Journal articles on the topic 'Federal government, argentina'

The article examines the legal basis for the organization of local self-government in two federal states — Russia and Argentina. It has been established that these countries have different approaches to the issue of distribution of powers between the federal center and regions in terms of regulating the activities of municipal authorities. This is largely due to the historical features of the development of federalism in Russia and Argentina. A distinctive feature of the Argentine approach is also that some municipalities may independently determine their own municipal regime within constitutionally established limits.

In 1880, following a two-generation-long civil war, Argentina embarked upon a critical period of nation-building, which culminated in the centennial celebrations of 1910. In The Argentine Generation of 1880: Ideology and Cultural Texts, David Foster has commented upon the inconclusiveness of national cultural formation as Argentina turned from the nineteenth to the twentieth century, the uncertainty of how much from the provinces would be incorporated into the elite-constructed culture emanating from the port city of Buenos Aires. The recently published work of Roy Hora, The Landowners of the Argentine Pampas: A Social and Political History 1860-1945, and the work of Tulio Halperin, “The Buenos Aires Landed Class and the Shape of Argentine Politics (1820-1930),” which preceded it, further heighten the significance of provincial-porteño interaction at this point in Argentine history. Halperin and Hora find that during these years, and beyond, the socio-economic and the political elite of Argentina was not a unified whole, but rather two distinctive groups. In the leadership of the socio-economic elite was a landed class based on the estancias of the Argentine pampa and overwhelmingly porteño in character. Provincials dominated the political elite, as the provinces ‘captured’ the federal government in the years following their reunification with the province of Buenos Aires in 1861. Participation in the federal government brought the provincial political elite into contact with the porteño estancieros who dominated the socio-economic elite, as these were almost universally resident in the federal capital. But Roy Hora has described the relationship between the two groups as “problematic.”

AbstractMajor terrorist attacks in Argentina since 1990 have been limited to two bombings in Buenos Aires, which together caused 115 deaths and left at least 555 injured. Following these attacks, national, regional, and local institutions responsible for emergency response in Argentina sought to improve their planning and preparedness for terrorism-related events. In 1996, the national government enacted legislation, which launched the Sistema Federal de Emergencias (SIFEM) or Federal Emergency System under the direction of the president. Since 1997, several of Argentina's major cities have developed emergency plans for terrorism-related events, including intentional biological and chemical releases. Institutional participants in emergency preparedness for terrorism-related events include Emergency Medical Services, hospitals, and the public health system. Remaining challenges include: (1) Improving intra-agency coordination; (2) Improving intra-agency communication; and (3) Improving and expanding emergency response training programs for responders and the general population.

Argentina has been experiencing a long awaited reform of its arbitration legislation. The first step towards modernizing Argentina’s outdated legislation was the inclusion of a chapter relating to the arbitration agreement on a new federal Civil and Commercial Code enacted in 2015. This new legislation did not, however, repeal the existing arbitration provisions of the procedural codes, generating some tension between certain provisions that overlapped providing inconsistent solutions. The new legislation also included some controversial provisions which appear to be at odds with the modernization efforts. During the last year the federal Government promoted a legal reform aim at making the country more arbitration-friendly which address such criticisms and concerns. This article discusses the current legal regime applicable to arbitration in Argentina while addressing the impact that the reform will have if the draft bills that are currently being discussed are adopted.

The article is devoted to the legal and constitutional position of the Federal Parliament in the Republic of Argentina. In it, the author analyses those regulations of the constitution that define the place and role of the legislative body within the presidential system of government. First, the author shows the status of the parliament in the light of the constitutional principles of the system and its relationship with other federal bodies. He then points to the principles of election of the two chambers of parliament, its structure and the implementation of the legislative function. He also tries to show the impact of the 1994 constitutional revision on the political position of the National Congress, which resulted in the introduction of certain elements of the parliamentary system into the political system of Argentina.

The article reviews some special aspects of the legal regulation of the municipal electoral procedure in Argentina. The author studies federal and regional laws of Argentina. The approaches of the Argentinian legislator to some matters differ significantly from the corresponding legal regulation in Russia. In particular, this concerns the participation of foreign citizens in municipal elections, the opportunity to establish regional and municipal political parties. In the author's opinion, the Argentinian experience can be taken into account at updating the laws of the Russian Federation on local self-government and municipal elections.

The article examines the approach of the Argentine legislator to determining the legal foundations of the territorial organization of public authority. The work analyzes the norms of the Argentine Constitution, the legislation of the constituent entities of the federation (provinces), materials of law enforcement practice and doctrinal sources. The types of public territorial entities in Argentina, the sources of legal regulation of their status, the influence of the peculiarities of the historical development of the Argentine state on modern approaches to the territorial organization of public authority are explored. Taking into account the federal nature of the Argentine state, the lack of comprehensive studies of the issue of territorial organization of public authority in Argentina, the experience of the studied country seems worthy of attention within the framework of the Russian science of municipal law. It has been established that Argentine legislation provides for the existence of obligatory and optional territorial entities whose status is distinguished, first of all, by the granting of political autonomy to the former. A special feature is the provision of exclusive competence to the provinces in terms of regulating the territorial and other foundations of the organization of municipal authority. When creating municipal territorial entities, provinces establish criteria for the formation of municipalities and also provide for their division into categories. The legal status of municipalities, depending on their classification into one category or another, may differ significantly, especially in terms of the existence of institutional autonomy. The experience of Argentina can be taken into account in the context of reforming the institution of local self-government in Russia.

This study assesses the explanatory power of two competing views about intergovernmental fiscal transfers; one emphasizing the traditional neoclassical approach to federal-subnational fiscal relations and the other suggesting that transfers are contingent on the political fortunes and current political vulnerability of each level of government. These models are tested using data from Argentina, a federation exhibiting one of the most decentralised fiscal systems in the world and severe imbalances in the territorial distribution of legislative and economic resources. Over-represented provinces ruled by governors who belong to parties different to that controlling the national executive can bring into play their representational advantages to attract shares of federal transfers beyond social welfare criteria. This finding suggests that decision makers in federal countries must pay close heed to the need to synchronize institutional reforms and fiscal adjustment.

Objectives: The objectives of this study are to review the financing and organization of the Argentine healthcare system, the licensing and drug price setting mechanisms, the benefit packages and coverage policies of pharmaceuticals and other medical technologies, as well as the development of HTA in Argentina, and the role of the Institute of Clinical Effectiveness and Health Policy (IECS) as an HTA agency. Finally, the perspectives and future of HTA as a tool to make resource-allocation decisions and priority setting in Argentina is discussed.Methods: The study is a discussion/review based largely on the experiences of the authors, but supported by available literature.Results: Argentina is an upper-middle income country with major healthcare problems related to both equity and efficiency. Its healthcare system consists of a multitier system divided in three large sectors: public, social security, and private, where the federal Ministry of Health has a rather limited role in national health policy stewardship. Many of Argentina's shortcomings are due in part to its pluralistic and fragmented healthcare system. In the past decade, Argentina, like many other Latin American countries, has undergone a profound reform of its healthcare system. Whereas some of the objectives of the reforms were specific to each country, a common issue among all of them was to establish a mechanism that ensured a more efficient allocation of scarce resources, and guaranteed a wider provision of healthcare services on the basis of the local population needs and equity. Although some signals from the national government and congress show that there are plans to formally incorporate HTA to inform reimbursement policies, these signals are still very weak. Paradoxically, even though Argentina was the first country in the region to require formal health economic evidence for the adoption of technologies into the mandatory benefit package of the social security, this “fourth hurdle” is no longer required. Nevertheless, there is an increasing interest and demand for a more explicit and transparent resource-allocation process that include HTA as a formal tool to inform decision making, in most of Argentine healthcare stakeholders.Conclusions: In conclusion, what is needed in Argentina is a clear political will to push forward for a national agency of HTA that, similar to other developed countries, advance the regulation on the adoption of new health technologies to improve not only technical or allocative efficiency, but also health equity. Until this milestone is accomplished, the HTA production and use to inform healthcare coverage policies will continue to mirror the current fragmented healthcare system.

