Academic literature on the topic 'Federal government, india'
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Journal articles on the topic "Federal government, india"
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Ranjan, Amit. "Inter-State River Water Disputes in India: A Study of Water Disputes Between Punjab and Haryana." Indian Journal of Public Administration 65, no. 4 (November 14, 2019): 830–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556119873442.
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In its 10 November 2016 advisory opinion, the Supreme Court (SC) of India nullified the Punjab Termination of Agreement Act, 2004. This inter-State water sharing termination act of the Punjab government had challenged the constitutional authority of the Union government over the states. The SC looked at that dimension of the Punjab Termination of Agreement Act, 2004, and maintained the constitutional supremacy of the Union government over the states. This article discusses the federal water relationships in India, and then examines the river water disputes between the Indian states of Punjab and Haryana. The author argues that the growing inter-State water disputes in India have also challenged the federal constitutional arrangement which holds the primacy of the Union government over the State governments in matters relating to regulation and development of inter-State waters and river valleys.
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Pillai, Sarath. "Fragmenting the Nation: Divisible Sovereignty and Travancore's Quest for Federal Independence." Law and History Review 34, no. 3 (June 14, 2016): 743–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248016000195.
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Speaking at the Travancore legislative assembly on February 2, 1938, Sir C.P. Ramaswamy Aiyar said: “The federation contemplated in the Government of India Act (1935) was founded on the recognition of the fundamental idea that the Ruler alone represents his state and that the Ruler is the government of the state.” Travancore was one of the oldest princely states in India, which antedated the British occupation and claimed a dynastic rule uninterrupted by any foreign or domestic powers. Its history of constitutional reforms and economic advancement enabled it to occupy a pivotal position in colonial India. As the Dewan (prime minister) of Travancore, Sir C.P. played a crucial role in the constitutional debates on the political form of postcolonial India, especially federation, in the last two decades of the British Empire in India. He argued that Indian states were inherently sovereign, and that the only locus of sovereignty in the states was their rulers. In doing so, he imagined a future Indian federation predicated on the idea of divisible sovereignty, which was given constitutional effect by the Government of India (GOI) Act (1935). Sir C.P.'s expositions on the sovereignty of the states and Travancore's constitutionalism offer analytical lenses to recuperate a history of imperial constitutionalism and the grand political project it enabled: Indian federation.
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Manor, James. "Government and Opposition in India." Government and Opposition 46, no. 4 (2011): 436–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01347.x.
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AbstractInteractions between ruling and opposition parties in India have long been sorely neglected by political analysts. This study finds clear contrasts between interactions at national and state levels in this federal system, and further, often marked variations across the 28 states – each of which has its own Westminster-style legislature. Government–opposition relations range from semi-civilized to caustic, although most cases are situated some at distance from those extremes. So, despite a recent confrontation in the Indian Parliament, there are no strong trends towards either deterioration or greater accommodation. This is a study in ambiguity.
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Pankaj, Ashok. "Discretionary Powers of Governor—III: An Interpretation from Federal Perspective." Indian Journal of Public Administration 64, no. 1 (February 15, 2018): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556117735447.
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This article examines the scope of discretionary powers of governor of a state in India from federal perspective and argues that they are against the principle of ‘cabinet responsibility’, an essential feature of parliamentary form of government that India intertwined with the federal constitution. These apparent anachronistic constitutional provisions were inherited from the Government of India Act, 1935, and retained with some modifications in the Constitution of Independent India as an institutional safeguard for the unity and integrity of Union of India that was formed by the merger of more than 500 princely states and a number of British administered provinces. As against the intentions of the constitution makers, the use of discretionary powers by governors has remained short of constitutional propriety, and it has been a major source of tension in centre–state relations. This has been partly because of the scope of powers itself and partly because of political factors. This article adds to various attempts of defining the scope of discretionary powers of the governor. A governor, appointed on political considerations, flippantly sets aside norms, values and constitutional propriety, expected of him in exercise of his/her powers. The lack of tenurial security makes him susceptible to the pressure of the union government. Only through political consensus, a solution can be found out to resolve this tricky issue of Indian federalism.
