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1
Ranjan, Amit. "Inter-State River Water Disputes in India: A Study of Water Disputes Between Punjab and Haryana." Indian Journal of Public Administration 65, no. 4 (November 14, 2019): 830–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556119873442.
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In its 10 November 2016 advisory opinion, the Supreme Court (SC) of India nullified the Punjab Termination of Agreement Act, 2004. This inter-State water sharing termination act of the Punjab government had challenged the constitutional authority of the Union government over the states. The SC looked at that dimension of the Punjab Termination of Agreement Act, 2004, and maintained the constitutional supremacy of the Union government over the states. This article discusses the federal water relationships in India, and then examines the river water disputes between the Indian states of Punjab and Haryana. The author argues that the growing inter-State water disputes in India have also challenged the federal constitutional arrangement which holds the primacy of the Union government over the State governments in matters relating to regulation and development of inter-State waters and river valleys.
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Pillai, Sarath. "Fragmenting the Nation: Divisible Sovereignty and Travancore's Quest for Federal Independence." Law and History Review 34, no. 3 (June 14, 2016): 743–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248016000195.
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Speaking at the Travancore legislative assembly on February 2, 1938, Sir C.P. Ramaswamy Aiyar said: “The federation contemplated in the Government of India Act (1935) was founded on the recognition of the fundamental idea that the Ruler alone represents his state and that the Ruler is the government of the state.” Travancore was one of the oldest princely states in India, which antedated the British occupation and claimed a dynastic rule uninterrupted by any foreign or domestic powers. Its history of constitutional reforms and economic advancement enabled it to occupy a pivotal position in colonial India. As the Dewan (prime minister) of Travancore, Sir C.P. played a crucial role in the constitutional debates on the political form of postcolonial India, especially federation, in the last two decades of the British Empire in India. He argued that Indian states were inherently sovereign, and that the only locus of sovereignty in the states was their rulers. In doing so, he imagined a future Indian federation predicated on the idea of divisible sovereignty, which was given constitutional effect by the Government of India (GOI) Act (1935). Sir C.P.'s expositions on the sovereignty of the states and Travancore's constitutionalism offer analytical lenses to recuperate a history of imperial constitutionalism and the grand political project it enabled: Indian federation.
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Manor, James. "Government and Opposition in India." Government and Opposition 46, no. 4 (2011): 436–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01347.x.
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AbstractInteractions between ruling and opposition parties in India have long been sorely neglected by political analysts. This study finds clear contrasts between interactions at national and state levels in this federal system, and further, often marked variations across the 28 states – each of which has its own Westminster-style legislature. Government–opposition relations range from semi-civilized to caustic, although most cases are situated some at distance from those extremes. So, despite a recent confrontation in the Indian Parliament, there are no strong trends towards either deterioration or greater accommodation. This is a study in ambiguity.
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Pankaj, Ashok. "Discretionary Powers of Governor—III: An Interpretation from Federal Perspective." Indian Journal of Public Administration 64, no. 1 (February 15, 2018): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556117735447.
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This article examines the scope of discretionary powers of governor of a state in India from federal perspective and argues that they are against the principle of ‘cabinet responsibility’, an essential feature of parliamentary form of government that India intertwined with the federal constitution. These apparent anachronistic constitutional provisions were inherited from the Government of India Act, 1935, and retained with some modifications in the Constitution of Independent India as an institutional safeguard for the unity and integrity of Union of India that was formed by the merger of more than 500 princely states and a number of British administered provinces. As against the intentions of the constitution makers, the use of discretionary powers by governors has remained short of constitutional propriety, and it has been a major source of tension in centre–state relations. This has been partly because of the scope of powers itself and partly because of political factors. This article adds to various attempts of defining the scope of discretionary powers of the governor. A governor, appointed on political considerations, flippantly sets aside norms, values and constitutional propriety, expected of him in exercise of his/her powers. The lack of tenurial security makes him susceptible to the pressure of the union government. Only through political consensus, a solution can be found out to resolve this tricky issue of Indian federalism.
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ARMIJO, LESLIE ELLIOTT, and PREM SHANKAR JHA. "Center-state relations in India and Brazil: Privatization of electricity and banking." Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 17, no. 3 (September 1997): 444–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31571997-0921.