In Argentina, during the year 2020, the National Government has implemented numerous and varied assistance, containment and promotion initiatives in key public policy sectors to respond to the crisis unleashed by the COVID-19 pandemic. Likewise, provincial and local governments launched their own initiatives to support those emanating from the central level and facilitate the implementation and adaptation of national initiatives in their territories. The citizens, for their part, have adapted to, used or resisted the guidelines and proposals of the executives of the different levels of government. The pandemic scenario (in its different phases) exposes the tension between a centralized logic - typical of the design of initiatives aimed at responding to an emergency - and multilevel governance at a time when it is impossible to ignored that crisis contexts, such as the one imposed by the COVID-19 pandemic, strongly stress the relations between the different levels of government and between these and the citizenry. In this context, this paper focuses on intergovernmental relations and examines the initiatives, devices and instruments mobilized by the different levels of government to respond to urban issues in general and housing needs in particular, in the pandemic context, focusing on the initiatives that had habitat and housing as a privileged axis of intervention. The work is based on the analysis of regulations and press material. It also draws on in-depth interviews with public officials and agents from different governmental levels. It presents the composition of the political organization of the Greater Buenos Aires Agglomerate and the political-institutional relations between thedifferent levels of government, as well as a characterization of the focal points for intervention, devices and instruments that made public interventions feasible (especially in the National Government, the Government of the City of Buenos Aires and the Government of the Province of Buenos Aires). To conclude, the paper focuses on territorially-based experiences in order to account for the initiatives from a bottom-up perspective.

According to Article 41 of the Argentinian Constitution, all inhabitants have a right to environmental protection. Citizens have a right to a healthy and balanced environment, suitable for human development and productive activities to satisfy present needs without compromising those of future generations. The paper aims to analyze the tensions implicit in applying this constitutional norm by the Federal Supreme Court using the methodology of public law and legal theory. Indeed, the constitutional provision is broad, and its interpretation can lead to different solutions in a specific case. There are three main issues of legal interest discussed here. First, there is a delicate balance of protecting the environment against private property and economic activity, which the latter also being assured by the constitution. The point is particularly acute in Argentina, whose economy strongly depends on the primary sector. Second, there are tensions between the political branches (legislative/executive) and the judiciary. Environmental standards established by the judiciary are usually higher than those decided by the legislative branch. However, giving the judges the possibility to determine those standards in the absence of any previous legal norm (or even, sometimes, against that norm) could be a source of legal uncertainty. Finally, due to the federal nature of the Argentinian political system, the distribution of legislative and jurisdictional powers between the federal and local governments is disputed. In this equation, leaning towards the federal government may favor more homogeneity in environmental standards, which would simultaneously reduce local autonomy. This paper shows that the Supreme Court tries to balance different constitutional values in resolving these tensions. The difficulty of finding an adequate constitutional balance is usually added to the legal and factual complexity of environmental issues, and the result is not always completely satisfactory. KEYWORDS: Argentina, Environmental Protection, Supreme Court Case Law.

Social distancing is a powerful non-pharmaceutical intervention used as a way to slow the spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus around the world since the end of 2019 in China. Taking that into account, this work aimed to identify variations on population mobility in South America during the pandemic (15 February to 27 October 2020). We used a data-driven approach to create a community mobility index from the Google Covid-19 Community Mobility and relate it to the Covid stringency index from Oxford Covid-19 Government Response Tracker (OxCGRT). Two hypotheses were established: countries which have adopted stricter social distancing measures have also a lower level of circulation (H1), and mobility is occurring randomly in space (H2). Considering a transient period, a low capacity of governments to respond to the pandemic with more stringent measures of social distancing was observed at the beginning of the crisis. In turn, considering a steady-state period, the results showed an inverse relationship between the Covid stringency index and the community mobility index for at least three countries (H1 rejected). Regarding the spatial analysis, global and local Moran indices revealed regional mobility patterns for Argentina, Brazil, and Chile (H1 rejected). In Brazil, the absence of coordinated policies between the federal government and states regarding social distancing may have played an important role for several and extensive clusters formation. On the other hand, the results for Argentina and Chile could be signals for the difficulties of governments in keeping their population under control, and for long periods, even under stricter decrees.

In this paper, the author first presents a Multiple Streams model of policymaking introduced by John Kingdon and elaborated by Robert W. Porter. The relevance and usefulness of the model are then exemplified by analyzing a reform in Argentine education. Kingdon and Porter argued that, for education policies to succeed, the following three streams of actions need to meet: problem must be clearly defined, feasible solutions offered, and political consensus obtained. In 1993, Argentina passed the Federal Law of Education in the attempt to reduce large educational inequities between the rich and the poor. The Law largely failed because (1) problems were narrowly defined only by the government, (2) solutions were one-sided, primarily focusing on the financial, and neglecting contextual and implementation problems, and (3) political will existed only at the highest level, while actual capacities of implementing units were far below those needed for the reform. Analyzing policies through the lens of the Multiple Streams model of policymaking is recommended for other policymakers.

This article analyses four patterns of planning in the educational reform in Argentina since the approval of the Federal Law of Education: first, planning focused on change, without enough attention to measures that could be useful to consolidate the educational system; second, planning was anchored in a vision of change that may be described as applicable and progressive, as if the impact that change may have on institutions and agents could be predicted; third, planning focused on centralized policies in order to homogenize and organize the systems, despite the goal of bringing the educational system under the jurisdiction of a federal-government-type system; and fourth, a work division was established between the Nation and the provinces, between planning and execution, and between technical and political issues of the reforms.

Las relaciones intergubernamentales resultan esenciales a la hora de examinar y definir los mecanismos de cooperación y de articulación entre los diferentes niveles de gobierno de un Estado federal, como es el caso argentino. En nuestro país podemos identificar dos fuertes movimientos descentralizadores de los aparatos de educación y de salud, el primero en los 70, y el segundo en los 90 del siglo pasado. Dicha descentralización se caracterizó por una escasa planificación, lo que implicó grandes complicaciones para las provincias que debieron gestionar y administrar miles de hospitales y escuelas sin una adecuada dotación de recursos, como así tampoco se tuvieron en cuenta mecanismos y agencias encargadas de coordinar esta trascendental reforma estatal. El principal objetivo de este trabajo es describir y analizar las relaciones intergubernamentales (RIGS) existentes en materia de políticas de salud en el eje Nación - provincias, sus principales características y las debilidades identificadas, con un anclaje específico en el caso de la Provincia de Córdoba. Para ello, se analizarán normas, instituciones y mecanismos de coordinación existentes en políticas de salud entre los gobiernos nacional y provinciales, con un especial acento en el caso de la Provincia de Córdoba. Intergovernmental relations are essential when analyzing and defining the mechanisms of cooperation and articulation between the different levels of government of a federal State, such as the Argentine case. In our country there were two strong decentralizing movements of education and health apparatuses, the first in the 70s, and the second in the 90s of the last century. The main characteristic of this decentralization was a poor planning, which resulted in complications for the provinces that received thousands of hospitals and schools without adequate resources, as well as mechanisms and agencies in charge of coordinating this transcendental state reform. This paper specifically analyzes norms, institutions and mechanisms of coordination existing in health policies between the national and provincial governments, with a special accent in the case of the Province of Córdoba.

In 2008 the Federal Council of Education ordered the creation of Completion of Primary and Secondary Education for Youth and Adults Plan (locally known as Fines). The purpose of the program is to offer young people and adults a plan aimed to basic education completion. The paper analyzes the design and implementation of the plan considering educational aspects, working conditions of teachers and the resources provided by the national government and the provinces to meet the goals. The review of norms and acts that normalize the operation of Fines and interviews with participating actors suggest that the initiative is based on underfunding, it poses the gradual substitution of the previous system working with adult education and strengthens an education system sustained with precarious learning and teachers.

In July 2006, 17 neighbors and health professionals living in the basin of one of the most polluted rivers in the world—the Matanza-Riachuelo—brought a case before the Supreme Court of Argentina. They claimed extensive health damages due to the level of contamination of the basin. The lawsuit was filed against the federal, provincial, and city governments, as well as 44 private companies [1]. This case study introduces readers to the growing pattern of judicialization of environmental policies. This trend was initially celebrated by many activists since a Supreme Court responsive to people’s demands and focused on protecting the environment could address long-standing policy failures of the executive and legislative branches of government. However, this case study examines two main ways in which judicialization may generate an accountability crisis for communities affected by environmental disasters. First, it raises a theoretical argument that a Court that takes on managerial functions beyond its adjudicative role distorts the normal horizontal accountability functions that are part of the division of powers between the three branches of government. Second, it empirically demonstrates that a Court’s involvement in policy formulation does not guarantee effectiveness and precludes vertical accountability, since citizens cannot vote judges out of office. The case suggests that judicializing environmental politics is fraught with risks to democratic accountability. These must be considered carefully before embracing the judiciary as a band-aid remedy to an executive branch that fails to protect people and the environment.

