, C.M. Zelen // Clin. Podiatr. Med. Surg. – 2013. – Jul., Vol. 30(3). – P. 283–293 XIX. Patient’s satisfaction after outpatient forefoot surgery: Study of 619 cases [Text] / A. Mouton, V. Le Strat, D. Medevielle [et al.] // Orthop. Traumatol. Surg. Res. – 2015. – Oct., Vol. 101(6 Suppl.). – P. S217–S220. XX. Preference of surgical procedure for the forefoot deformity in the rheumatoid arthritis patients–A prospective, randomized, internal controlled study [Text] / M. Tada, T. Koike, T. Okano [et al.] // Mod. Rheumatol. – 2015. – May., Vol. 25(3). – P.362–366. XXI. Redfern, D. Percutaneous Surgery of the Forefoot [Text] / D. Redfern, J. Vernois, B.P. Legré // Clin. Podiatr. Med. Surg. – 2015. – Jul., Vol. 32(3). – P. 291–332. XXII. Singh, D. Bullous pemphigoid after bilateral forefoot surgery [Text] / D. Singh, A. Swann // Foot Ankle Spec. – 2015. – Feb., Vol. 8(1). – P. 68–72. XXIII. Treatment of moderate hallux valgus by percutaneous, extra-articular reverse-L Chevron (PERC) osteotomy [Text] / J. Lucas y Hernandez, P. Golanó, S. Roshan-Zamir [et al.] // Bone Joint J. – 2016. – Mar., Vol. 98-B(3). – P. 365–373. XXIV. Weil, L.Jr. Scarf osteotomy for correction of hallux abducto valgus deformity [Text] / L.Jr. Weil, M. Bowen // Clin. Podiatr. Med. Surg. – 2014. – Apr., Vol.31(2). – P. 233–246. View | Download QUANTITATIVE ULTRASONOGRAPHY OF THE STOMACH AND SMALL INTESTINE IN HEALTHYDOGS Authors: Roman A. Tcygansky,Irina I. Nekrasova,Angelina N. Shulunova,Alexander I.Sidelnikov, DOI: https://doi.org/10.26782/jmcms.spl.10/2020.06.00045 Abstract: Purpose.To determine the quantitative echogenicity indicators (and their ratio) of the layers of stomach and small intestine wall in healthy dogs. Methods. A prospective 3-year study of 86 healthy dogs (aged 1-7 yrs) of different breeds and of both sexes. Echo homogeneity and echogenicity of the stomach and intestines wall were determined by the method of Silina, T.L., et al. (2010) in absolute values of average brightness levels of ultrasound image pixels using the 8-bit scale with 256 shades of gray. Results. Quantitative echogenicity indicators of the stomach and the small intestine wall in dogs were determined. Based on the numerical values characterizing echogenicity distribution in each layer of a separate structure of the digestive system, the coefficient of gastric echogenicity is determined as 1:2.4:1.1 (mucosa/submucosa/muscle layers, respectively), the coefficient of duodenum and jejunum echogenicity is determined as 1:3.5:2 and that of ileum is 1:1.8:1. Clinical significance. The echogenicity coefficient of the wall of the digestive system allows an objective assessment of the stomach and intestines wall and can serve as the basis for a quantitative assessment of echogenicity changes for various pathologies of the digestive system Keywords: Ultrasound (US),echogenicity,echogenicity coefficient,digestive system,dogs,stomach,intestines, Refference: I. Agut, A. Ultrasound examination of the small intestine in small animals // Veterinary focus. 2009.Vol. 19. No. 1. P. 20-29. II. Bull. 4.RF patent 2398513, IPC51A61B8 / 00 A61B8 / 14 (2006.01) A method for determining the homoechogeneity and the degree of echogenicity of an ultrasound image / T. Silina, S. S. Golubkov. – No. 2008149311/14; declared 12/16/2008; publ. 09/10/2010 III. Choi, M., Seo, M., Jung, J., Lee, K., Yoon, J., Chang, D., Park, RD. Evaluation of canine gastric motility with ultrasonography // J. of Veterinary Medical Science. – 2002. Vol. 64. – № 1. – P. 17-21. IV. Delaney, F., O’Brien, R.T., Waller, K.Ultrasound evaluation of small bowel thickness compared to weight in normal dogs // Veterinary Radiology and Ultrasound. 