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ABSTRACT This article asks: “When and why do state governments oppose (or support) privatization programs initiated by the central government?” We examined national privatization initiatives in the 1990s in India and Brazil in the areas of electricity and banking and the different responses from state governments in each of the largest financial and industrial centers in their countries, the states of Maharastra and São Paulo. Possible explanations for states’ opposition to federal government initiatives such as Enron and Banespa include: (1) ideological commitments by state leaders, (2) political or political coalition differences between state and federal governments, and (3) an uneven distribution of costs and benefits from privatization between the state and federal governments. This article suggests that explanation (3), conflict of interest, is the best explanation, although the nature of political alliances (2) and political values may have an influence. This article concludes that seemingly irreconcilable political spheres can often be improved and some distribution of benefits can make the package more attractive to state leaders.
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Do Vale, Helder. "Local Government Reforms in Federal Brazil, India and South Africa: A Comparative Overview." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 11, no. 3 (July 1, 2013): 453–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/11.3.453-470(2013).
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This article examines the changes at the local level of government that have been taking place in Brazil, India and South Africa for the past thirty years as a result of complex federal decision-making processes. I summarize the most important federal traits of these countries and identify the role of key institutions behind the fiscal, political and administrative changes in local governments. The article draws on the institutional processes to dissect the anatomy of local government reforms in these countries and concludes that although the changes in local government structures and powers have been taken against the background of transition to democracy and/or democratic deepening, the scope of change in local government varied.
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Sharmila Devi, M. "The Path of Fiscal Management – Indian Union Budget 2019." Shanlax International Journal of Commerce 7, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 19–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/commerce.v7i2.339.
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India is one of the fastest growing economies of the world. India is a federal republic means it has existence of state governments as well as a Union Government. By the nature of the organization of the country, the Union Government is powerful than the state governments. It was always an interesting event to watch the Union Finance Minister placing the budget on the floor of the Parliament on the last day of February every year. This paper attempts to analyze the fiscal management in the Union Budget of India for the year 2019-20 which was presented on 1st February 2019.
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Saxena, Rekha. "The Working of Cooperative and Collaborative Federalism in India: Understanding Intergovernmental Relations." Indian Journal of Public Administration 67, no. 2 (June 2021): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00195561211026621.
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A federal constitution is based on at least two levels of governments— federal/union and provincial/state—which are generally constitutionally assigned exclusive as well as concurrent dominions, in addition to the residual powers. Consequently, union–state coordination is indispensable to negotiate and devise joint policies in field of shared jurisdictions. Moreover, such coordination is also essential for exclusive jurisdiction apparently because in the eras of ‘cooperative federalism’ and ‘collaborative federalism’, the federal government frequently utilises its usually bigger revenues to introduce centrally sponsored schemes of development and social policies with approval of state governments. These schemes may be entirely or partially financed by the union and executed by the states. Besides, residual powers or new policy areas that may emerge also need union–state cooperation, even though they are judicially adjudicated to go to any of the two levels of government. In an era of intergovernmental and global interdependence, functional link of governance may require cooperative action by different levels of governments besides the civil society organisations.
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Bitoliya, Shruti. "Article 365 of the Indian Constitution: Boon or a Curse for the Federal Setup?" Eudaimonia 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2022): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.51204/ivrs_22202a.
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The Constitution of India follows a federal setup. There are clearly elaborated roles, when it comes to the legislative powers of the Central and state governments, which have been stated in the seventh schedule of the Constitution. Article 356 is a device through which, in exceptional and emergency circumstances, the Central government can take over the legislative and executive roles of a state government for a limited time. In India, there exists a multi-party system and there are different parties in states and center. The abuse of Article 356 by the political party at the center is not a shocking event and instances of the same have been observed at various times in India. Because of the ambiguity and subjectivity of the language of the said Article, the misuse becomes possible. This work is a doctrinal research based on case analysis of the Supreme Court of India about the said misuse.
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Dholakia, Ravindra H. "Regional Imbalance under Federal Structure: A Comparison of Canada and India." Vikalpa: The Journal for Decision Makers 31, no. 4 (October 2006): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0256090920060401.
