Academic literature on the topic 'February 28 Incident'

The 1947 February 28 Incident, which resulted in more than 10,000 casualties, is a seminal event in Taiwan’s modern history. The sharp internal and external divisions that were expressed during the event and its aftermath became the prototype for modern Taiwan’s social conflicts. The Incident also attracted the attention of not only Taiwan but also Korea, which had just been liberated, and Korean media outlets reported the causes and background of the Incident in light of their own experience of colonization. Therefore, an understanding of the narrative and causes of the February 28 Incident can serve as a mirror for understanding the immediate post-liberation situation in East Asian countries with colonial experiences. To this end, this article focuses on Korean media coverage of the February 28 Incident, analyzing the sources, context of the coverage, and perspectives expressed in the commentary. This article explains that the KMT’s misguided policies and responses played a crucial role in the escalation of the incident to the rest of Taiwan, and that internal conflicts and divisions within the KMT contributed to the difficulties in the negotiation process. As commentary in the Korean and Western media has shown, the February 28 Incident cannot be viewed simply as a result of internal contradictions in Taiwanese society, but also provides clues to understanding the effects of Japanese colonial rule, the state of the KMT, and economic insecurity.

Objective. To explore the implementation of incident learning for quality management of radiotherapy in a new established radiotherapy program.Materials and Methods. With reference to the consensus recommendations by American Association of Physicist in Medicine, an incident learning system was specifically established for reporting, investigating, and learning of individual incidents. The incidents that occurred in external beam radiotherapy from February, 2012, to February, 2014, were reported.Results. A total of 28 near misses and 5 incidents were reported. Among them, 5 originated in imaging for planning, 25 in planning, and 1 in plan transfer, commissioning, and delivery, respectively. One near miss/incident was classified as wrong patient, 7 wrong sites, 6 wrong laterality, and 5 wrong dose. Five reported incidents were all classified as grade 1/2 of dosimetric severity, 1 as grade 0, and the other 4 as grade 1 of medical severity. For the causes/contributory factors, negligence, policy not followed, and inadequate training contributed to 19, 15, and 12 near misses/incidents, respectively. The average incident rate per 100 patients treated was 0.4.Conclusion. Effective implementation of incident learning can reduce the occurrence of near misses/incidents and enhance the culture of safety.

ABSTRACT: Thirty years after Taiwan lifted martial law in 1987, Taiwanese society today is open to a re-evaluation of its authoritarian past. Following the beginning of the Tsai presidency in 2016, Taiwan’s quest for a national identity has become more perceivable in its memory culture. The year 2017 marked the 70th anniversary of the February 28 Incident as well as the 80th anniversary of the beginning of the Second Sino–Japanese War. Questions of whether and how to commemorate the 1937 Marco Polo Bridge Incident, as well as the search for historical equivalences are overshadowed by the two large political camps and their respective allies. Third parties such as the CCP or Japan also offer conflicting narratives and seek to influence Taiwan’s historiography, which will ultimately shape Taiwan’s future. More than just vying for the prerogative of the interpretation of memory, these issues also led to a more fundamental question: What should be considered Taiwanese history?

Background Adverse drug events related to patient-controlled analgesia (PCA) place patients at risk. Methods We reviewed all critical incident reports at three tertiary care hospitals dated January 1, 2002, to February 28, 2009. In this longitudinal cohort study, critical incidents attributable to PCA errors were identified, and each incident was investigated. A safety intervention was implemented in February 2006 and involved new PCA pumps, new preprinted physician orders, nursing and patient education, a manual independent double-check, and a formal nursing transfer of accountability. Results A total of 25,198 patients were treated with PCA during this study, and 62 errors were found (0.25%), with 21 (0.08%) involving pump programming. All errors occurred before the safety interventions were put in place. Compared with the preintervention period, the odds ratio of a PCA error postintervention was 0.28 (95% CI = 0.14, 0.53; P < 0.001) whereas the odds ratio of a pump-programming error postintervention was 0.05 (95% CI = 0.001, 0.30; P < 0.001). Programming the wrong drug concentration was the most common programming error (10 of 21). Improper setup of intravenous tubing was also common (8 of 62), with one incident leading to respiratory arrest. Most PCA errors resulted in no harm, but there was negative impact to patients 34% of the time. Conclusion At less than 1%, the incidence of PCA errors is relatively low. Most errors occur during PCA administration. Safety can be improved by addressing equipment, education, and process issues.