Born in 1934 in Milan, Roberto Segre migrated to Argentina with his family in 1939, fleeing the anti–Semitism of Benito Mussolini’s fascist government. He graduated as an architect at the University of Buenos Aires in 1960 and soon after, in 1963, settled in La Havana, Cuba, where he taught history of architecture for three decades. In 1994, he began his career as a Brazilian researcher and professor on graduate courses in urban planning at the Faculty of Architecture and Urbanism of the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ), where he served until March 2013. During these decades of professional activity, he came to be respected as a critic and historian, publishing many books and articles of the utmost importance on Latin American architecture.

AbstractThis article explores the conditions that allow judicial councils and impeachment juries to promote judicial autonomy. In theory, these bodies intervene in the appointment and removal of judges in order to reduce executive control over court composition, thereby promoting judicial independence. Using the case of Argentina at the federal and the subnational levels, this study demonstrates that competitive politics enhances the capacity of judicial councils and impeachment juries to bolster judicial autonomy. Interparty competition provides incentives for the executive to develop a meaningful system of checks and balances, which includes an independent judiciary that can check executive power. In contrast, monolithic party control—defined as a prolonged period of unified government under a highly disciplined party—permits the executive to maintain a monopoly on power and thereby control judicial appointments and removals.

Detailed knowledge of the migratory strategies is important to understand the ecology and evolution of migration and the conservation of migratory birds The Argentinean federal government declared sheldgeese (Chloephaga spp.) pests in 1930, claiming that they reduce crop yield. Currently sheldgeese have suffered severe reductions in their populations and are the focus of serious conservation concern. From September to April they breed in southern Patagonia (Argentina and Chile) while from May to September they winter mainly in the southern Pampas (central east Argentina). The precise knowledge of their migratory routes is essential to ensure protection of necessary resources and sites needed on their annual journeys. Here, by using a satellite transmitter for the first time we unravel the migration route of an Upland Goose (Chloephaga picta), a species endemic to southern South America with an unknown migration strategy. We received data for 121 days (from September 2014 to January 2015). During this time, the bird migrated 1485 km from the wintering grounds in Buenos Aires Province to the breeding area in Santa Cruz province, Patagonia. Part of the migration route was over the sea. The largest displacement was 817 km in 19 hours, representing a minimum mean speed of 43 km h-1.

With the acceptance of the Federal Constitution of 1853 by the province of Buenos Aires in 1862 and the assumption of the presidency of the Nation by Bartolomé Mitre, the main constitutional problem besetting the region since independence was, in theory at least, solved. The permanent location of the capital had not been settled, but a national government was a reality. Leaders who had brought about the downfall of Rosas, negotiated an end to full-scale civil war, and organized the outline of the patria grande now faced new challenges. The spirit of anarchy, the rule of force, provincial allegiances, and a widely scattered, largely illiterate population were awesome impediments to the creation of a modern nation state. The response to these problems by the politicians, economists, scholars, technocrats, artists, and soldiers of Argentina during the last forty years of the nineteenth century, working towards the goal of a unified, peaceful and cultivated nation, is an enthralling topic.

As the recent political meltdowns in Venezuela and Argentina made clear, a vast gap persists between elite behavior and mass attitudes in much of Latin America. Scholarly understanding of this gap—and its political implications—would benefit from more fine-grained, yet theoretically informed, studies of nonelites. Nancy Powers's Grassroots Expectations of Democracy and Economy is one such study. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 41 residents of two lower-income neighborhoods in Argentina's federal capital, Powers examines how poor people understand their own interests. She argues that people experience poverty in vastly different ways, and this variation has important implications for political behavior. Thus, to understand how poor people view the relationship between their own material conditions and government policy, one must examine “the conditions themselves and how people live with them” (p. 33). This kind of inductive analysis has important and well-known limitations, particularly for studies—such as this one—based on a small sample size. Yet given how little we continue to know about the relationship between mass attitudes and macrolevel politics in Latin America, such a “bottom up” approach should be welcomed. To the extent that fine-grained inductive research generates insights that 1) are unlikely to emerge out of larger-n studies and 2) challenge or refine dominant theoretical assumptions, it can be extremely fruitful. This is the case with important sections of the book.

Comparison of local governments in federal systems helps design new policies. In particular, this study presents federal asymmetries of state and municipal governments in Latin American countries. To this end, the hypothesis states that nations with more symmetry would have greater governance within the federal pact. The study includes the social, political, constitutional, and economic subjects as main variables applied to the cases of Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico. The analysis is supported by coefficients and graphs to aid the multidisciplinary approach. The results show that Brazil is the most asymmetric nation and Mexico the most centralized.

Objective/context: This paper aims to explore the links that some recent Argentine presidencies (Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, Mauricio Macri and Alberto Fernández) maintained with the Russian Federation.Methodology: It will initially dwell into the longstanding tradition of pacifism which characterizes Argentine foreign policy, and then proceed to register the strategy of its most recent federal administrations regarding their international outlooks and its ties with Russia. Its strategy regarding the war in Ukraine will be inscribed within that broader diplomatic framework and tradition. It will then introduce the concept ‘geopolitical vaccinationalism’ into this scenario, making connections between purely public health issues, originated after the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, and foreign policy postures and decisions that are not necessarily related to them. In this section, the strategies of some recent Argentine administrations regarding the purchase of COVID-19 vaccines to be administered to its population will also be covered. Finally, in the last section of the paper, the issue of the increased rate of pregnant Russian women coming to Argentina to give birth will also be tackled.Conclusions/originality: This situation, prompted by the Russian-Ukraine Conflict, increased the strains between Presidents Alberto Fernández and Vladimir Putin, while also presenting risks in regard to the international standing of Argentina and the seriousness with which its passport is being regarded by foreign governments.

The development of consumer demand in the tourism industry, the complexity of its structure, relationships, and changes forced many countries to create new, sometimes unusual tourist offers. Thus the state pays attention to the potential of the Polar Regions which previously may have seemed problematic areas of farming. A new look at the problem and considering it as a potential for the growth and development of the economy of the territory has allowed to create a solid strategy for the development of tourism in Greenland, Canada, Norway, the USA, Argentina and a number of some other states. The research experience of tourism development in the polar regions of the world has allowed to define features of the development of growth strategies and the development of tourism, the creation of tourist products and projects aimed at long-term development of the tourism sector, such as programs to support education, project financing tourism and hospitality industry, the creation of crowdsourcing projects and areas for informal communication players in the tourism market of the polar regions. Support for the development of tourism in the polar regions of states can solve the most important tasks, including national security, social development, and support for the preservation of indigenous peoples, their identity, culture, development of entrepreneurial initiative among the local population. The article analyzes the experience of government, legislative initiatives, business initiatives, non-profit and professional associations, scientific research in the countries and territories in which tourism in Polar Regions has been in existence for a long period of time, it is extremely important and urgent for the Russian Federation, having significant areas located above the Arctic Circle. The study is the basis for the reference, the system of tourism development in the polar territories of Russia, support social, cultural and entrepreneurial initiatives of the local population, creating conditions favorable economic climate in the tourism-related economic activities. The article was written by the project № 114–15–05–05–02 «Federal Agency for Tourism».