2003 Vol. 44, № 5. Р 577-580. V. Diana, A., Specchi, S., Toaldo, M.B., Chiocchetti, R., Laghi, A., Cipone, M. Contrast-enhanced ultrasonography of the small bowel in healthy cats // Veterinary Radiology and Ultrasound. – 2011. – Vol. 52, № 5. – Р. 555-559. VI. Garcia, D.A.A., Froes, T.R. Errors in abdominal ultrasonography in dogs and cats // J. of Small Animal Practice. – 2012. Vol. 53. – № 9. – P. 514-519. VII. Garcia, D.A.A., Froes, T.R. Importance of fasting in preparing dogs for abdominal ultrasound examination of specific organs // J. of Small Animal Practice. – 2014. Vol. 55. – № 12. – P. 630-634. VIII. Gaschen, L., Granger, L.A., Oubre, O., Shannon, D., Kearney, M., Gaschen, F. The effects of food intake and its fat composition on intestinal echogenicity in healthy dogs // Veterinary Radiology and Ultrasound. 2016. Vol. 57. № 5. P. 546-550 IX. Gaschen, L., Kircher, P., Stussi, A., Allenspach, K., Gaschen, F., Doherr, M., Grone, A. Comparison of ultrasonographic findings with clinical activity index (CIBDAI) and diagnosis in dogs with chronic enteropathies // Veterinary radiology and ultrasound. – 2008. – Vol. 49. – № 1. – Р. 56-64. X. Gil, E.M.U. Garcia, D.A.A. Froes, T.R. In utero development of the fetal intestine: Sonographic evaluation and correlation with gestational age and fetal maturity in dogs // Theriogenology. 2015. Vol. 84, №5. Р. 681-686. XI. Gladwin, N.E. Penninck, D.G., Webster, C.R.L. Ultrasonographic evaluation of the thickness of the wall layers in the intestinal tract of dogs // American Journal of Veterinary Research. 2014. Vol. 75, №4. Р. 349-353. XII. Gory, G., Rault, D.N., Gatel, L, Dally, C., Belli, P., Couturier, L., Cauvin, E. Ultrasonographic characteristics of the abdominal esophagus and cardia in dogs // Veterinary Radiology and Ultrasound. 2014. Vol. 55, № 5. P. 552-560. XIII. Günther, C.S. Lautenschläger, I.E., Scholz, V.B. Assessment of the inter- and intraobserver variability for sonographical measurement of intestinal wall thickness in dogs without gastrointestinal diseases | [Inter-und Intraobserver-Variabilitätbei der sonographischenBestimmung der Darmwanddicke von HundenohnegastrointestinaleErkrankungen] // Tierarztliche Praxis Ausgabe K: Kleintiere – Heimtiere. 2014. Vol. 42 №2. Р. 71-78. XIV. Hanazono, K., Fukumoto, S., Hirayama, K., Takashima, K., Yamane, Y., Natsuhori, M., Kadosawa, T., Uchide, T. Predicting Metastatic Potential of gastrointestinal stromal tumors in dog by ultrasonography // J. of Veterinary Medical Science. – 2012. Vol. 74. – № 11. – P. 1477-1482. XV. Heng, H.G., Lim, Ch.K., Miller, M.A., Broman, M.M.Prevalence and significance of an ultrasonographic colonic muscularishyperechoic band paralleling the serosal layer in dogs // Veterinary Radiology and Ultrasound. 2015. Vol. 56 № 6. P. 666-669. XVI. Ivančić, M., Mai, W. Qualitative and quantitative comparison of renal vs. hepatic ultrasonographic intensity in healthy dogs // Veterinary Radiology and Ultrasound. 2008. Vol. 49. № 4. Р. 368-373. XVII. Lamb, C.R., Mantis, P. Ultrasonographic features of intestinal intussusception in 10 dogs // J. of Small Animal Practice. – 2008. Vol. 39. – № 9. – P. 437-441. XVIII. Le Roux, A. B., Granger, L.A., Wakamatsu, N, Kearney, M.T., Gaschen, L.Ex vivo correlation of ultrasonographic small intestinal wall layering with histology in dogs // Veterinary Radiology and Ultrasound.2016. Vol. 57. № 5. P. 534-545. XIX. Nielsen, T. High-frequency ultrasound of Peyer’s patches in the small intestine of young cats / T. Nielsen [et al.] // Journal of Feline Medicine and Surgery. – 2015. – Vol. 18, № 4. – Р. 303-309. XX. PenninckD.G. Gastrointestinal tract. In Nyland T.G., Mattoon J.S. (eds): Small Animal Diagnostic Ultrasound. Philadelphia: WB Saunders. 2002, 2nd ed. Р. 207-230. XXI. PenninckD.G. Gastrointestinal tract. In: PenninckD.G.,d´Anjou M.A. Atlas of Small Animal Ultrasonography. Blackwell Publishing, Iowa. 2008. Р. 281-318. XXII. Penninck, D.G., Nyland, T.G., Kerr, L.Y., Fisher, P.E. Ultrasonographic evaluation of gastrointestinal diseases in small animals // Veterinary Radiology. 