AbstractThis article examines how violence against citizens affects their political attitudes and behavior in the long run, and how those effects vary over time. We construct and analyze a novel dataset on the victims of Taiwan's February 28 Incident, in 1947, with survey data spanning 1990 to 2017. Our empirical analysis shows that cohorts having directly or indirectly experienced the Incident are less likely to support the Kuomintang Party (KMT), the former authoritarian ruling party responsible for the Incident. They tend to disagree with the key conventional policy stand of the KMT (unification with mainland China), are more likely to self-identify as Taiwanese, and are less likely to vote for KMT presidential candidates. Taiwan's residents who were born in towns with larger number of casualties during the Incident are more likely to reject unification. Finally, the effects are found to vary over the period following democratization.

A former part of the Qing Empire, Taiwan was colonized by Japan in 1895 and returned to China, upon Tokyo's defeat, in 1945. Two years later, a revolt broke out against the mainland Chinese authorities and was brutally crushed. This episode, known as the February 28 Incident, has been at the center of memory wars in Taiwan since democratization. Historical accounts have tended to focus on the background causes of the Incident and on the role played by the Taiwanese elite. This article argues that devoting more attention to grassroots participants and their repertoire of action can shed new light on the events. During World War II, many young Taiwanese were mobilized in the Japanese army and paramilitary structures. This experience persisted in collective memory after Japan's defeat. During the revolt, young Taiwanese spontaneously “remobilized” the repertoire of actions and symbols formed during the war, with important consequences.

The advent of democracy in Turkey has been far from tranquil. Since the transition to multiparty politics in 1946, democracy has been interrupted by three military interventions (in 1960, 1971, and 1980)- unless we count as the fourth intervention the more recent incident, euphemistically labeled “the 28 February Process,” in which the military played a crucial role in forcing the resignation of the governing coalition led by the Islamist-oriented Welfare Party (WP). Not only has Turkish democracy followed a cyclical pattern in which breakdowns and transitions succeeded each other, the degree or the quality of democracy that was in place never ceased to attract bitter criticism.

1. INTRODUCTIONOn February 1988, the M.S. Cape, a 2,000 ton coaster sailing under the Honduran flag, passed the K14 FA 1 production platform belonging to the Nederlandsche Aardolie Maatschappij (NAM) at a distance of 25 meters. The ship had been drifting because of an engine failure but did not communicate this fact until it had reached an adjacent production platform, by which time it had successfully solved its engine problem. As a result of this incident, the production of gas was halted for some time and the operator of the platform suffered considerable losses. On 28 February 1988, the Swedish ferry M.S. “Vinca Gorthon” entered a field with severe weather conditions, ran into trouble, sent a MAY-DAY call, listed and sunk right on top of a Unocal pipeline, which was damaged. Oil transport through this pipeline had to be stopped immediately. The daily loss suffered by the operator was approximately Dfl.1,5 million.

Taiwan’s February 28 Incident happened in 1947 as a set of popular protests against the postwar policies of the Nationalist Party, and it then sparked militant actions and political struggles of Taiwanese but ended with military suppression and political persecution by the Nanjing government. The Nationalist Party first defined the Incident as a rebellion by pro-Japanese forces and communist saboteurs. As the enemy of the Nationalist Party in China’s Civil War (1946-1949), the Chinese Communist Party initially interpreted the Incident as a Taiwanese fight for political autonomy in the party’s wartime propaganda, and then reinterpreted the event as an anti-Nationalist uprising under its own leadership. After the rapprochement of Mao’s China with the United States in the 1970s, both parties successively started economic or political reform and revised their respective policies toward the February 28 Incident. Moreover, the Democratic Progressive Party rose as a pro-independence force in Taiwan in the mid-1980s, and its stress on the Taiwanese pursuit of autonomy in the Incident coincided with the initial interpretation of the Chinese Communist Party. These partisan views and their related policy changes deeply influenced historical research on the Incident. This study re-examines both the history and the historical accuracy of these partisan discourses and the relevant scholarship on the Incident, and further proposes to understand this historic event in the long-term context of Taiwanese resistance and political struggles.<br>Graduate