¿Por qué algunos gobiernos gastan más en bienes públicos que otros? ¿Por qué varía el gasto social? Este trabajo explora algunos factores clave que explican la variación en el gasto social de las provincias argentinas. Estudiamos estas provincias porque tienen gran autonomía en la decisión de los montos a asignar como gasto social y por la gran variación en el monto que las provincias asignan a esse tipo de gasto. A partir de datos originales del presupuesto de las provincias argentinas entre 1993 y 2009, y utilizando estadísticas descriptivas y análisis de tres casos clave (las provincias de Buenos Aires, San Luis y Córdoba), mostramos que el gasto social crece a medida que disminuyen los costos del armado de la coalición electoral y de gobierno y la alternancia y rotación de cargos clave en el gobierno. El artículo discute los hallazgos en las tres provincias argentinas seleccionadas y explora las implicancias de la discusión en los determinantes políticos del gasto social y el diseño de políticas sociales, especialmente en países en desarrollo y democracias federales.Palabras-clave: Gasto social; Provincias argentinas; Coalición electoral; Coalición de gobierno; AlternanciaCOALIZÕES ELEITORAIS, ESTABILIDADE DO GABINETE E GASTO SOCIAL DAS PROVÍNCIAS: os casos de Buenos Aires, Córdoba e San Luís (1993-2009)RESUMOPor que alguns governos gastam mais em bens públicos que outros? Por que o gasto social varia? Este trabalho explora alguns fatores-chave que explicam a variação no gasto social de províncias argentinas. Estudamos essas províncias porque elas têm grande autonomia na decisão sobre os montantes a serem definidos como gasto social e porque existe grande variação nesse montante. A partir de dados originais do orçamento das províncias argentinas entre 1993 e 2009 e utilizando estatísticas descritivas e análises de três casos-chave (as províncias de Buenos Aires, San Luís e Córdoba), mostramos que o gasto social cresce à medida que diminuem os custos da articulação da coalizão eleitoral e da coalizão de governo, bem como a alternância e a rotatividade de cargos-chave no governo. O artigo discute os resultados nas três províncias argentinas selecionadas e explora as implicações da discussão sobre os determinantes políticos do gasto social e o desenho de políticas sociais, especialmente em países em desenvolvimento e democracias federais.Palavras-Chave: Gasto social; Províncias argentinas; Coalizão eleitoral; Coalizão de governo; AlternânciaELECTORAL ALLIANCES, ESTABILITY OF ELECTORAL OFFICE AND SOCIAL EXPENDITURE OF PROVINCES: the cases of Buenos Aires, Córdoba and San Luis (1993-2009)ABSTRACTWhy some governments spend more money in public goods than others do? Why does social expenditure vary? This study analyzes some key factors that explain the variation in social expenditure in Argentine provinces. These provinces were studied because they have a huge autonomy regarding the decision of the amount of money to be used in social expenditure and because there is a great variation in these amounts. Based on original data of Argentine provinces budget from 1993 to 2009, and using descriptive statistics and analyzes of three key cases (the provinces of Buenos Aires, San Luis and Cordova), we demonstrate in this study that social expenditure increases as costs for electoral and government alliances, as well as the alternation and rotation of key positions in government, decreases. This article discusses the results in the three Argentine provinces studied and explores the implications of the discussion about the political determinants of social expenditure and the design of social policies, especially in developing countries and federal democracies.Key words: Social expenditure; Argentine provinces; Electoral alliance; Government alliance; AlternationCOALITIONS ÉLECTORALES, STABILITÉ DU CABINET ET DÉPENSES SOCIALES DES PROVINCES: les cas de Buenos Aires, Córdoba et San Luís (1993-2009)ABSTRACTPourquoi certains gouvernements consacrent-ils davantage de ressources à des biens publics que d’autres? Pourquoi les dépenses sociales varient-elles? Cet article explore certains facteurs clés qui expliquent la variation des dépenses sociales dans les provinces argentines. Nous étudions ces provinces parce qu’elles ont une grande autonomie pour décider des montants attribués aux dépenses sociales et parce que la variation au niveau de ces montants est importante. Sur la base des données issues, entre 1993 et 2009, de documents originaux du budget des provinces argentines, de statistiques descriptives et de l’analyse de trois cas clés (les provinces de Buenos Aires, San Luis et Córdoba), nous montrons que les dépenses sociales augmentent au fur et à mesure que diminuent les coûts de l’articulation de la coalition électorale et de la coalition de gouvernement, ainsi que l’échange et la rotation des postes clés au sein du gouvernement. L’article traite des résultats obtenus dans les trois provinces argentines sélectionnées et explore les implications de la discussion sur les déterminants politiques des dépenses sociales ainsi que la conception des politiques sociales, en particulier dans les pays en développement et les démocraties fédérales.Key words: Dépenses sociales; Provinces argentines; Coalition électorale; Coalition de gouvernement; Echange

This is an analysis of the current state of the coastal management in Argentina, the iczm Decalogue proposed by Barragán (2001 and 2004) has been used, encompassing ten strategic aspects for assessing coastal management. The study focuses on the changes that occurred in the period 2009-2020. The ten elements of the Decalogue include policy, regulations, competencies, institutions, instruments, education and training, resources, knowledge and information, education and sustainability, and participation. The political situation has evolved towards a more federal approach to coastal management in Argentina, with a notable redefinition of the boundaries of the Continental Shelf. However, a defined coastal management policy is lacking, suggesting the need for specific local-level public policies. Regulations have been improved, but there is still disparity in the definition of the coastal zone and regulation of uses and activities. Competencies are distributed between the national and provincial governments, leading to demands for increased jurisdiction by the provinces. Institutions have strengthened over the past decade, with the consolidation of sectoral Federal Councils and the creation of protected areas. Operational instruments exist at the national and provincial levels, but the lack of unified regulation for the entire coast poses challenges. Training and education in coastal management have advanced, with postgraduate programs and a focus on regional specialization. Financial resources are limited, and private investment primarily targets high-end real estate developments. Knowledge and information availability is high, but direct communication between academic institutions and the public and private sectors need improvement. Environmental education and sustainability promotion have strengthened, with an expanded educational offering. Citizen participation takes place through regulated calls by laws, although the results are not always binding. In addition, there are non-institutionalized forums and events are organized by NGOs and universities. Keywords: Coastal management, iczm Decalogue, Argentine Coast, Coastal policy, coastal management plan.

International Business Research wishes to acknowledge the following individuals for their assistance with peer review of manuscripts for this issue. Their help and contributions in maintaining the quality of the journal are greatly appreciated. International Business Research is recruiting reviewers for the journal. If you are interested in becoming a reviewer, we welcome you to join us. Please find the application form and details at http://www.ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/ibr/editor/recruitment and e-mail the completed application form to ibr@ccsenet.org. Reviewers for Volume 12, Number 4   Alireza Athari, Eastern Mediterranean University, Iran Anna Paola Micheli, Univrtsity of Cassino and Southern Lazio, Italy Antonio Usai, University of Sassari, Italy Ashford C Chea, Benedict College, USA Aurelija Burinskiene, Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, Lithuania Bazeet Olayemi Badru, Universiti Utara Malaysia, Nigeria Bruno Ferreira Frascaroli, Federal University of Paraiba, Brazil Celina Maria Olszak, University of Economics in Katowice, Poland Christopher Alozie, Tansian University, Nigeria Cristian Rabanal, National University of Villa Mercedes, Argentina Francesco Ciampi, Florence University, Italy Francesco Scalera, University of Bari "Aldo Moro", Italy Haldun Şecaattin Çetinarslan, Turkish Naval Forces Command, Turkey Hanna Trojanowska, Warsaw University of Technology, Poland Henrique Fátima Boyol Ngan, Institute for Tourism Studies, Macao, Macao Herald Monis, Milagres College, India Hillary Odor, University of Benin, Nigeria Imran Riaz Malik, IQRA University, Pakistan L. Leo Franklin, Bharathidasn University, India Ladislav Mura, University of Ss. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava, Slovakia Leow Hon Wei, SEGi University, Malaysia Luisa Pinto, University of Porto School of Economics, Portugal M- Muzamil Naqshbandi, University of Dubai, UAE Manuel A. R. da Fonseca, Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ), Brazil Marcelino José Jorge, Evandro Chagas Clinical Research Institute of Oswaldo Cruz Foundation, Brazil Marco Valeri, Niccolò Cusano University, Italy Marta Joanna Ziólkowska, Warsaw School of Economics (Szkoła Główna Handlowa), Poland Michele Rubino, Università LUM Jean Monnet, Italy Mohamed Abdel Rahman Salih, Taibah University, Saudi Arabia Mohsen Malekalketab Khiabani, University Technology Malaysia, Malaysia Muath Eleswed, American University of Kuwait, USA Nicoleta Barbuta-Misu, “Dunarea de Jos” University of Galati, Romania Ozgur Demirtas, Turkish Air Force Academy, Turkey Pascal Stiefenhofer, University of Brighton, UK Radoslav Jankal, University of Zilina, Slovakia Razana Juhaida Johari, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Malaysia Riaz Ahsan, Government College University Faisalabad, Pakistan Roxanne Helm Stevens, Azusa Pacific University, USA Serhii Kozlovskiy, Donetsk National University, Ukraine Slavoljub M. Vujović, Economic Institute, Belgrade, Serbia Stephen Donald Strombeck, William Jessup University, USA Sumathisri Bhoopalan, SASTRA Deemed to be University, India Wejdene Yangui, Institute of High Business Studies of Sfax _ Tunisia (IHEC), Tunisia Yan Lu, University of Central Florida, USA