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The problem of regional disparity in economic development in geographically large democratic countries gets inseparably linked with macro public policies and the economic philosophies behind them. Two such countries, India and Canada, are considered in this paper. Although the two countries share several common features, they differ considerably in the size of the population, nature of the federation, constitutional provisions defining property rights on minerals and revenue sharing arrangements between the centre and the states, and the economic philosophy behind the macro policies of the governments. This paper addresses the issue of regional imbalance under federal structure in a comparative perspective. The following variables are used to analyse the regional problem: worker rate capital productivity capital intensity industrial structure. The paper argues that free and barrier-less mobility of population and goods across the states in Canada has resulted in the regional problem getting diluted and less intense. In India, on the other hand, the economic philosophy behind macro policies has throughout been of direct intervention with emphasis on ensuring equity across regions. As a result, the problem of fiscal transfers from the centre to the states has become more complicated and less manageable in India than in Canada. The degree of autonomy and economic independence of provinces is far more in Canada than the states in India. Studies of regional disparity in the levels and rates of economic development in the two countries revealed that: capital intensity or capital-labour ratio was the major determinant of the regional disparity in the level of economic development technology or capital productivity was the main factor behind the disparity in regional growth rates. The government policies have to consider these findings while investing or encouraging investments in the lagging regions. The other revelations of the study are as follows: In India, the federal-fiscal transfers are used as a mechanism to address the regional problem through direct governmental intervention. In Canada, most tax-bases are directly shared by the centre and provinces with the rates differing. In India, the tax-bases are allocated to the centre and states by the constitution. The horizontal and vertical equity concepts are more relevant for Canada where both the layers of governments run in surplus and are not compelled to borrow in order to meet expenditures. In India, on the other hand, a majority of the states depend on the central government for borrowing due to their perennial deficits. In Canada, the provinces and the centre directly borrow from the market as per their credibility which is not the case in India where most states lack credibility in the market. Confusion regarding the notion of horizontal balance and regional equity leads the Indian political system to focus on the direct governmental intervention rather than market orientation. The Canadian experience suggests an urgent need to change the attitude, mindset, and philosophy behind the macro policies to achieve better and faster results on regional disparity reduction.
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Proch, Dominik. "Selected measures proposed and taken by current Indian government." Köz-gazdaság 15, no. 3 (2020): 183–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.14267/retp2020.03.15.
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ndia is going to have the second largest population and one of the largest markets in the world, however, trade and investment environment have been unsatisfactory. The economy was being paralyzed between 2011 and 2013 after long-standing problems had appeared. Nevertheless, a paradigm shift can be seen since 2014. In that year, Indian People’s Party won a majority in the general elections and Narendra Modi became the Prime Minister. Under his government, several programs have been introduced and some of them already implemented. The main objective is liberalization, deregulation or computerization, together calling for higher investment and trade exchange. GST is one of the most discussed reforms since it should have brought a unified tax system across all federal states with more transparent requirements for foreign entities. Subsequently, voluminous programs such as Make in India, Digital India, Clean India etc. have being promoted. Despite the fact that businesses can benefit from the outlined initiatives, common people are often affected in a negative way – which is the actual case of demonetisation.
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Bywalec, Grzegorz. "Reformy samorządności lokalnej w Indiach – przesłanki i determinanty." Przegląd Sejmowy 3(170) (2022): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2022.111.
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Following the Constitution of 1949, India is a democratic republic, a federation of states. However, in the early years of independence, the democratic rules of organising and functioning of the state applied to only two tiers – the federal one and the state one. The local tier remained undemocratic, which resulted in India being a semi-democratic country. Such a situation could not last long. It was necessary to launch reforms to democratise the local system of government and make India a fully democratic country. Numerous attempts at setting up democratic local self-government had been made, but all failed. It was not until the early 1990s that sustainable legal grounds were established for three-tier governance and its implementation began. Thirty years have passed since the Indian decentralisation. This fact induced the author to present the premises, determinants, and effects of the local government system’s democratisation and attempt to evaluate its role in the life of contemporary India.
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Richards, Newman U. "Administration of Value Added Tax (Goods and Services Tax) and Fiscal Federalism in Nigeria: Lessons from Australia, Canada, the USA, India and Ethiopia." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 30, no. 4 (November 2022): 502–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2022.0422.