碩士<br>國立臺北教育大學<br>台灣文化研究所<br>99<br>This study investigates the Taiwanese artists after February 28 Incident, including the first generation of Taiwanese western painter, Cheng-Po Chen and four painters - Yu-Shan Lin, Tian-Sheng Pu, Sin-Lu Liu and Wen Ou Yang, who are familiar with Chen. To conduct the research, the study adopts Literature Analysis, Document Analysis, Historical Comparative Analysis and Socio-artistic Analysis. This research first explores the development of Taiwanese art. In the Japanese ruled period, the generation of fine arts movement expanded to Chia-Yi, which had been called “Painting City”. This study further investigates the background of Cheng-Po Chen and his transition of mindset during the Japanese ruled and postwar period, including the Chinese identity and what he went through in the February 28 Incident. Chen’ execution by shooting did not negatively influence Yu-Shan Lin and Tian-Sheng Pu and they continued their relationship with KMT government. However, Chen’s death severely impacted Sin-Lu Liu and Wen Ou Yang. Liu quit painting and abandoned his career as an artist; meanwhile, Ou Yang had been imprisoned for twelve years since 1950. As a result of personalities, characteristics of works and economic reasons, Yu-Shan Lin and Tian-Sheng Pu were not influenced by Chen’s death and continued their creations for the government. Wen Ou Yang was imprisoned as a result of his participation in February 28 Incident. However, during his life in prison, he still positively affected Taiwanese artist circle and Sin-Lu Liu still dedicated himself to the development of art in Chia-Yi. Even though the four artists had different reactions and attitudes toward Chen’s execution and February 28 Incident, they still exerted their social influences as artists, continued their artistic creations and enormously contributed to artist education and promotion. Key word：February 28 Incident, Politics and Art, Cheng-Po Chen ,Yu-Shan Lin, Tian-Sheng Pu, Sin-Lu Liu, Wen Ou Yang,

博士<br>國立中興大學<br>歷史學系所<br>101<br>Liao Wen-I was born in the Presbyterian rich family. He growed up from birth to adolescence accepted the influence of the traditional Sinology, continue to accept the education on Taiwan, Japan, China, the United States and so on. During he was studied in the U.S. to accept the influence of federalism, the concept of decentrali- -zation at the American society. His thought contains the main four factors: Nation, family, religion, education. After World War II, Liao Wen-I considered the meaning of the word Guangfu（光復） that reveal revitalization of the national spirit or land recovery, family reunited and unified a country. He served as a member of the public career, as well as political activities. In Taiwan, he engaged in various public issues, including the founder of poineer magazine , as well as overseas war survivors rescued. Also he held more than a salon-style seminars to promote its concept of local self-government. His political thought from "federalist" of the U.S. that the system of federal should be completed in Taiwan, the provincial governor must be free-elected by poople, and generated the Provincial Gazette and other related concepts. At first Liao had developd his thought by the federal doctrine and then into high degree of autonomy, and finally toward Taiwan independence. He embodied the ideas in the book Formosa speak in which is significant for Taiwaneses including historical consciousness, Zheng Chenggong complex, hybrid theory and so on. At first Wen-I was imprisoned to be wanted at the February 28 Inciden, and later his brother Liaowen Kui suffered in jail. they are oppose to the KMT dictatorship and a short relationship at Hong Kong, due to the differences in the way the liberation of Taiwan to separate the Formosan League for Reemancipation and the Taiwan Alliance. He and Kerr, John Service, who have close contacts, is sufficient to prove that the United States behind the manipulation of the Taiwan independence movement. Personal growth process is unable to escape the way of identity , social environment and the impact of the trend. Wen-I has its free thinking, and even contradictory existence, along with the surrounding character and change, regardless of the early Liaowen Kui of Chinese political philosophy, and later independence theory, even comes from the arguments of Kerr E.H.,Huang Chi-nan to raised by independence, both for Liao Wen-I future ideas have a certain degree of influence. Liao Wen-I has twists and turns postwar ideological changes that comes from his national identity confusion and perplexity. However, his successes and failures have their reasons, but he is beyond doubt that he played a role in pioneer of Taiwan independence.