Este ensayo tiene como propósito analizar Mercado negro (Kurt Land, 1953), filme policial argentino que no solamente preconiza determinadas instituciones esta- tales como la Gendarmería Nacional y la Policía Federal, sino que también alude a las políticas sociales implementadas por el gobierno peronista. Estos mensajes, que invaden la trama argumental de la película, dejan constancia de las reformas y logros conseguidos o proyectados por los dos planes quinquenales de 1947-1951 y 1952- 1955. No obstante esto, mediante un ex- haustivo análisis es posible atisbar peque- ñas zonas de ambigüedad que el género policial, desde sus mismos planteamientos constitutivos y su supuesta rigidez ideológica en un contexto político como el pero- nista, puede llegar a conceder. Es decir, a pesar de poseer una función propagandística, Mercado negro podría también prestarse a una lectura desde la disconformidad ideológica por medio de la audacia que exhibe al presentar de un modo alternante el lado más humano del delincuente. English title: Mercado negro (Kurt Land, 1953): Crime Cinema, State Propaganda and Moral Ambiguity This essay aims to analyze Mercado negro (Kurt Land, 1953), an Argentine crime film that not only praises certain State institutions such as the Argentine National Gendarmerie and the Federal Police, but also alludes to the social policies implemented by the Peronist government. These messages invade the film’s plot in order to leave proof of the reforms and achievements obtained or projected by the two Peronist five-year plans of 1947-1951 and 1952-1955. However, by means of a thorough analysis it is possible to glimpse small areas of ambiguity that this genre, from its own fundamental approaches and alleged ideological rigidity in a political context such as Peronism, can allow. That is to say, in spite of its propagandistic func- tion, Mercado negro may lend itself to an interpretation from the ideological noncon- formity through the audacity it displays as it presents alternatively the criminal’s most humane side.

The Argentine Constitution, especially after the 1994 Constitutional Reform, established a federal structure of four orders of government: Federal, Provinces, the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires and Municipal. Also, Provinces have the possibility to create regions for economic and social development. In this first point, some characteristics are highlighted, such as the tendency towards centralization. The autonomous municipal regime is analyzed in the second point. The municipal regime was inserted in the original Constitution of 1853, but throughout the history there has been a debate about its nature, ranging from autarchy to autonomy. In the 1994 Constitutional Reform, municipal autonomy was recognized, with five aspects: institutional, political, administrative, financial, and economic. In the third point, the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires is studied. It is a City-State, with a nature similar to that of the Provinces and is represented in the Chamber of Deputies and in the Senate of the Nation. Its own Constitution was drafted in 1996. The phenomenon of metropolitan areas of Buenos Aires and Cordoba are briefly considered, in the fourth point. And, finally, in the fifth point, the transcendent relationship between the autonomous municipal regime and the federal republic and the role of cities in the globalized world are reflected.

Manuela Rosas, the daughter of Federalist dictator Juan Manuel de Rosas, is an important nineteenth century political figure who was a consistent subject of imaginative reconstruction during the Rosas era. Much like her fellow women revolutionaries, namely Eva Perón and her mother, Encarnación Ezcurra de Rosas, Manuela assumed an active role in the Argentine political arena and was instrumental maintaining her father’s unparalleled political supremacy, acting as chief mediator between the government and the marginalised Argentine masses. This article argues how, in a series of nineteenth-century fictional works, namely those of renowned Unitarians José Mármol (Amalia; El retrato de Manuela Rosas, 1851) and Juana Manuela Gorriti (El guante negro; La hiza del mashorquero, 1865), Manuela has been inaccurately depicted as ‘la primera victíma de la tiranía de su padre’ who desperately needed rescuing. Both writers maintain that Rosas curtailed his daughter’s social freedom, and that she would have reached her true potential had she been raised by civilised Unitarians and not in a Federalist environment. However, María Rosa Lojo’s La princesa federal (2010) contests the claim that Manuela suffered, instead postulating that she was a resilient and empowered individual who was passionate about promoting the causa federalista, remaining loyal to her father out of choice. I offer an original critical analysis of the unacknowledged and divergent literary and historical representations of Manuela, examining how writers use the lack of historical evidence to manipulate and imaginatively reconstruct her life story and in doing so, blur the line between fact and fiction

Estudo etnográfico, com revisão de literatura sobre a construção social do conceito juventude, tem como objetivo relatar e analisar narrativas juvenis em torno do direito à educação. A análise empírica seleciona duas ondas de mobilizações protagonizadas por jovens estudantes: Atos em defesa das Universidades e Institutos Federais ocorridos na cidade de Florianópolis-SC; Na capital da Argentina, Buenos Aires, a narrativa etnográfica se debruça na análise de mobilizações protagonizadas por jovens portenhos que tomaram as ruas exigindo a manutenção da Ley Nacional de Educación, além de se posicionarem radicalmente contra as medidas de austeridade anunciadas pelo Governo Maurício Macri. A análise dos dados etnográficos aponta que a pauta em defesa da educação é capaz de unir coletivos e organizações dos mais variados espectros ideológicos.Palavras-chave: Juventude. Neoliberalismo. Participação social. Etnografia. América Latina.NARRATIVES ON THE RIGHT TO EDUCATION IN DISPUTE: anthropological lights to understand youth mobilizationsAbstractEthnographic study, with a review of the literature on the social construction of the concept of youth, in order to report and analyze youth narratives around the right to education.The empirical analysis selected two waves of mobilizations carried out by young students: Acts in defense of public educational institutions occurred in the city of Florianópolis-SC, Brazil;In the capital of Argentina, Buenos Aires, the ethnographic narrative focused on the analysis of mobilizations carried out by young people who went to the streets demanding the maintenance of the “National Education Law”, as well as to stand radicallyagainst the austerity measures announced by the MaurícioMacri Government. The analysis of the ethnographic data indicates that the agenda in defense of education is capable of uniting collectives and organizations affiliated to the mostdiverse ideological currents.Keywords: Youth. Neoliberalism. Social participation. Ethnography. Latin America.

The article examines the status of local self-government bodies in Argentina. Due to the lack of unified federal regulation of the institution of local self-government, the author analyzes the legislation of the constituent entities of the federation. The procedure for the formation of local self-government bodies, the nature of the relationship between various local selfgovernment bodies, the procedure for resolving conflicts, and the peculiarities of the status of local self-government bodies in some subjects of the federation are also studied.

Financial markets stabilized in May and June after a period of turmoil in late April prompted by political uncertainties and a significant increase in inflation and inflation expectations. High interest rates, seasonal dollar inflows from the agricultural sector, greater clarity on the candidates in the October election, and the BCRA’s announcement that it may intervene to support the peso in the event of disorderly market conditions have helped better anchor the exchange rate. Modest exchange rate appreciation and continued fiscal and monetary policy restraint have supported a decline in monthly inflation in April and May. In addition, the fiscal position has been helped by higher-than-expected inflation (boosting nominal tax revenues) and a cautious approach to spending. Economic activity weakened further in Q1, but the recession is likely to have ended, with sequential growth expected to be positive in the coming quarters. Sovereign spreads remain high and, while rollover rates for federal government liabilities have been in line with program assumptions, average debt maturities have shortened, increasing gross financing needs in the months leading up to the election.

Payment for Environmental Services (PES) can be defined as a monetary/non-monetary compensation mechanism (provider-receiver principle) by the supply of environmental services. This work identified and analysed Brazilian and Argentine PES’s case studies under a national perspective but also under an eventual and future River Plate watershed. Brazilian projects can be considered unique due their special conditions and the environmental goals of the various Federative Entities, mainly the case of Sao Paulo state. In Argentina, by contrast, and despite improvements in PES projects through county and federal government initiatives. Finally, it was suggested some aspects that could be utilized, such as “parameters”, to promote social, economic, and environmental standardization in conjunction with regional PES projects that require international cooperation.

Inequality is unequally distributed across the territory, and national averages obscure this variation. Pockets of very high inequality persist at the subnational level of government, even when national governments implement large scale redistributive policies. This study investigates which factors at the subnational level may help explaining differences in income inequality across units. The main claim is that in subnational units where local economic elites capture provincial states by occupying relevant positions in their governments have lower taxes on land, spend less in social programs, have more repression of federal labor rights, and, as a consequence, have higher inequality. The study uses a large-N analysis of original panel data for Argentina, presents a comparative study of two cases, and explores some comparative implications in the conclusions.