1990. Vol. 31. №3. P. 134-141. XXIII. Penninck, D.G.,Webster, C.R.L.,Keating, J.H. The sonographic appearance of intestinal mucosal fibrosis in cats // Veterinary Radiology and Ultrasound. – 2010. – Vol. 51, № 4. – Р. 458-461. XXIV. Pollard, R.E.,Johnson, E.G., Pesavento, P.A., Baker, T.W., Cannon, A.B., Kass, P.H., Marks, S.L. Effects of corn oil administered orally on conspicuity of ultrasonographic small intestinal lesions in dogs with lymphangiectasia // Veterinary Radiology and Ultrasound. 2013. Vol. 54. № 4. P. 390-397. XXV. Rault, D.N., Besso, J.G., Boulouha, L., Begon, D., Ruel, Y. Significance of a common extended mucosal interface observed in transverse small intestine sonograms // Veterinary Radiology and Ultrasound. 2004. Vol. 45. №2. Р. 177-179. XXVI. Sutherland-Smith, J., Penninck, D.G., Keating, J.H., Webster, C.R.L. Ultrasonographic intestinal hyperechoic mucosal striations in dogs are associated with lacteal dilation // Veterinary Radiology and Ultrasound. – 2007. Vol. 48. – № 1. – P. 51-57. View | Download EVALUATION OF ADAPTIVE POTENTIAL IN MEDICAL STUDENTS IN THE CONTEXT OF SEASONAL DYNAMICS Authors: Larisa A. Merdenova,Elena A. Takoeva,Marina I. Nartikoeva,Victoria A. Belyayeva,Fatima S. Datieva,Larisa R. Datieva, DOI: https://doi.org/10.26782/jmcms.spl.10/2020.06.00046 Abstract: The aim of this work was to assess the functional reserves of the body to quantify individual health; adaptation, psychophysiological characteristics of the health quality of medical students in different seasons of the year. When studying the temporal organization of physiological functions, the rhythm parameters of physiological functions were determined, followed by processing the results using the Cosinor Analysis program, which reveals rhythms with an unknown period for unequal observations, evaluates 5 parameters of sinusoidal rhythms (mesor, amplitude, acrophase, period, reliability). The essence of desynchronization is the mismatch of circadian rhythms among themselves or destruction of the rhythms architectonics (instability of acrophases or their disappearance). Desynchronization with respect to the rhythmic structure of the body is of a disregulatory nature, most pronounced in pathological desynchronization. High neurotism, increased anxiety reinforces the tendency to internal desynchronization, which increases with stress. During examination stress, students experience a decrease in the stability of the temporary organization of the biosystem and the tension of adaptive mechanisms develops, which affects attention, mental performance and the quality of adaptation to the educational process. Time is shortened and the amplitude of the “initial minute” decreases, personal and situational anxiety develops, and the level of psychophysiological adaptation decreases. The results of the work are priority because they can be used in assessing quality and level of health. Keywords: Desynchronosis,biorhythms,psycho-emotional stress,mesor,acrophase,amplitude,individual minute, Refference: I. Arendt, J., Middleton, B. Human seasonal and circadian studies in Antarctica (Halley, 75_S) – General and Comparative Endocrinology. 2017: 250-259. (http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ygcen.2017.05.010). II. BalandinYu.P. A brief methodological guide on the use of the agro-industrial complex “Health Sources” / Yu.P. Balandin, V.S. Generalov, V.F. Shishlov. Ryazan, 2007. III. Buslovskaya L.K. Adaptation reactions in students at exam stress/ L.K. Buslovskaya, Yu.P. Ryzhkova. Scientific bulletin of Belgorod State University. Series: Natural Sciences. 2011;17(21):46-52. IV. Chutko L. S. Sindromjemocionalnogovygoranija – Klinicheskie I psihologicheskieaspekty./ L.S Chutko. Moscow: MEDpress-inform, 2013. V. Eroshina K., Paul Wilkinson, Martin Mackey. The role of environmental and social factors in the occurrence of diseases of the respiratory tract in children of primary school age in Moscow. Medicine. 2013:57-71. VI. Fagrell B. “Microcirculation of the Skin”. The physiology and pharmacology of the microcirculation. 2013:423. VII. Gurova O.A. Change in blood microcirculation in students throughout the day. New research. 