碩士<br>國立臺北大學<br>民俗藝術與文化資產研究所<br>106<br>A History recorded the civilization of people and the value of each period. However, not all memories are glorious, while some bears traumatic memories from the past. February 28 Incident is one of the traumatic events in Taiwan's history. Nowadays the event is continuing researched and memorized through different methods which recall future generations. In this study, methods of literature review, content analysis were used. The transitional justice process of February 28 Incident with the idea of historical memories, the dilemma facing in the heritagization of historical site, problems on values of conservation under the scope of Cultural Heritage Preservation Act in Taiwan, and possibilities of memorizing and preservation of contested history sites, is discussed. This study shows that within 9 sites related to February 28 Incident contested sites discussed, there are different degrees of commemoration and memory context. Since most of these sites were places of conflicts or demonstration, the preservation of the site may not only keep only the site itself, but also reflect the historical memories through different medium such as words, photos, exhibitions, and etc., which could preserve and transfer the whole idea of a cultural heritage site to the future generation. Nonetheless, the contested site may face the controversy of unneutral historic interpretation, possibility of further social split, difficulties on the recognizing the outstanding value through comparative research, and the question of authenticity. Thus, the designation or registration as a monument or site under the legal instrument may not the only method for preservation, while other means are even more essential for transferring historic memories and contemporary value to the future generations. Keywords: February 28 incident, the contested history sites, heritagization, the preservation of history sites

碩士<br>國立臺灣大學<br>法律學研究所<br>101<br>International humanitarian law has developed since the 19th century and is now one of the important issues under international law. Most of the discussions of international humanitarian law were based on foreign cases. This thesis aims to analyze whether the conflicts of the February 28 Incident of 1947 constitute crimes against humanity and whether the participants of the incident should be liable for individual criminal responsibility. First, Chapter 2 will introduce the development and the legal sources of international humanitarian law. Since the establishment of International Committee of Red Cross, international humanitarian law has begun to develop. In response to the serious calamity causing by wars, a series of treaties and conventions were drafted and adopted including “the law of Hague” that seeks to regulate the conduct of hostilities and “the law of Geneva” that strives to protect war victims such as civilians and prisoners of war. In 1990s, a number of ad hoc international criminal tribunals were set up to punish those who violate international humanitarian law. All these led to the establishment of the International Criminal Court that has since 2003 been in operation. The legal sources of international humanitarian law include treaties, customary international law and general principles of law. Chapter 3 discusses crimes against humanity and individual criminal responsibility. Crimes against humanity were codified after the Second World War. After decades of developments, crimes against humanity are no longer linked with armed conflicts and are applicable both to times of war and times of peace. The elements of crimes against humanity include a widespread or systematic attack targeting any civilian populations and perpetrators with the knowledge of the attack. Violators of international humanitarian law should be held liable for direct responsibility for the involvement of the commission or superior responsibility for not fulfilling the obligation of supervision. Chapter 4 introduces the conflicts and the force suppression of February 28 Incident of 1947 in northern and Kaohsiung areas. The incident was precipitated by a confiscation case in Taipei on February 27, 1947. The anger of civilians was outbreak when a woman, who sold cigarettes without authorization, was beaten by mainlander officials. The conflicts between civilians and the government were becoming more and more serious. The government decided to suppress civilians by forces and arrested members of the February 28 Incident committee and local gentry. Thousands of lives were lost in the incident. Last, Chapter 5 analyzes whether the conflicts in northern and Kaohsiung areas during the February 28 Incident constitute crimes against humanity and the criminal responsibility of the participants. The thesis is of the view that if there were no challenge made to ex post application of international humanitarian law, the deaths and other casualties that had occurred in northern and Kaohsiung areas during the February 28 Incident would have constituted crimes against humanity. Those who participated and ordered the force suppression would have be liable for direct responsibility, and those who did not fulfill their duty as a superior would have also be liable for superior responsibility.