Abstract Puerto Rico recently became the largest bankruptcy case in the history of the U.S. municipal bond market. This debt crisis has not been the subject of significant scrutiny in the economic literature, though many researchers focus on case studies, such as Greece and Argentina, to analyze a country’s indebtedness. The underlying economic factors that influence unsustainable debt in upper middle-income countries are generally understudied. We attempted to contribute to filling these gaps in the related literature. Using econometric analysis, we found that Puerto Rico’s government indebtedness is, to a large extent, connected to a sharp decrease in manufacturing employment (i.e. deindustrialization) suffered by this economy, and weak evidence that it was caused by an excessive government payroll or overgenerous federal programs. In light of our empirical results, we discussed how the consequences of deindustrialization ultimately led to increase government borrowing.

Los intentos de formaci6n de un ejército nacional y profesional, que tuvieron lugar en la Argentina después de la Revolución de Mayo en 1810, se vieron frustrados con la llegada de Juan Manuel de Rosas al poder en 1829. Durante su etapa de gobierno (1829-1852), en la que primarán los intereses locales sobre los intereses nacionales, el ejército en la Argentina estará principalmente for­ mado por milicias provinciales. Las guerras civiles entre federales y unitarios, así como la continua amenaza de los indios y la ampliación de la frontera hicieron que la necesidad de soldados para el ejército se convirtiera en una constante. Este trabajo habla precisamente de esos soldados. Concretamente se centra en tres grupos subalternos: los negros, los gauchos y los indios, considerando que son representativos de la composición social del ejército argentino durante la etapa de Rosas. Social Composition of the Argentine Army during the Rosas Years, 1829-1852The attempts of setting up a national and professional army, following the May Revolution in 181O in the Argentine, were frustrated by the rise to power of Juan Manuel de Rosas in 1829. During his period in government (1829-1852), local interests overrode national ones, and the army in Argentina will be mainly formed by regional militias. Civil wars between Federals and Unitarians, as well as the continuing threat of the lndians and the enlargement of the frontiers trig­ gered that necessity of soldiers to enrol the army, which will become constant. This paper talks precisely about those soldiers. More closely it centres in three subaltern groups: Black, Gauchos and lndians, considering that these groups are representative of the armys social composition at that period in time.

Resumo: O cumprimento efetivo de tratados internacionais de direitos humanos depende de fatores que não se limitam à sua incorporação ao direito interno. Para que haja uma recepção completa do tratado, os órgãos judiciais devem ser dotados de independência (exercício de suas funções de fiscalização dos demais poderes), os tratados devem possuir efeito direto (qualquer pessoa poderá utilizá-los em tribunais, independente de ação legislativa posterior) e os tribunais devem realizar uma interpretação conforme de suas disposições (compatibilização das normas internas com as internacionais, a fim de garantir o cumprimento de obrigações internacionais). Por meio do método comparado utilizado neste artigo, pode-se concluir que Argentina e Colômbia apresentam um grau maior de recepção da Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos, não apenas porque a elevaram à categoria de norma constitucional, mas, principalmente, porque atribuem a ela efeito direto e aplicam a interpretação conforme. Apesar de atribuir efeito direto à Convenção Americana, o Supremo Tribunal Federal ainda não desenvolveu jurisprudência acerca da interpretação conforme, criando obstáculos à recepção e cumprimento efetivo do tratado.Palavras-chave: Tratados internacionais de direitos humanos; Independência judicial; Efeito direto; Interpretação conforme. Abstract: The effective implementation of international human rights treaties depends on factors that are not limited to its incorporation into domestic law. In order to have a complete reception of the treaty, courts must be provided with independency (exercise of its functions of government monitoring), treaties must have direct effect (anyone can use them in court, regardless of subsequent legislative action) and courts must perform a consistent interpretation of its provisions (internal standards in accordance with international ones, to ensure compliance with international obligations). By the comparative method used in this article, we can conclude that Argentina and Colombia show a greater reception of the American Convention on Human Rights, not only because they elevated it to the rank of constitutional law, but mainly because they give it direct effect and apply consistent interpretation. Although giving direct effect to the American Convention, the Brazilian Supreme Court has not yet developed a jurisprudence on consistent interpretation, creating obstacles to the reception and effective treaty implementation.Keywords: International Treaties on Human Rights; Judicial Independence; Direct Effect; Consistent Interpretation.

What accounts for the varying and increasing levels of centralisation in federal systems? This article contributes to this debate showing that, despite normative and theoretical arguments on the advantages of decentralised fiscal federalism, changing economic conditions and governance hurdles prompt an increasing trend towards executive fiscal centralisation. It seeks to unravel this theoretical riddle by proposing the concept of delegative federalism, defined as a model of federal governance suitable for explaining how economic contexts impel a dynamic of subnational assent to centralisation policies and reforms that oftentimes breach the historic institutional empowerment of subnational authorities. The experience of Argentina, a paradigmatic case of hyper-presidentialist federalism amid institutionally strong provinces, is analysed to show that national executives may increasingly extend their reach not only because of congressional dysfunction but also due to the disproportionate sway of overrepresented, mostly transfer-dependent subnational governments that shun revenue responsibility. Accordingly, and perpetuating centralisation, they delegate tax authority in crises times and abdicate it further when economic windfall affords them with predictable federal grants.

Manuela Rosas, the daughter of Federalist dictator Juan Manuel de Rosas, is an important nineteenth century political figure who was a consistent subject of imaginative reconstruction during the Rosas era. Much like her fellow women revolutionaries, namely Eva Perón and her mother, Encarnación Ezcurra de Rosas, Manuela assumed an active role in the Argentine political arena and was instrumental maintaining her father’s unparalleled political supremacy, acting as chief mediator between the government and the marginalised Argentine masses. This article argues how, in a series of nineteenth-century fictional works, namely those of renowned Unitarians José Mármol (Amalia; El retrato de Manuela Rosas, 1851) and Juana Manuela Gorriti (El guante negro; La hiza del mashorquero, 1865), Manuela has been inaccurately depicted as ‘la primera victíma de la tiranía de su padre’ who desperately needed rescuing. Both writers maintain that Rosas curtailed his daughter’s social freedom, and that she would have reached her true potential had she been raised by civilised Unitarians and not in a Federalist environment. However, María Rosa Lojo’s La princesa federal (2010) contests the claim that Manuela suffered, instead postulating that she was a resilient and empowered individual who was passionate about promoting the causa federalista, remaining loyal to her father out of choice. I offer an original critical analysis of the unacknowledged and divergent literary and historical representations of Manuela, examining how writers use the lack of historical evidence to manipulate and imaginatively reconstruct her life story and in doing so, blur the line between fact and fiction.