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ARMIJO, LESLIE ELLIOTT, and PREM SHANKAR JHA. "Center-state relations in India and Brazil: Privatization of electricity and banking." Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 17, no. 3 (September 1997): 444–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31571997-0921.
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ABSTRACT This article asks: “When and why do state governments oppose (or support) privatization programs initiated by the central government?” We examined national privatization initiatives in the 1990s in India and Brazil in the areas of electricity and banking and the different responses from state governments in each of the largest financial and industrial centers in their countries, the states of Maharastra and São Paulo. Possible explanations for states’ opposition to federal government initiatives such as Enron and Banespa include: (1) ideological commitments by state leaders, (2) political or political coalition differences between state and federal governments, and (3) an uneven distribution of costs and benefits from privatization between the state and federal governments. This article suggests that explanation (3), conflict of interest, is the best explanation, although the nature of political alliances (2) and political values may have an influence. This article concludes that seemingly irreconcilable political spheres can often be improved and some distribution of benefits can make the package more attractive to state leaders.
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Do Vale, Helder. "Local Government Reforms in Federal Brazil, India and South Africa: A Comparative Overview." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 11, no. 3 (July 1, 2013): 453–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/11.3.453-470(2013).
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This article examines the changes at the local level of government that have been taking place in Brazil, India and South Africa for the past thirty years as a result of complex federal decision-making processes. I summarize the most important federal traits of these countries and identify the role of key institutions behind the fiscal, political and administrative changes in local governments. The article draws on the institutional processes to dissect the anatomy of local government reforms in these countries and concludes that although the changes in local government structures and powers have been taken against the background of transition to democracy and/or democratic deepening, the scope of change in local government varied.
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Sharmila Devi, M. "The Path of Fiscal Management – Indian Union Budget 2019." Shanlax International Journal of Commerce 7, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 19–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/commerce.v7i2.339.
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India is one of the fastest growing economies of the world. India is a federal republic means it has existence of state governments as well as a Union Government. By the nature of the organization of the country, the Union Government is powerful than the state governments. It was always an interesting event to watch the Union Finance Minister placing the budget on the floor of the Parliament on the last day of February every year. This paper attempts to analyze the fiscal management in the Union Budget of India for the year 2019-20 which was presented on 1st February 2019.
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Saxena, Rekha. "The Working of Cooperative and Collaborative Federalism in India: Understanding Intergovernmental Relations." Indian Journal of Public Administration 67, no. 2 (June 2021): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00195561211026621.
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A federal constitution is based on at least two levels of governments— federal/union and provincial/state—which are generally constitutionally assigned exclusive as well as concurrent dominions, in addition to the residual powers. Consequently, union–state coordination is indispensable to negotiate and devise joint policies in field of shared jurisdictions. Moreover, such coordination is also essential for exclusive jurisdiction apparently because in the eras of ‘cooperative federalism’ and ‘collaborative federalism’, the federal government frequently utilises its usually bigger revenues to introduce centrally sponsored schemes of development and social policies with approval of state governments. These schemes may be entirely or partially financed by the union and executed by the states. Besides, residual powers or new policy areas that may emerge also need union–state cooperation, even though they are judicially adjudicated to go to any of the two levels of government. In an era of intergovernmental and global interdependence, functional link of governance may require cooperative action by different levels of governments besides the civil society organisations.
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Bitoliya, Shruti. "Article 365 of the Indian Constitution: Boon or a Curse for the Federal Setup?" Eudaimonia 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2022): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.51204/ivrs_22202a.
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The Constitution of India follows a federal setup. There are clearly elaborated roles, when it comes to the legislative powers of the Central and state governments, which have been stated in the seventh schedule of the Constitution. Article 356 is a device through which, in exceptional and emergency circumstances, the Central government can take over the legislative and executive roles of a state government for a limited time. In India, there exists a multi-party system and there are different parties in states and center. The abuse of Article 356 by the political party at the center is not a shocking event and instances of the same have been observed at various times in India. Because of the ambiguity and subjectivity of the language of the said Article, the misuse becomes possible. This work is a doctrinal research based on case analysis of the Supreme Court of India about the said misuse.