2013; 2 (35):66-71. VIII. Khetagurova L.G. – Stress/Ed. L.G. Khetagurov. Vladikavkaz: Project-Press Publishing House, 2010. IX. Khetagurova L.G., Urumova L.T. et al. Stress (chronomedical aspects). International Journal of Experimental Education 2010; 12: 30-31. X. Khetagurova L.G., Salbiev K.D., Belyaev S.D., Datieva F.S., Kataeva M.R., Tagaeva I.R. Chronopathology (experimental and clinical aspects/ Ed. L.G. Khetagurov, K.D. Salbiev, S.D.Belyaev, F.S. Datiev, M.R. Kataev, I.R. Tagaev. Moscow: Science, 2004. XI. KlassinaS.Ya. Self-regulatory reactions in the microvasculature of the nail bed of fingers in person with psycho-emotional stress. Bulletin of new medical technologies, 2013; 2 (XX):408-412. XII. Kovtun O.P., Anufrieva E.V., Polushina L.G. Gender-age characteristics of the component composition of the body in overweight and obese schoolchildren. Medical Science and Education of the Urals. 2019; 3:139-145. XIII. Kuchieva M.B., Chaplygina E.V., Vartanova O.T., Aksenova O.A., Evtushenko A.V., Nor-Arevyan K.A., Elizarova E.S., Efremova E.N. A comparative analysis of the constitutional features of various generations of healthy young men and women in the Rostov Region. Modern problems of science and education. 2017; 5:50-59. XIV. Mathias Adamsson1, ThorbjörnLaike, Takeshi Morita – Annual variation in daily light expo-sure and circadian change of melatonin and cortisol consent rations at a northern latitude with large seasonal differences in photoperiod length – Journal of Physiological Anthropology. 2017; 36: 6 – 15. XV. Merdenova L.A., Tagaeva I.R., Takoeva E.A. Features of the study of biological rhythms in children. The results of fundamental and applied research in the field of natural and technical sciences. Materials of the International Scientific and Practical Conference. Belgorod, 2017, pp. 119-123. XVI. Ogarysheva N.V. The dynamics of mental performance as a criterion for adapting to the teaching load. Bulletin of the Samara Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. 2014;16:5 (1): S.636-638. XVII. Pekmezovi T. Gene-environment interaction: A genetic-epidemiological approach. Journal of Medical Biochemistry. 2010;29:131-134. XVIII. Rapoport S.I., Chibisov S.M. Chronobiology and chronomedicine: history and prospects/Ed. S.M. Chibisov, S.I. Rapoport ,, M.L. Blagonravova. Chronobiology and Chronomedicine: Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia (RUDN) Press. Moscow, 2018. XIX. Roustit M., Cracowski J.L. “Non-invasive assessment of skin microvascular function in humans: an insight into methods” – Microcirculation 2012; 19 (1): 47-64. XX. Rud V.O., FisunYu.O. – References of the circadian desinchronosis in students. Ukrainian Bulletin of Psychoneurology. 2010; 18(2) (63): 74-77. XXI. Takoeva Z. A., Medoeva N. O., Berezova D. T., Merdenova L. A. et al. Long-term analysis of the results of chronomonitoring of the health of the population of North Ossetia; Vladikavkaz Medical and Biological Bulletin. 2011; 12(12,19): 32-38. XXII. Urumova L.T., Tagaeva I.R., Takoeva E.A., Datieva L.R. – The study of some health indicators of medical students in different periods of the year. Health and education in the XXI century. 2016; 18(4): 94-97. XXIII. Westman J. – Complex diseases. In: Medical genetics for the modern clinician. USA: Lippincott Williams & Wilkins, 2006. XXIV. Yadrischenskaya T.V. Circadian biorhythms of students and their importance in educational activities. Problems of higher education. Pacific State University Press. 