碩士<br>國立中山大學<br>政治學研究所<br>93<br>The topic of this thesis is the research on the participants of the February 28 Incident from the interaction of political organizations to exam the turmoil led by Peng Mon-chi organization and puts great emphasis on the further excavation of the true facts of the earliest 11th(February 27th to March ninth in Year 36 of the Republic of China) of the 228 affairseses in Kaohsiung Cities, construct at that time concretely the history, to distinguish the affairs conflict in early days the organization situation of the aggressor and it acted, and tried to participate the situation and organization to interact the situation from private gentry in the place, finding out in 228 property of the affairseses of Kaohsiung.

This chapter discusses the violence of imperial dissolution. Three historical episodes provide insight into how the end of the empire and impediments to seeking justice complicated the beginning of the postwar period. The chapter provides an overview of the Shibuya Incident of 1946, the February 28 Incident in Taiwan, and the 1948 Jeju Island Incident. Archetypal incidents highlighted the difficulty of demobilized but weaponized societies where youths were recently disenfranchised from the empire. The chapter also explains that the continuation of instability in the wake of Japanese imperial dissolution would cast a long shadow on Korea, mainland Chinese society, and Taiwan for years to come.

Chapter 3 explores the treatment of martyrs in various exhibitionary spaces in Taiwan. KMT forms of martyrdom are on display at the Taipei Martyrs Shrine (忠烈祠‎), which commemorates soldiers and political figures who sacrificed their lives for Nationalist causes (e.g., the 1911 Revolution and the suppression of Communists in the 1940s) in a mode that resonates with Confucian forms of martyrdom and that serves as an emotional hook for the sinocentric narrative of Taiwan history. The other two spaces discussed here—the Taipei February 28 Memorial Park and Memorial Museum (二二八和平公園和紀念館‎) and the National February 28 Memorial Museum (二二八國家紀念館‎)—commemorate martyrs of a very different sort: those who died at the hands of the KMT during the February 28 Incident of 1947. These martyrs bolster a nativist view of Taiwan history and identity.

In this chapter Victor Louzon turns our historiographical focus to the violence of decolonization in Taiwan, namely the 1947 uprising known as the February 28 Incident. Louzon details how the revolt broke out, and places the incident in the context of memory wars in Taiwan since. His chapter delves into the politics and geopolitics the incident, highlighting both the KMT brutal suppression of the revolt, and the experience of Taiwanese at the center of the revolt, many of whom had been mobilized by the Japanese army and paramilitary structures. His work redirects our attention to the experience of “remobilized” Taiwanese and the repertoire of actions and symbols invoked from the imperial era which defined the incident. Even more his work suggests new insights into broader transnational questions of the imperial roots of mobilization and militarization in Cold War Asia.

Chapter 2 focuses on the National Museum of Taiwan History (國立台灣歷史博物館‎) opened in 2011 in the city of Tainan. The first in Taiwan dedicated to telling the story of Taiwan’s development into nationhood, the museum centers its narrative around the tropes of inclusiveness, ethnic diversity, immigration, and political pluralism. In the process, it avoids the excesses of a more radical Taiwanese nativism and presents a “consensus” view of the history of the island that de-emphasizes historical traumas, such as inter-ethnic conflict, the horrendous treatment of Taiwan’s indigenous peoples, and the February 28 Incident.

Abstract There are three versions of King David. Version I consists of twenty-seven numbers of incidental music for the eponymous play by René Morax. Honegger composed this between 25 February and 28 April 1921, completing the orchestration on 20 May. Marcelle Cheridjian-Charrey, accompanied by her husband, sang six of the solo movements with piano at a Paris concert on 2 June 1921, and Georges Hubbard sang three more at a concert on 7 June. The original King David was a spectacle that took more than four hours, about one hour of it being given over to music. Beginning on 11 June 1921, this was presented ten times that month and in July at the Thétre du Jorat at Mézières in the canton of Vaud, Switzerland, with the composer conducting. The percussionist at these performances was the eighteen-year-old Maurice de Abravanel, who in his long career (without the “de”) as conductor would be one of Honegger’s most prominent interpreters.