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Dholakia, Ravindra H. "Regional Imbalance under Federal Structure: A Comparison of Canada and India." Vikalpa: The Journal for Decision Makers 31, no. 4 (October 2006): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0256090920060401.
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The problem of regional disparity in economic development in geographically large democratic countries gets inseparably linked with macro public policies and the economic philosophies behind them. Two such countries, India and Canada, are considered in this paper. Although the two countries share several common features, they differ considerably in the size of the population, nature of the federation, constitutional provisions defining property rights on minerals and revenue sharing arrangements between the centre and the states, and the economic philosophy behind the macro policies of the governments. This paper addresses the issue of regional imbalance under federal structure in a comparative perspective. The following variables are used to analyse the regional problem: worker rate capital productivity capital intensity industrial structure. The paper argues that free and barrier-less mobility of population and goods across the states in Canada has resulted in the regional problem getting diluted and less intense. In India, on the other hand, the economic philosophy behind macro policies has throughout been of direct intervention with emphasis on ensuring equity across regions. As a result, the problem of fiscal transfers from the centre to the states has become more complicated and less manageable in India than in Canada. The degree of autonomy and economic independence of provinces is far more in Canada than the states in India. Studies of regional disparity in the levels and rates of economic development in the two countries revealed that: capital intensity or capital-labour ratio was the major determinant of the regional disparity in the level of economic development technology or capital productivity was the main factor behind the disparity in regional growth rates. The government policies have to consider these findings while investing or encouraging investments in the lagging regions. The other revelations of the study are as follows: In India, the federal-fiscal transfers are used as a mechanism to address the regional problem through direct governmental intervention. In Canada, most tax-bases are directly shared by the centre and provinces with the rates differing. In India, the tax-bases are allocated to the centre and states by the constitution. The horizontal and vertical equity concepts are more relevant for Canada where both the layers of governments run in surplus and are not compelled to borrow in order to meet expenditures. In India, on the other hand, a majority of the states depend on the central government for borrowing due to their perennial deficits. In Canada, the provinces and the centre directly borrow from the market as per their credibility which is not the case in India where most states lack credibility in the market. Confusion regarding the notion of horizontal balance and regional equity leads the Indian political system to focus on the direct governmental intervention rather than market orientation. The Canadian experience suggests an urgent need to change the attitude, mindset, and philosophy behind the macro policies to achieve better and faster results on regional disparity reduction.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Federal government, india"
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Telford, Hamish. "Federalism in multinational societies : Switzerland, Canada, and India in comparative perspective." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0016/NQ46433.pdf.
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Adeney, Katharine Saskia. "Federal formation and consociational stabilisation : the politics of national identity articulation and ethnic conflict regulation in India and Pakistan." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/428/.
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This thesis is a comparative investigation of how federal institutions accommodated linguistic and religious identities in India and Pakistan. There are three explanatory variables. The first is the history of self-rule for the principalities within South Asia; tracing continuities in territorial autonomy from the Mughals up to independence. The second is the distribution of linguistic and religious identities within the states of India and Pakistan, both at the provincial and national levels. The third is the articulation of a national identity in India and Pakistan. These explanatory variables are not independent of one another; their interaction accounts for the different strategies adopted by India and Pakistan in the formation and stabilisation of their federations. The differences in federal design are calculated according to a scoring system that measures the degree of consociationalism within the federal plans proposed before independence, and the constitutions created after independence. The state-sponsored national identities are distinguished according to their recognition of identities in the public and private spheres. They are further categorised according to the costs for a non-dominant group of being managed by this strategy. The three explanatory variables explain why linguistically homogeneous states were created in India but not in Pakistan. It is argued that this variable explains the stabilisation or otherwise of their federations. It therefore confirms Wilkinson's rebuttal of Lijphart's claim that India under Nehru was consociational. Unlike Wilkinson, it argues that the degrees of consociationalism that emerged since the formation of the constitution have enhanced federal stabilisation within India. It defines federal stabilisation according to continuity in state borders, the number and type of secessionist movements, but more importantly by correlating the effective number of linguistic groups at state level with the effective number of parties in national elections. It concludes that federal accommodation of linguistic groups in homogeneous provinces has enabled the party system to fractionalise in India and Pakistan; an indication of the security of these groups. Where secessionist movements have existed in India and Pakistan, their emergence is explained by the lack of security for a group - defined on either linguistic or alternative criteria.