IntroductionTasmania hangs from the map of Australia like a drop in freefall from the substance of the mainland. Often the whole state is mislaid from Australian maps and logos (Reddit). Tasmania has, at least since federation, been considered peripheral—a region seen as isolated, a ‘problem’ economically, politically, and culturally. However, Tasmania not only cleaves to the ‘north island’ of Australia but is also subject to the gravitational pull of an even greater land mass—Antarctica. In this article, we upturn the political conventions of map-making that place both Antarctica and Tasmania in obscure positions at the base of the globe. We show how a changing global climate re-frames Antarctica and the Southern Ocean as key drivers of worldwide environmental shifts. The liquid and solid water between Tasmania and Antarctica is revealed not as a homogenous barrier, but as a dynamic and relational medium linking the Tasmanian archipelago with Antarctica. When Antarctica becomes the focus, the script is flipped: Tasmania is no longer on the edge, but core to a network of gateways into the southern land. The state’s capital of Hobart can from this perspective be understood as an “Antarctic city”, central to the geopolitics, economy, and culture of the frozen continent (Salazar et al.). Viewed from the south, we argue, Tasmania is not a problem, but an opportunity for a form of ecological, cultural, economic, and political sustainability that opens up the southern continent to science, discovery, and imagination.A Centre at the End of the Earth? Tasmania as ParadoxThe islands of Tasmania owe their existence to climate change: a period of warming at the end of the last ice age melted the vast sheets of ice covering the polar regions, causing sea levels to rise by more than one hundred metres (Tasmanian Climate Change Office 8). Eleven thousand years ago, Aboriginal people would have witnessed the rise of what is now called Bass Strait, turning what had been a peninsula into an archipelago, with the large island of Tasmania at its heart. The heterogeneous practices and narratives of Tasmanian regional identity have been shaped by the geography of these islands, and their connection to the Southern Ocean and Antarctica. Regions, understood as “centres of collective consciousness and sociospatial identities” (Paasi 241) are constantly reproduced and reimagined through place-based social practices and communications over time. As we will show, diverse and contradictory narratives of Tasmanian regionality often co-exist, interacting in complex and sometimes complementary ways. Ecocritical literary scholar C.A. Cranston considers duality to be embedded in the textual construction of Tasmania, writing “it was hell, it was heaven, it was penal, it was paradise” (29). Tasmania is multiply polarised: it is both isolated and connected; close and far away; rich in resources and poor in capital; the socially conservative birthplace of radical green politics (Hay 60). The weather, as if sensing the fine balance of these paradoxes, blows hot and cold at a moment’s notice.Tasmania has wielded extraordinary political influence at times in its history—notably during the settlement of Melbourne in 1835 (Boyce), and during protests against damming the Franklin River in the early 1980s (Mercer). However, twentieth-century historical and political narratives of Tasmania portray the Bass Strait as a barrier, isolating Tasmanians from the mainland (Harwood 61). Sir Bede Callaghan, who headed one of a long line of federal government inquiries into “the Tasmanian problem” (Harwood 106), was clear that Tasmania was a victim of its own geography:the major disability facing the people of Tasmania (although some residents may consider it an advantage) is that Tasmania is an island. Separation from the mainland adversely affects the economy of the State and the general welfare of the people in many ways. (Callaghan 3)This perspective may stem from the fact that Tasmania has maintained the lowest Gross Domestic Product per capita of all states since federation (Bureau of Infrastructure Transport and Regional Economics 9). Socially, economically, and culturally, Tasmania consistently ranks among the worst regions of Australia. Statistical comparisons with other parts of Australia reveal the population’s high unemployment, low wages, poor educational outcomes, and bad health (West 31). The state’s remoteness and isolation from the mainland states and its reliance on federal income have contributed to the whole of Tasmania, including Hobart, being classified as ‘regional’ by the Australian government, in an attempt to promote immigration and economic growth (Department of Infrastructure and Regional Development 1). Tasmania is indeed both regional and remote. However, in this article we argue that, while regionality may be cast as a disadvantage, the island’s remote location is also an asset, particularly when viewed from a far southern perspective (Image 1).Image 1: Antarctica (Orthographic Projection). Image Credit: Wikimedia Commons, Modified Shading of Tasmania and Addition of Captions by H. Nielsen.Connecting Oceans/Collapsing DistanceTasmania and Antarctica have been closely linked in the past—the future archipelago formed a land bridge between Antarctica and northern land masses until the opening of the Tasman Seaway some 32 million years ago (Barker et al.). The far south was tangible to the Indigenous people of the island in the weather blowing in from the Southern Ocean, while the southern lights, or “nuyina”, formed a visible connection (Australia’s new icebreaker vessel is named RSV Nuyina in recognition of these links). In the contemporary Australian imagination, Tasmania tends to be defined by its marine boundaries, the sea around the islands represented as flat, empty space against which to highlight the topography of its landscape and the isolation of its position (Davies et al.). A more relational geographic perspective illuminates the “power of cross-currents and connections” (Stratford et al. 273) across these seascapes. The sea country of Tasmania is multiple and heterogeneous: the rough, shallow waters of the island-scattered Bass Strait flow into the Tasman Sea, where the continental shelf descends toward an abyssal plain studded with volcanic seamounts. To the south, the Southern Ocean provides nutrient-rich upwellings that attract fish and cetacean populations. Tasmania’s coast is a dynamic, liminal space, moving and changing in response to the global currents that are driven by the shifting, calving and melting ice shelves and sheets in Antarctica.Oceans have long been a medium of connection between Tasmania and Antarctica. In the early colonial period, when the seas were the major thoroughfares of the world and inland travel was treacherous and slow, Tasmania’s connection with the Southern Ocean made it a valuable hub for exploration and exploitation of the south. Between 1642 and 1900, early European explorers were followed by British penal colonists, convicts, sealers, and whalers (Kriwoken and Williamson 93). Tasmania was well known to polar explorers, with expeditions led by Jules Dumont d’Urville, James Clark Ross, Roald Amundsen, and Douglas Mawson all transiting through the port of Hobart. Now that the city is no longer a whaling hub, growing populations of cetaceans continue to migrate past the islands on their annual journeys from the tropics, across the Sub-Antarctic Front and Antarctic circumpolar current, and into the south polar region, while southern species such as leopard seals are occasionally seen around Tasmania (Tasmania Parks and Wildlife). Although the water surrounding Tasmania and Antarctica is at times homogenised as a ‘barrier’, rendering these places isolated, the bodies of water that surround both are in fact permeable, and regularly crossed by both humans and marine species. The waters are diverse in their physical characteristics, underlying topography, sea life, and relationships, and serve to connect many different ocean regions, ecosystems, and weather patterns.Views from the Far SouthWhen considered in terms of its relative proximity to Antarctic, rather than its distance from Australia’s political and economic centres, Tasmania’s identity undergoes a significant shift. A sign at Cockle Creek, in the state’s far south, reminds visitors that they are closer to Antarctica than to Cairns, invoking a discourse of connectedness that collapses the standard ten-day ship voyage to Australia’s closest Antarctic station into a unit comparable with the routinely scheduled 5.5 hour flight to North Queensland. Hobart is the logistical hub for the Australian Antarctic Division and the French Institut Polaire Francais (IPEV), and has hosted Antarctic vessels belonging to the USA, South Korea, and Japan in recent years. From a far southern perspective, Hobart is not a regional Australian capital but a global polar hub. This alters the city’s geographic imaginary not only in a latitudinal sense—from “top down” to “bottom up”—but also a longitudinal one. Via its southward connection to Antarctica, Hobart is also connected east and west to four other recognized gateways: Cape Town in South Africa, Christchurch in New Zealand; Punta Arenas in Chile; and Ushuaia in Argentina (Image 2). The latter cities are considered small by international standards, but play an outsized role in relation to Antarctica.Image 2: H. Nielsen with a Sign Announcing Distances between Antarctic ‘Gateway’ Cities and Antarctica, Ushuaia, Argentina, 2018. Image Credit: Nicki D'Souza.These five cities form what might be called—to adapt geographer Klaus Dodds’ term—a ‘Southern Rim’ around the South Polar region (Dodds Geopolitics). They exist in ambiguous relationship to each other. Although the five cities signed a Statement of Intent in 2009 committing them to collaboration, they continue to compete vigorously for northern hemisphere traffic and the brand identity of the most prominent global gateway. A state government brochure spruiks Hobart, for example, as the “perfect Antarctic Gateway” emphasising its uniqueness and “natural advantages” in this regard (Tasmanian Government, 2016). In practice, the cities are automatically differentiated by their geographic position with respect to Antarctica. Although the ‘ice continent’ is often conceived as one entity, it too has regions, in both scientific and geographical senses (Terauds and Lee; Antonello). Hobart provides access to parts of East Antarctica, where the Australian, French, Japanese, and Chinese programs (among others) have bases; Cape Town is a useful access point for Europeans going to Dronning Maud Land; Christchurch is closest to the Ross Sea region, site of the largest US base; and Punta Arenas and Ushuaia neighbour the Antarctic Peninsula, home to numerous bases as well as a thriving tourist industry.The Antarctic sector is important to the Tasmanian economy, contributing $186 million (AUD) in 2017/18 (Wells; Gutwein; Tasmanian Polar Network). Unsurprisingly, Tasmania’s gateway brand has been actively promoted, with the 2016 Australian Antarctic Strategy and 20 Year Action Plan