Since the 1980s, school violence has been prominent in society and is gradually increasing in occurrence. In 1999, the Columbine High School shooting shocked the country demonstrating how deadly school violence can be, with a death count of 13 total people, including 12 students and 1 teacher. The next prominent occurrence was in 2005 on the Red Lake Indian Reservation, where 10 people were killed at the hands of a 16-year-old student. Another more recent act of school violence was in 2012 in Newtown, Connecticut, at Sandy Hook Elementary School. There, the shooter killed 28 people including children and teachers inside the school and his mother. And the latest horrific incidence of this kind took place at the Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida, in February of 2018. The shooter took the lives of 14 students and 3 school employees. As a response to these shootings, law enforcement has collaborated with schools to implement the use of school resource officers, emergency evaluation/reaction drills, and new policies regarding school violence.

Since the 1980s, school violence has been prominent in society and is gradually increasing in occurrence. In 1999, the Columbine High School shooting shocked the country demonstrating how deadly school violence can be, with a death count of 13 total people, including 12 students and 1 teacher. The next prominent occurrence was in 2005 on the Red Lake Indian Reservation, where 10 people were killed at the hands of a 16-year-old student. Another more recent act of school violence was in 2012 in Newtown, Connecticut, at Sandy Hook Elementary School. There, the shooter killed 28 people including children and teachers inside the school and his mother. And the latest horrific incidence of this kind took place at the Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida, in February of 2018. The shooter took the lives of 14 students and 3 school employees. As a response to these shootings, law enforcement has collaborated with schools to implement the use of school resource officers, emergency evaluation/reaction drills, and new policies regarding school violence.

Abstract In her short memoir, Some Recollections (a manuscript completed on 4 January 19u), Emma Lavinia Gifford, Thomas Hardy’s first wife, recalled the time of their courtship in the early 1870s: ‘We grew much interested in each other and I found him a perfectly new subject of study and delight, and he found a “mine” in me, he said’. Mrs Hardy had attempted to rival her husband as a writer, which may explain the curious air of people taking notes on each other in ‘a perfectly new subject of study and delight’, an air which runs on beyond the comma to inform the reciprocating ‘and he found a “mine” in me’, followed by the faintest note of possible recrimination in the halting, comma’d-off ‘he said’. Hardy introduced details of their courtship into A Pair of Blue Eyes (1873), as Mrs Hardy knew; he adopted phrases and incidents from Some Recollections when composing the poems that followed upon her death in the autumn of 1912. To account for the hold another’s words can have on the imagination of a writer conceiving and composing poems, I want to examine related qualities in Hardy’s work: regular and irregular rhythms and stanza forms; the unforeseen in human experience, and the predestined or fated; then, quoted or spoken words within inverted commas and the stanza forms they fit. James Joyce, referring to the final chapter of Ulysses in a letter to Frank Budgen of 28 February 1921, wrote: ‘The last word (human, all too human) is left to Penelope. This is the indispensable countersign to Bloom’s passport to eternity.’ An ‘indispensable countersign’ in Hardy’s ‘self-excelling’ poems is what I hope to depict.