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Frenz, Margret. "Vom Herrscher zum Untertan Spannungsverhältnis zwischen lokaler Herrschaftsstuktur und der Kolonialverwaltung in Malabar zu Beginn der britischen Herrschaft, 1790-1805 /." Stuttgart : F. Steiner, 2000. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/45257304.html.
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Reinhart, James M. "Funding for urban Indian health reflects the injustice of the federal government and its failure to understand American Indian culture." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN) Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN) Access this title online, 2006. http://www.tren.com.
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McFarland, Dana. "Indian reserve cut-offs in British Columbia, 1912-1924 : an examination of federal-provincial negotiations and consultation with Indians." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/42023.
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Indian people in every agency in British Columbia
suffered an injustice when the McKenna-McBride joint commission
of the federal and provincial governments adjusted Indian reserve
lands between 1913 and 1916. The report of this Royal Commission
was amended before it was adopted by both governments in 1924,
but the amendments only served to compound the inequity. This
history of reserve land cut-offs in British Columbia considers
the individual development of federal and provincial Indian land
policies, the negotiations to homogenize them after union in
1871, and the efforts of Indians to resist reserve cut-offs.
The primary sources, many of them generated by the reserve
adjustment process of the Royal Commission, have allowed me to
calculate the relative values of lands cut off or added by the
commission, to discern the practical effects of the 1924
amendments, and to identify the principal consultants of the
commission. These results, considered together with secondary
sources which treat various aspects of reserve land cut-offs,
indicate that the injustice was done at the insistence of the
British Columbia government. Nevertheless, the federal
government must share in the blame. It betrayed its role of
protector of the Indians for the sake of creating a uniform
Indian policy, no matter how unjust.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Lima, Telma Vieira. "EDUCAÇÃO INDIGENISTA E POLÍTICAS PÚBLICAS: O NÚCLEO INSIKIRAN DE FORMAÇÃO SUPERIOR INDIGENA EM RORAIMA." Universidade Federal do Maranhão, 2009. http://tedebc.ufma.br:8080/jspui/handle/tede/834.
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Previous issue date: 2009-03-02The present work analyses the process of constitution of Insikiran Nucleus and the Intercultural Undergraduate course created by this Nucleus, as part of the government policies settled in Brazil, since the promulgation of the Federal Constitution in 1988. It aims to apprehend in which way the principles of interculturalism, specifics, differentness and bilingualism, which are references for the most important legislations and Indian school education policies, have been developed in the Intercultural Undergraduate course created by Insikiran. The Indian College Degree in Roraima offered by UFRR is promoting the college graduation to Indian population, in order to enable them to teach in the State's Indian schools. It has been also necessary to apprehend which procedures were put into motion by the subjects involved with the Insikiran Nucleus constitution, as well as to analyze the experience developed in UFRR, through the Intercultural Undergraduate course, that points out the possibility of democratization of the access and the incorporation of new forms of knowledge to college education, starting from the demands and articulation with social movements. The idea is to present and discuss, in one hand, how that action legitimates the UFRR, and in the other hand, how the University articulates itself with a wide variety of institutions and social movements, such as the Indian movement, in order to make this experience a solid one, and in which measure this relationship is able to create new spaces and news ways of producing knowledge. Some categories borrowed from social sciences were used as tools to develop this analyze, such as different citizenship, multiculturalism and national minority.