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One of the incidences of federalism is that taxing powers are shared between the federating units. Thus fiscal federalism affects the administration of consumption taxes in federal systems. The implication of fiscal federalism under the Nigerian constitution on consumption taxes has generated some controversies over the years. The question has been whether the constitution allows a dual level administration of consumption taxes by the federal and states governments or whether the powers are solely vested in the federal government. This article argues that there is a hiatus in the constitution as it is unclear who has the powers to impose consumption taxes in Nigeria. The article will propose necessary constitutional amendment drawing from the lessons the experiences other federal systems like Australia, Canada, the United States of America, India and Ethiopia present.
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Coondoo, Dipankor, Amita Majumder, Robin Mukherjee, and Chiranjib Neogi. "Tax Performance and Taxable Capacity: Analysis for Selected States of India." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 21, no. 1 (April 1, 2003): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569203x15665366543818.
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Abstract In a federal form of government structure, the state-level governments generally receive supplementary budgetary resources from the central/federal government as support for the formers’ public expenditure activities. Such devolution of funds from the centre to the states takes the form of share of the revenue raised by central taxes and grants-in-aid. It is felt that such resource transfers should be made according to a policy based on the criteria of equity and efficiency. Formally, these criteria are defined with reference to individual state’s tax revenue collection relative to its taxable capacity. Formulation of a concrete transfer policy, however, crucially requires measures of individual state’s taxable capacity. Given an appropriate definition of a state’s taxable capacity, measurement of taxable capacity of states involves both conceptual and econometric issues. This paper proposes an econometric approach to the measurement of taxable capacity, which is similar to estimating a frontier production function using panel data. To illustrate the proposed method, it is applied to the panel data on annual state tax revenue and related variables of some selected Indian states for the period 1986-87 to 1996-97 and the relative taxable capacity and tax efforts of the states are compared.
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Dahal, Gaurav Raja. "The Nepal’s Political Relationship with India: Under the Lens of Path Dependency Theory." Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 14 (December 30, 2020): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dsaj.v14i0.26207.
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The recent developments in Nepal’s politics from the abolition of autocratic monarchy, promulgation of a new constitution to successful completion of local, provincial, and federal level elections can be perceived as Nepal’s politics achieving miraculous success in forming democracy. Throughout the history, heavy reliance on the Indian economy has been considered as a major hurdle to Nepal’s sovereignty. This paper analyzes the Nepal-India relationship through path-dependent theory and argues that with series of above mentioned democratic success, the contemporary Nepali foreign policy towards India is at a critical juncture where Nepal can incorporate new changes to make its policies independent and uninfluenced by the Indian government. Analyzing the series of political and democratic events and foreign policies implemented to date, this paper aims to understand how the Nepali leadership can utilize these recent series of democratic successes as a turning point to break the traditional approach of forming policies to appease the Indian government and receive political and economic support and implement new policy changes leveraging on the multilateral organizations and developmental partners for its support economically and politically.
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Dahal, Gaurav Raja. "The Nepal’s Political Relationship with India: Under the Lens of Path Dependency Theory." Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 14 (December 30, 2020): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dsaj.v14i0.26207.
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The recent developments in Nepal’s politics from the abolition of autocratic monarchy, promulgation of a new constitution to successful completion of local, provincial, and federal level elections can be perceived as Nepal’s politics achieving miraculous success in forming democracy. Throughout the history, heavy reliance on the Indian economy has been considered as a major hurdle to Nepal’s sovereignty. This paper analyzes the Nepal-India relationship through path-dependent theory and argues that with series of above mentioned democratic success, the contemporary Nepali foreign policy towards India is at a critical juncture where Nepal can incorporate new changes to make its policies independent and uninfluenced by the Indian government. Analyzing the series of political and democratic events and foreign policies implemented to date, this paper aims to understand how the Nepali leadership can utilize these recent series of democratic successes as a turning point to break the traditional approach of forming policies to appease the Indian government and receive political and economic support and implement new policy changes leveraging on the multilateral organizations and developmental partners for its support economically and politically.
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Borkakati, Santosh, and Singh Gyanendra. "Fiscal responsibility law and subnational finance in India: An analysis of Assam's fiscal scenario." Ekonomski horizonti 23, no. 1 (2021): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/ekonhor2101071b.