2016; 2:176-178. View | Download TRIADIC COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS Authors: Stanislav A.Kudzh,Victor Ya. Tsvetkov, DOI: https://doi.org/10.26782/jmcms.spl.10/2020.06.00047 Abstract: The present study of comparison methods based on the triadic model introduces the following concepts: the relation of comparability and the relation of comparison, and object comparison and attributive comparison. The difference between active and passive qualitative comparison is shown, two triadic models of passive and active comparison and models for comparing two and three objects are described. Triadic comparison models are proposed as an alternative to dyadic comparison models. Comparison allows finding the common and the different; this approach is proposed for the analysis of the nomothetic and ideographic method of obtaining knowledge. The nomothetic method identifies and evaluates the general, while the ideographic method searches for unique in parameters and in combinations of parameters. Triadic comparison is used in systems and methods of argumentation, as well as in the analysis of consistency/inconsistency. Keywords: Comparative analysis,dyad,triad,triadic model,comparability relation,object comparison,attributive comparison,nomothetic method,ideographic method, Refference: I. AltafS., Aslam.M.Paired comparison analysis of the van Baarenmodel using Bayesian approach with noninformativeprior.Pakistan Journal of Statistics and Operation Research 8(2) (2012) 259{270. II. AmooreJ. E., VenstromD Correlations between stereochemical assessments and organoleptic analysis of odorous compounds. Olfaction and Taste (2016) 3{17. III. BarnesJ., KlingerR. Embedding projection for targeted cross-lingual sentiment: model comparisons and a real-world study. Journal of Artificial Intelligence Research 66 (2019) 691{742. doi.org/10.1613/jair.1.11561 IV. Castro-SchiloL., FerrerE.Comparison of nomothetic versus idiographic-oriented methods for making predictions about distal outcomes from time series data. Multivariate Behavioral Research 48(2) (2013) 175{207. V. De BonaG.et al. Classifying inconsistency measures using graphs. Journal of Artificial Intelligence Research 66 (2019) 937{987. VI. FideliR. La comparazione. Milano: Angeli, 1998. VII. GordonT. F., PrakkenH., WaltonD. The Carneades model of argument and burden of proof. Artificial Intelligence 10(15) (2007) 875{896. VIII. GrenzS.J. The social god and the relational self: A Triad theology of the imago Dei. Westminster: John Knox Press, 2001. IX. HermansH.J. M.On the integration of nomothetic and idiographic research methods in the study of personal meaning.Journal of Personality 56(4) (1988) 785{812. X. JamiesonK. G., NowakR. Active ranking using pairwise comparisons.Advances in Neural Information Processing Systems (2011) 2240{2248. XI. JongsmaC.Poythress’s triad logic: a review essay. Pro Rege 42(4) (2014) 6{15. XII. KärkkäinenV.M. Trinity and Religious Pluralism: The Doctrine of the Trinity in Christian Theology of Religions. London: Routledge, 2017. XIII. KudzhS. A., TsvetkovV.Ya. Triadic systems. Russian Technology Magazine 7(6) (2019) 74{882. XIV. NelsonK.E.Some observations from the perspective of the rare event cognitive comparison theory of language acquisition.Children’s Language 6 (1987) 289{331. XV. NiskanenA., WallnerJ., JärvisaloM.Synthesizing argumentation frameworks from examples. Journal of Artificial Intelligence Research 66 (2019) 503{554. XVI. PührerJ.Realizability of three-valued semantics for abstract dialectical frameworks.Artificial Intelligence 278 (2020) 103{198. XVII. SwansonG.Frameworks for comparative research: structural anthropology and the theory of action. In: Vallier, Ivan (Ed.). Comparative methods in sociology: essays on trends and applications.Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971 141{202. XVIII. TsvetkovV.Ya.Worldview model as the result of education.World Applied Sciences Journal 31(2) (2014) 211{215. XIX. TsvetkovV. Ya. Logical analysis and variable scales. Slavic Forum 4(22) (2018) 103{109. XX. Wang S. et al. Transit traffic analysis zone delineating method based on Thiessen polygon. Sustainability 6(4) (2014) 1821{1832. View | Download DEVELOPING TECHNOLOGY OF CREATING WEAR-RESISTANT CERAMIC COATING FOR ICE CYLINDER". JOURNAL OF MECHANICS OF CONTINUA AND MATHEMATICAL SCIENCES spl10, № 1 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.26782/jmcms.spl.10/2020.06.00048.

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