Analisa o processo de constituição do Núcleo Insikiran e da Licenciatura Intercultural implementada por esse Núcleo no contexto das políticas públicas instauradas no Brasil, a partir da promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988. Busca-se apreender de que forma os princípios de interculturalidade, especificidade, diferenciação e bilingüismo, que são referenciais das principais legislações e políticas de educação escolar indigenista, foram desenvolvidos no curso de Licenciatura Intercultural implementado pelo Núcleo Insikiran. O curso de Formação Superior Indígena em Roraima na UFRR está promovendo a formação em nível superior de indígenas, para o exercício de docência nas escolas indígenas no Estado. Foi necessário, também, apreender quais os processos engendrados pelos sujeitos envolvidos na constituição do Núcleo Insikiran, bem como analisar a experiência desenvolvida na UFRR, através dessa Licenciatura Intercultural que aponta para a possibilidade da democratização do acesso e inserção de novos saberes no ensino superior, a partir de demandas e da articulação com os movimentos sociais. A idéia é apresentar e discutir, por um lado, como essa ação legitima a UFRR, e por outro, como a Universidade se articula com diversas instituições e movimentos sociais, no caso o movimento indígena, para concretização dessa experiência e em que medida essa relação cria novos espaços e novas formas de se produzir conhecimento. A análise foi instrumentalizada com algumas categorias utilizadas nas ciências sociais, tais como cidadania diferenciada, multiculturalidade e minoria nacional.
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Garcia, Maria E. "Governing Gambling in the United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/3.
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The role risk taking has played in American history has helped shape current legislation concerning gambling. This thesis attempts to explain the discrepancies in legislation regarding distinct forms of gambling. While casinos are heavily regulated by state and federal laws, most statutes dealing with lotteries strive to regulate the activities of other parties instead of those of the lottery institutions. Incidentally, lotteries are the only form of gambling completely managed by the government. It can be inferred that the United States government is more concerned with people exploiting gambling than with the actual practice of wagering.
In an effort to more fully understand the gambling debate, whether it should be allowed or banned, I examined different types of sources. Historical sources demonstrate how ingrained in American culture risk taking, the core of gambling, has been since the formation of this nation. Sources dealing with the economic implications of gambling were also studied. Additionally, sources dealings with the political and legal aspects of gambling were essential for this thesis. Legislature has tried to reconcile distinct problems associated with gambling, including corruption. For this reason sports gambling scandals and Mafia connections to gambling have also been examined.
The American government has created much needed legislature to address different concerns relating to gambling. It is apparent that statutes will continue to be passed to help regulate the gambling industry. A possible consideration is the legalization of sports wagering to better regulate that sector of the industry.
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Sáez, Lawrence David. "Federalism without a center : the impact of political reform and economic liberalization on India's federal system /." 1999. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:9934110.
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Jha, Himanshu. "Liberalization in the federal context : institutional arrangements for policy making in Australia and India (1990s)." Master's thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150247.
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Van, Laere M. Susan. "The Grizzly Bear and the Deer : the history of Federal Indian Policy and its impact on the Coast Reservation tribes of Oregon, 1856-1877." Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1957/28421.
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The Coast Reservation of Oregon was established under Executive Order of
President Franklin Pierce in November, 1855, as a homeland for the southern Oregon
tribes. It was an immense, isolated wilderness, parts of which had burned earlier in the
century. There were some prairies where farming was possible, but because the
reservation system itself and farming, particularly along the coast, were unknown entities,
life for the Indians was a misery for years.
Those responsible for the establishment of the reservation were subject to the
vagaries of the weather, the wilderness, the Congress, and the Office of Indian Affairs.
Agents were accountable, not only for the lives of Oregon Indians, but also for all of the
minute details involved in answering to a governmental agency. Some of the agents were
experienced with the tribes of western Oregon; others were not. All of them believed that
the only way to keep the Indians from dying out was to teach them the European
American version of agriculturalism. Eventually, if possible, Oregon Indians would be
assimilated into the dominant culture. Most agents held out little hope for the adults of
the tribes.
This thesis lays out the background for the development of United States Indian
policies. European Americans' ethnocentric ideas about what constituted civilization
became inextricably woven into those policies. Those policies were brought in their infant
stage to Oregon. Thus, the work on the reservations was experimental, costing lives and
destroying community. How those policies were implemented on the Coast Reservation
from 1856-1877 concludes this study.Graduation date: 2000
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Books on the topic "Federal government, india"
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Dāsa, Harihara. Federal and state politics in India. New Delhi: Discovery Pub. House, 1990.