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Fiscal responsibility law has become an important instrument for better fiscal management and ensuring fiscal discipline, particularly so in the federal countries where their subnational governments often indulge in fiscal indiscipline. In 2003, India adopted the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management Act for rule-based fiscal discipline, and the states of India were also asked to adopt their own fiscal rule legislation in line with the legislation adopted by the central government. As a fiscally weak Indian state, Assam enacted the Assam Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management (AFRBM) Act in 2005 for better fiscal management. The paper attempts to examine the impact of the AFRBM Act on the fiscal performance of the state by analyzing the dynamics of the fiscal variables in the pre and post-AFRBM Act periods. The study finds that the state has improved its fiscal condition after the introduction of the AFRBM Act, even though it has remained prone to fiscal shocks.
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Khan, Ahmad. "Determinants of Income Tax Base in Pakistan: A Policy Review." Pakistan Development Review 31, no. 4II (December 1, 1992): 1123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v31i4iipp.1123-1142.
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This paper is divided into six parts. Following this introduction a reivew of the fiscal policies pursued by the Government of Pakistan is presented in the second section. The third section contains an assessment of the performance of different taxes while the fourth presents the reasons for low revenue performance. The key issues in tax policy reform are discussed in the fIfth section. The final section presents the recommendations for future policy directions. The taxation structure of Pakistan is both Federal and Provincial in nature. This structure was derived from the revenue-sharing provisions of the Government of India Act, 1935 and has been incorporated into successive constitutions delineating the respective revenue powers of the Federal and Provincial Governments. Under the present constitution, the Federal Government has the constitutional right to levy a wide range of direct and indirect taxes [Government of Pakistan (1973)]. Federal direct taxes comprise of personal and corporate income tax (excluding tax on agriculture income), and capital taxes (excluding tax on immovable property). Since the abolition of estate duties and gift taxes, the latter include wealth tax and Capital Value Tax. One time Capital Assets Tax on companies was levied in 1991. Income of small businesses is subject to fixed tax. Minimum tax at the rate of 0.5 percent of turnover applies to Corporate and Registered Firm taxpayers. Presumptive tax regime applies to dividends and interest, prizes on prize bonds, lotteries and raffles, payments for contract execution and supply of goods, and value of imported and exported goods [Government of Pakistan (1991)].
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Soikham, Piyanat. "On Panchayat: A Study of Decentralization in India and Policy Recommendation." Asia Social Issues 15, no. 3 (November 14, 2021): 251597. http://dx.doi.org/10.48048/asi.2022.251597.
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This paper aims to study India’s decentralization process, which focuses on the Panchayat or the village government as a demonstration of success in India’s decentralization. This paper employs documentary research with a systemic review of relevant literature, articles, and documents on India's decentralization policy after independence up to the present (during 1947-2020). This paper found that India emphasizes people participation and decentralization, primarily through the Panchayat, which the constitution has authorized. The Indian government also established the Ministry of Panchayati Raj to facilitate the process of decentralization. The key success of India’s decentralization is related to its financial decentralization that allows the local government to collect tax and financial supports. This research also suggests five recommendations to increase the level of decentralization. First, decentralization must be written in a country’s constitution. Second, decentralization could effectively work with a unitary state with a federal feature. Third, the village is the foundation of decentralization. Fourth, the state should establish or form a ministry or another form of a government body to implement a policy of decentralization. Finally, decentralization must be political, administrative, and financial.
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Kandel, Ishwori Prasad. "Nepal–India Relationship After The Rise of Modi." Historical Journal 11, no. 1 (August 1, 2020): 8–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/hj.v11i1.34630.
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This paper has attempted to define Nepal, being a sovereign country would like to deal with India on an equitable basis. Geographically, culturally and economically, Nepal is closer to India. Nepal also realizes that it can’t ignore its southern neighbor India. The Republic of India and the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal initiated their relationship with the 1950 Indo-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship and accompanying secret letters that defined security relations between the two countries, and an agreement governing both bilateral trade and trade transiting Indian territory. The Indo-Nepal border is open; Nepalese and Indian nationals may move freely across the border without passports or visas and may live and work in either country. However, Indians aren't allowed to own land-properties or work in government institutions in Nepal, while Nepalese nationals in India are allowed to work in Indian government institutions (except in some states and some civil services the IFS, IAS, and IPS). After years of dissatisfaction by the Nepalese government, India in 2014, agreed to revise and adjust the treaty to reflect the current realities, however, the modality of adjustment hasn't been made clear by either side. Due to geographical proximity, socio-cultural affinity and economic dependence of Nepal, India has strong influence on Nepal and its policy decisions.