foregrounding the need to “Build Tasmania’s status as the premier East Antarctic Gateway for science and operations” and the state government releasing a “Tasmanian Antarctic Gateway Strategy” in 2017. The Chinese Antarctic program has been a particular focus: a Memorandum of Understanding focussed on Australia and China’s Antarctic relations includes a “commitment to utilise Australia, including Tasmania, as an Antarctic ‘gateway’.” (Australian Antarctic Division). These efforts towards a closer relationship with China have more recently come under attack as part of a questioning of China’s interests in the region (without, it should be noted, a concomitant questioning of Australia’s own considerable interests) (Baker 9). In these exchanges, a global power and a state of Australia generally classed as regional and peripheral are brought into direct contact via the even more remote Antarctic region. This connection was particularly visible when Chinese President Xi Jinping travelled to Hobart in 2014, in a visit described as both “strategic” and “incongruous” (Burden). There can be differences in how this relationship is narrated to domestic and international audiences, with issues of sovereignty and international cooperation variously foregrounded, laying the ground for what Dodds terms “awkward Antarctic nationalism” (1).Territory and ConnectionsThe awkwardness comes to a head in Tasmania, where domestic and international views of connections with the far south collide. Australia claims sovereignty over almost 6 million km2 of the Antarctic continent—a claim that in area is “roughly the size of mainland Australia minus Queensland” (Bergin). This geopolitical context elevates the importance of a regional part of Australia: the claims to Antarctic territory (which are recognised only by four other claimant nations) are performed not only in Antarctic localities, where they are made visible “with paraphernalia such as maps, flags, and plaques” (Salazar 55), but also in Tasmania, particularly in Hobart and surrounds. A replica of Mawson’s Huts in central Hobart makes Australia’s historic territorial interests in Antarctica visible an urban setting, foregrounding the figure of Douglas Mawson, the well-known Australian scientist and explorer who led the expeditions that proclaimed Australia’s sovereignty in the region of the continent roughly to its south (Leane et al.). Tasmania is caught in a balancing act, as it fosters international Antarctic connections (such hosting vessels from other national programs), while also playing a key role in administering what is domestically referred to as the Australian Antarctic Territory. The rhetoric of protection can offer common ground: island studies scholar Godfrey Baldacchino notes that as island narratives have moved “away from the perspective of the ‘explorer-discoverer-colonist’” they have been replaced by “the perspective of the ‘custodian-steward-environmentalist’” (49), but reminds readers that a colonising disposition still lurks beneath the surface. It must be remembered that terms such as “stewardship” and “leadership” can undertake sovereignty labour (Dodds “Awkward”), and that Tasmania’s Antarctic connections can be mobilised for a range of purposes. When Environment Minister Greg Hunt proclaimed at a press conference that: “Hobart is the gateway to the Antarctic for the future” (26 Apr. 2016), the remark had meaning within discourses of both sovereignty and economics. Tasmania’s capital was leveraged as a way to position Australia as a leader in the Antarctic arena.From ‘Gateway’ to ‘Antarctic City’While discussion of Antarctic ‘Gateway’ Cities often focuses on the economic and logistical benefit of their Antarctic connections, Hobart’s “gateway” identity, like those of its counterparts, stretches well beyond this, encompassing geological, climatic, historical, political, cultural and scientific links. Even the southerly wind, according to cartoonist Jon Kudelka, “has penguins in it” (Image 3). Hobart residents feel a high level of connection to Antarctica. In 2018, a survey of 300 randomly selected residents of Greater Hobart was conducted under the umbrella of the “Antarctic Cities” Australian Research Council Linkage Project led by Assoc. Prof. Juan Francisco Salazar (and involving all three present authors). Fourteen percent of respondents reported having been involved in an economic activity related to Antarctica, and 36% had attended a cultural event about Antarctica. Connections between the southern continent and Hobart were recognised as important: 71.9% agreed that “people in my city can influence the cultural meanings that shape our relationship to Antarctica”, while 90% agreed or strongly agreed that Hobart should play a significant role as a custodian of Antarctica’s future, and 88.4% agreed or strongly agreed that: “How we treat Antarctica is a test of our approach to ecological sustainability.” Image 3: “The Southerly” Demonstrates How Weather Connects Hobart and Antarctica. Image Credit: Jon Kudelka, Reproduced with Permission.Hobart, like the other gateways, activates these connections in its conscious place-branding. The city is particularly strong as a centre of Antarctic research: signs at the cruise-ship terminal on the waterfront claim that “There are more Antarctic scientists based in Hobart […] than at any other one place on earth, making Hobart a globally significant contributor to our understanding of Antarctica and the Southern Ocean.” Researchers are based at the Institute for Marine and Antarctic Studies (IMAS), the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO), and the Australian Antarctic Division (AAD), with several working between institutions. Many Antarctic researchers located elsewhere in the world also have a connection with the place through affiliations and collaborations, leading journalist Jo Chandler to assert that “the breadth and depth of Hobart’s knowledge of ice, water, and the life forms they nurture […] is arguably unrivalled anywhere in the world” (86).Hobart also plays a significant role in Antarctica’s governance, as the site of the secretariats for the Commission for the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources (CCAMLR) and the Agreement on the Conservation of Albatrosses and Petrels (ACAP), and as host of the Antarctic Consultative Treaty Meetings on more than one occasion (1986, 2012). The cultural domain is active, with Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery (TMAG) featuring a permanent exhibit, “Islands to Ice”, emphasising the ocean as connecting the two places; the Mawson’s Huts Replica Museum aiming (among other things) to “highlight Hobart as the gateway to the Antarctic continent for the Asia Pacific region”; and a biennial Australian Antarctic Festival drawing over twenty thousand visitors, about a sixth of them from interstate or overseas (Hingley). Antarctic links are evident in the city’s natural and built environment: the dolerite columns of Mt Wellington, the statue of the Tasmanian Antarctic explorer Louis Bernacchi on the waterfront, and the wharfs that regularly accommodate icebreakers such as the Aurora Australis and the Astrolabe. Antarctica is figured as a southern neighbour; as historian Tom Griffiths puts it, Tasmanians “grow up with Antarctica breathing down their necks” (5). As an Antarctic City, Hobart mediates access to Antarctica both physically and in the cultural imaginary.Perhaps in recognition of the diverse ways in which a region or a city might be connected to Antarctica, researchers have recently been suggesting critical approaches to the ‘gateway’ label. C. Michael Hall points to a fuzziness in the way the term is applied, noting that it has drifted from its initial definition (drawn from economic geography) as denoting an access and supply point to a hinterland that produces a certain level of economic benefits. While Hall looks to keep the term robustly defined to avoid empty “local boosterism” (272–73), Gabriela Roldan aims to move the concept “beyond its function as an entry and exit door”, arguing that, among other things, the local community should be actively engaged in the Antarctic region (57). Leane, examining the representation of Hobart as a gateway in historical travel texts, concurs that “ingress and egress” are insufficient descriptors of Tasmania’s relationship with Antarctica, suggesting that at least discursively the island is positioned as “part of an Antarctic rim, itself sharing qualities of the polar region” (45). The ARC Linkage Project described above, supported by the Hobart City Council, the State Government and the University of Tasmania, as well as other national and international partners, aims to foster the idea of the Hobart and its counterparts as ‘Antarctic cities’ whose citizens act as custodians for the South Polar region, with a genuine concern for and investment in its future.Near and Far: Local Perspectives A changing climate may once again herald a shift in the identity of the Tasmanian islands. Recognition of the central role of Antarctica in regulating the global climate has generated scientific and political re-evaluation of the region. Antarctica is not only the planet’s largest heat sink but is the engine of global water currents and wind patterns that drive weather patterns and biodiversity across the world (Convey et al. 543). For example, Tas van Ommen’s research into Antarctic glaciology shows the tangible connection between increased snowfall in coastal East Antarctica and patterns of drought southwest Western Australia (van Ommen and Morgan). Hobart has become a global centre of marine and Antarctic science, bringing investment and development to the city. As the global climate heats up, Tasmania—thanks to its low latitude and southerly weather patterns—is one of the few regions in Australia likely to remain temperate. This is already leading to migration from the mainland that is impacting house prices and rental availability (Johnston; Landers 1). The region’s future is therefore closely entangled with its proximity to the far south. Salazar writes that “we cannot continue to think of Antarctica as the end of the Earth” (67). Shifting Antarctica into focus also brings Tasmania in from the margins. As an Antarctic city, Hobart assumes a privileged positioned on the global stage. This allows the city to present itself as central to international research efforts—in contrast to domestic views of the place as a small regional capital. The city inhabits dual identities; it is both on the periphery of Australian concerns and at the centre of Antarctic activity. Tasmania, then, is not in freefall, but rather at the forefront of a push to recognise Antarctica as entangled with its neighbours to the north.AcknowledgementsThis work was supported by the Australian Research Council under LP160100210.ReferencesAntonello, Alessandro. “Finding Place in Antarctica.” Antarctica and the Humanities. Eds. Peder Roberts, Lize-Marie van der Watt, and Adrian Howkins. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016. 181–204.Australian Government. 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