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Hooja, Rakesh. Local government and federalism in India. Jaipur: HCM Rajasthan State Institute of Public Administration, 2007.
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Khan, Rasheeduddin. Federal India: A design for change. New Delhi: Vikas Pub. House, 1992.
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Institute of Constitutional and Parliamentary Studies., ed. Union-state relations in India. New Delhi, India: National, 1986.
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Sarkar, Ranadhir Sarma. Union-state relations in India. New Delhi, India: National, 1986.
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K, Mukarji Nirmal, Arora Balveer, and Centre for Policy Research (New Delhi, India), eds. Federalism in India, origins and development. New Delhi: Vikas Pub. House, 1992.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Federal government, india"
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Bathla, Seema, and Siraj Hussain. "Structural Reforms and Governance Issues in Indian Agriculture." In India Studies in Business and Economics, 251–96. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-0763-0_9.
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AbstractThis chapter deals with key structural issues facing Indian agriculture since Independence. In the context of federal fiscal relations as well as shared responsibilities towards agricultural development, it examines spending on capital formation and subsidies in agriculture vis-à-vis other economic sectors. It then deals with reforms in the subsidy regime (relating to both inputs and ouput) and the implications of the agri-marketing laws enacted in 2020, since retracted. The agriculture sector (including irrigation) has always received relatively lower priority in public expenditure. Morever, the spending bias has been more towards input subsidies rather than on investment, which may affect agriculture growth in due course. The institutional, price and legislative reforms and structural changes identified in the paper suggest that the agricultural sector requires handholding. The Government of India and state governments should work in tandem to accelerate rural infrastructure, target specific regions as well as small and marginal farmers for support, and create a competitive environment that stimulates investment, productivity and marketing efficiency. States should also be given more flexibility in drawing up action plans relating to the production and marketing of produce to encourage farmers and the private sector. A greater role for existing institutions in coordination and to ensure effective implementation of policies is called for.
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Sarma, Atul, and Debabani Chakravarty. "Third-Tier Government in the Inter-Governmental Fiscal Transfer Framework." In Integrating the Third Tier in the Indian Federal System, 123–56. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5625-3_7.
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Rodrigues, Neshwin, Raghav Pachouri, Shubham Thakare, G. Renjith, and Thomas Spencer. "Integrating Wind and Solar in the Indian Power System." In Energiepolitik und Klimaschutz. Energy Policy and Climate Protection, 139–62. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-38215-5_7.
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AbstractIndia’s coal contribution to the total electricity generation mix stood at 73% in 2018. To meet India’s NDC ambitions, the federal government announced determined targets to integrate 450 GW Renewable Energy in the grid by 2030. This paper explores the pathways to integrate high RE generation by 2030 with effective balancing of supply and demand and associated challenges of flexibility requirements. A Unit commitment and economic dispatch model, which simulates the power system operation was used. The overall share of variable renewables reaches 26% and 32% in the Baseline Capacity Scenario (BCS) and High Renewable Energy Scenario (HRES) respectively. Improved ramp rates and a minimum thermal loading limit induce flexibility in the thermal fleet. In the HRES, more than 16 GW of coal plants are required for two-shift operations in April and more than 50% of days see an aggregate all-India ramp from the coal fleet in excess of 500 MW per minute. Battery Storage provides daily balancing while reducing VRE curtailment to less than 0.2% in the HRES. Nationally Coordinated dispatch shows increased power transfer from high VRE regions to export power during high VRE generation periods. It is thus found that high RE penetration is possible by 2030 at no extra system costs.
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Sarma, Atul, and Debabani Chakravarty. "The Unique Institution of Local Self-Government in the North-East." In Integrating the Third Tier in the Indian Federal System, 45–68. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5625-3_4.
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Singh, Avantika. "Climate Change and Subnational Government." In New Dimensions in Federal Discourse in India, 119–38. Routledge India, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003032663-10.
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Shettigar, Jagadish, and Pooja Misra. "Cooperative Federalism." In Resurgent India, 214—C3.15.P10. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192866486.003.0045.