This paper investigates the Gülen movement’s repertoires of action in order to determine how it differs from traditional Islamic revivalist movements and from the so-called ‘New Social Movements’ in the Western world. Two propositions lead the discussion: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against the perceived threat of a trio of enemies, as Nursi named them a century ago – ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to understanding the apolitical mind-set of the Gülen movement’s fol- lowers. Second, unlike the confrontational New Social Movements, the Gülen movement has engaged in ‘moral opposition’, in which the movement’s actors seek to empathise with the adversary by creating (what Bakhtin calls) ‘dialogic’ relationships. ‘Moral opposition’ has enabled the movement to be more alert strategically as well as more productive tactically in solving the everyday practical problems of Muslims in Turkey. A striking example of this ‘moral opposition’ was witnessed in the Merve Kavakci incident in 1999, when the move- ment tried to build bridges between the secular and Islamist camps, while criticising and educating both parties during the post-February 28 period in Turkey. In this way the Gülen movement’s performance of opposition can contribute new theoretical and practical tools for our understanding of social movements. 104 | P a g e Recent works on social movements have criticized the longstanding tradition of classify- ing social movement types as “strategy-oriented” versus “identity-oriented” (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Rucht 1988) and “identity logic of action” versus “instrumentalist logic of ac- tion” (Duyvendak and Giugni 1995) by regarding identities as a key element of a move- ment’s strategic and tactical repertoire (see Bernstein 1997, 2002; Gamson 1997; Polletta 1998a; Polletta and Jasper 2001; Taylor and Van Dyke 2004). Bifurcation of identity ver- sus strategy suggests the idea that some movements target the state and the economy, thus, they are “instrumental” and “strategy-oriented”; whereas some other movements so-called “identity movements” challenge the dominant cultural patterns and codes and are considered “expressive” in content and “identity-oriented.” New social movement theorists argue that identity movements try to gain recognition and respect by employing expressive strategies wherein the movement itself becomes the message (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Melucci 1989, 1996). Criticizing these dualisms, some scholars have shown the possibility of different social movement behaviour under different contextual factors (e.g. Bernstein 1997; Katzenstein 1998). In contrast to new social movement theory, this work on the Gülen movement indi- cates that identity movements are not always expressive in content and do not always follow an identity-oriented approach; instead, identity movements can synchronically be strategic as well as expressive. In her article on strategies and identities in Black Protest movements during the 1960s, Polletta (1994) criticizes the dominant theories of social movements, which a priori assume challengers’ unified common interests. Similarly, Jenkins (1983: 549) refers to the same problem in the literature by stating that “collective interests are assumed to be relatively unproblematic and to exist prior to mobilization.” By the same token, Taylor and Whittier (1992: 104) criticize the longstanding lack of explanation “how structural inequality gets translated into subjective discontent.” The dominant social movement theory approaches such as resource mobilization and political process regard these problems as trivial because of their assumption that identities and framing processes can be the basis for interests and further collective action but cannot change the final social movement outcome. Therefore, for the proponents of the mainstream theories, identities of actors are formed in evolutionary processes wherein social movements consciously frame their goals and produce relevant dis- courses; yet, these questions are not essential to explain why collective behaviour occurs (see McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald 1996). This reductionist view of movement culture has been criticized by a various number of scholars (e.g. Goodwin and Jasper 1999; Polletta 1997, 1999a, 1999b; Eyerman 2002). In fact, the debate over the emphases (interests vis-à-vis identities) is a reflection of the dissent between American and European sociological traditions. As Eyerman and Jamison (1991: 27) note, the American sociologists focused on “the instrumentality of movement strategy formation, that is, on how movement organizations went about trying to achieve their goals,” whereas the European scholars concerned with the identity formation processes that try to explain “how movements produced new historical identities for society.” Although the social movement theorists had recognized the deficiencies within each approach, the attempts to synthesize these two traditions in the literature failed to address the empirical problems and methodological difficulties. While criticizing the mainstream American collective behaviour approaches that treat the collective identities as given, many leading European scholars fell into a similar trap by a 105 | P a g e priori assuming that the collective identities are socio-historical products rather than cog- nitive processes (see, for instance, Touraine 1981). New Social Movement (NSM) theory, which is an offshoot of European tradition, has lately been involved in the debate over “cog- nitive praxis” (Eyerman and Jamison 1991), “signs” (Melucci 1996), “identity as strategy” (Bernstein 1997), protest as “art” (Jasper 1997), “moral performance” (Eyerman 2006), and “storytelling” (Polletta 2006). In general, these new formulations attempt to bring mental structures of social actors and symbolic nature of social action back in the study of collec- tive behaviour. The mental structures of the actors should be considered seriously because they have a potential to change the social movement behaviours, tactics, strategies, timing, alliances and outcomes. The most important failure, I think, in the dominant SM approaches lies behind the fact that they hinder the possibility of the construction of divergent collective identities under the same structures (cf. Polletta 1994: 91). This study investigates on how the Gülen movement differed from other Islamic social move- ments under the same structural factors that were realized by the organized opposition against Islamic activism after the soft coup in 1997. Two propositions shall lead my discussion here: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against perceived threat of the triple enemies, what Nursi defined a century ago: ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to grasp non-political men- tal structures of the Gülen movement followers. Second, unlike the confrontational nature of the new social movements, the Gülen movement engaged in a “moral opposition,” in which the movement actors try to empathize with the enemy by creating “dialogic” relationships.