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Abstract With India having a federal system of governance in place, both the Centre and States have the freedom to operate and function in their allotted spheres of jurisdiction. Under the federal structure, responsibilities are distributed between the Centre and States, and division of powers is given in the Seventh Schedule of the Constitution in the three lists, i.e. Union List, State List, and Concurrent List. Developmental responsibilities such as healthcare, land policies, law and order are with the States, while the Centre is responsible for defence, foreign affairs, atomic energy, banking, and insurance. For the last three decades, States are being governed by different political parties while the Centre is governed by mostly coalition governments which otherwise means weak in command. To enable smooth administration, it is important that the Centre and States work in coordination with each other. The chapter discusses how keeping aside political differences once in the government, Central and State Governments should work hand in hand so that developmental, as well as welfare measures, are effectively implemented without any unnecessary hurdles.
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Bhasin, Lalit. "India." In International Succession, 411–30. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198870463.003.0024.
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This chapter reviews India's common law system, deriving most of its modern judicial framework from the British legal system. The Indian Constitution provides for a Parliamentary form of government that is federal in structure with certain unitary features. The chapter then clarifies the Indian Succession Act 1925 (‘ISA’) and defines a will as ‘the legal declaration of the intention of the testator with respect to his property which he desires to be carried into effect after his death’. It illustrates the two types of wills under Indian law: privileged wills and unprivileged wills. This chapter also elaborates on the order of succession in cases of intestacy. It stresses that a person is considered to have died intestate in respect of all property in relation to which they have not made a testamentary disposition, e.g., when they have left no will, or they have made a will but that will is not capable of taking effect. Ultimately, the chapter assesses the property that is jointly owned by husband and wife. It also considers the concept of ‘matrimonial regime’ in India.
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Calabresi, Steven Gow. "The Union of India: Umpiring and Rights from Wrongs." In The History and Growth of Judicial Review, Volume 1, 263–310. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190075774.003.0008.
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This chapter addresses the legal system as well as the origins and growth of judicial review in India. Judicial review originated and grew in India for five reasons. First, the history of Privy Council vertical federalism judicial review umpiring in the British Imperial period habituated Indians to the idea of judicial review of the legality of legislation in the sense of an imperial court reining in errant federal subunits. Second, the Framers of the Indian Constitution of 1950 deliberately decided to borrow the strong kind of judicial review described by Professor Gordon Wood from the U.S. Constitution, as well as borrowing from the United States, the idea of a judicially enforceable Bill of Rights. Third, former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s state of emergency, in the 1970s, led all the key players in Indian politics to want judicial review for rights from wrongs reasons. Fourth, judicial review in India has functioned as an umpire between the Union government and the states and among the states and various other entities of the Union of India government. Fifth, the Indian National Congress Party was part of an Ackermanian mass mobilization of people who successfully sought independence and which constitutionalized its charisma by peaceful means.
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Intezar, Mohammad Tariq, and Saad Bin Zia. "Zakat, SDGs, and Poverty Alleviation of Muslims in India." In Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 1–20. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3452-6.ch001.
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Muslims are the largest minority in India, yet the federal government has, in place, just a single Muslim-specific poverty alleviation scheme, which is utterly insufficient to meet their financial needs. Hence, in the face of governmental apathy and indifferent attitude, Muslims are left to fend for themselves. In this scenario, Zakāt turns out to be a more-than-handy tool to alleviate poverty among Muslims in India. Zakāt, over the years, has manifested itself as a successful means to meet out the financial needs of the developmental activities across the level including the non-Muslim countries. Zakāt possesses a robust potential to play a critical role to implement the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to alleviate the poverty of Muslims in a Hindu-majority country like India.
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Jenkins, Rob. "Business Interests, the State, and the Politics of Land Policy." In Business and Politics in India, 124–50. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190912468.003.0005.
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This chapter examines the relationship between business interests and the Indian state. It focuses on the legal framework governing the state’s forcible acquisition of land for “public purposes,” including private sector industrial development. Recent land acquisition policy trends reveal ambiguities in the character of the Indian state. On the one hand, in 2013 India enacted legislation containing protections for landowners and communities facing dispossession. The inability of business interests to prevent passage of such a law—or of the probusiness government elected in 2014 to repeal or amend it—suggests that the nexus between business and the Indian state may be less all-embracing than it seems. On the other hand, this case demonstrates the capacity of business to adapt to political obstacles at the federal level—notably, by shaping and supporting a series of state-level reforms designed to neutralize the key community-protection provisions found in the 2013 act.
Conference papers on the topic "Federal government, india"
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Ibrahim, Marzia, and Anusha Sharma. "The National Coalition on the Education Emergency - Building Macro-Resilience in Response to the Pandemic." In Tenth Pan-Commonwealth Forum on Open Learning. Commonwealth of Learning, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56059/pcf10.7438.
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The pandemic has caused the near collapse of the already weak Indian public education system. Prolonged school closures along with caste, gender, and economic marginalisation are forcing children to endure malnutrition, physical and mental health challenges, child labour, and early marriages, in addition to learning deprivation. The system’s response has not reached the grassroots. NGOs across the country provide services at the ground level, but national-level coordination is insufficient. This paper studies the National Coalition on the Education Emergency (NCEE), established by individuals and groups from across India, as a case of building macro-resilience, emphasising principles of equity, universal access, humane education, decentralised decision-making, and public investment. Through a critical examination of the work done by the NCEE on curating curricular resources (OERs), conducting and compiling research studies, developing policy tracking tools, networking with partners and collaborators, creating larger awareness, social mobilisation, advocacy and interacting with governments to inform their programs and policies, the paper will discuss challenges in the Indian education system and the attempts to address them within a federal state structure. It looks at why an integrated nationwide response to the crisis is necessary.
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Hernandez, Susan D., and Mary E. Clark. "Building Capacity and Public Involvement Among Native American Communities." In ASME 2001 8th International Conference on Radioactive Waste Management and Environmental Remediation. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2001-1251.
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Abstract The United States Environmental Protection Agency (U.S. EPA) supports a number of local community initiatives to encourage public involvement in decisions regarding environmental waste management and remediation. Native American tribal communities, in most cases, operate as sovereign nations, and thus have jurisdiction over environmental management on their lands. This paper provides examples of initiatives addressing Native American concerns about past radioactive waste management practices — one addresses uranium mining wastes in the Western United States and the other, environmental contamination in Alaska. These two projects involve the community in radioactive waste management decision-making by encouraging them to articulate their concerns and observations; soliciting their recommended solutions; and facilitating leadership within the community by involving local tribal governments, individuals, scientists and educators in the project. Frequently, a community organization, such as a local college or Native American organization, is selected to manage the project due to their cultural knowledge and acceptance within the community. It should be noted that U.S. EPA, consistent with Federal requirements, respects Indian tribal self-government and supports tribal sovereignty and self-determination. For this reason, in the projects and initiatives described in the presentation, the U.S. EPA is involved at the behest and approval of Native American tribal governments and community organizations. Objectives of the activities described in this presentation are to equip Native American communities with the skills and resources to assess and resolve environmental problems on their lands. Some of the key outcomes of these projects include: • Training teachers of Navajo Indian students to provide lessons about radiation and uranium mining in their communities. Teachers will use problem-based education, which allows students to connect the subject of learning with real-world issues and concerns of their community. Teachers are encouraged to utilize members of the community and to conduct field trips to make the material as relevant to the students. • Creating an interactive database that combines scientific and technical data from peer-reviewed literature along with complementary Native American community environmental observations. • Developing educational materials that meet the national science standards for education and also incorporate Native American culture, language, and history. The use of both Native American and Western (Euro-American) educational concepts serve to reinforce learning and support cultural identity. The two projects adopt approaches that are tailored to encourage the participation of, and leadership from, Native American communities to guide environmental waste management and remediation on their lands. These initiatives are consistent with the government-to-government relationship between Native American tribes and the U.S. government and support the principle that tribes are empowered to exercise their own decision-making authority with respect to their lands.