Modi’s first visit to Nepal in August 2014 as part of his ‘neighbourhood first’ policy was highly successful. He was the first foreign leader to address the Constituent Assembly - the body tasked with drafting Nepal’s new constitution. His remarks drew widespread praise from all Nepalese political parties and seemed to promise a new beginning in India–Nepal relations. Minister Narendra Modi had expressed its displeasure at Nepal’s constitution, a position made clear in a series of statements issued by Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) in New Delhi. Citing MEA sources, Indian Express even circulated a seven-point demand for amendments to the constitution, within days of its promulgation. With the election of nationalistic leader K P Oli as prime minister in Nepal, the rift between Delhi and Kathmandu was widened, and lead to a massive humanitarian crisis, as shortages of fuel, medicines, and essential supplies become acute across Nepal, with no sign of reconciliation in sight.
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Thachil, Dr Preemy P. "Welfare Schemes for Migrant Workers in Kerala." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science 06, no. 10 (2022): 463–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2022.61024.
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Kerala has been a front- runner among the states in India, introducing social security schemes for different vulnerable sections of the society. These schemes, executed mainly through different welfare boards, and have been successful in extending social security to a limited extent to the majority of the vulnerable groups especially migrants. In India, social security is enumerated in the Directive Principles of State Policy and is one of the subjects in the Concurrent List in the Constitution of India, which is federal in nature. One of the major priorities of the state government is extending the coverage of social security net to workers in the unorganized sector (Government of Kerala, 2009). This paper examines key actions by the government to promote the social security of the migrant workers
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K, VIJAYA KUMAR, and JAHAMGEER C. "A comparative study of indian gst with canada model." Journal of Management and Science 7, no. 2 (June 30, 2017): 254–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.26524/jms.2017.34.
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The newly implemented Goods and Service Tax (GST) system of India willbring 'One Nation One Tax' to unite the existing Indirect Taxes under one umbrella. Theimportant motive of the government to enact the GST was to make our business Globallycompetitive, Efficient Tax collection, Easy inter-state movement of goods, Reduction in thecorruption, Removing of cascading effect of tax, Higher threshold for registration, Onlinesimpler procedures etc.. Goods and service tax is taking India by the storm. India has chosenthe Canadian model of dual GST. France was the first country to implement GST to reducetax-evasion. Since then, more than 140 countries have implemented GST with some countrieshaving Dual-GST, for example Brazil and Canada. India has chosen the Canadian model ofdual GST as it has a federal structure where the Centre and states have the powers to levy andcollect taxes. This paper especially focused on Comparative Study of Indian GST withCanada Model.
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Emelyanova, Natalia. "Covid-19 in India: Government structures in the Context of Pandemic Reality and the “Covid Apocalypse”." Polylogos 6, no. 1 (19) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s258770110019123-7.
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The article is devoted to the main activities of the Indian government to counter the new coronavirus infection in the period from 01/30/2020 to 08/31/2021. There is an attempt to assess the activity of state structures and their readiness to apply and strengthen mobilization mechanisms. Under the mobilization mechanisms of the state, it is proposed to understand the ability and political will of state institutions to develop and initiate various management decisions, accumulate and increase critically important material and non-material resources to level an emergency situation of technogenic and/or natural plan threatens social development. The main topics of the article are devoted to such aspects as restrictive, punitive measures, as well as state support measures in the context of COVID-19, the specifics of organizing vaccination, the government’s anti-COVID information campaign, India’s “COVID Apocalypse” in 2021, socio-economic consequences and political lessons from the COVID-19 pandemic for India. It is concluded that the situation with COVID-19 in India politically demonstrated the defining and decisive role of the coordinating institutions of the federal level. On the whole, the state bodies of India showed readiness for mobilization and showed their efficiency even in the conditions of a catastrophically developing situation, control over which was not completely lost, although there was a real threat of it.
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Das, Pintu. "India's evolving tax system: its successes and challenges." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no. 7 (July 15, 2022): 118–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i07.016.
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The goal of this study is to critically investigate several facets of India's tax structure. Every person of the country is responsible for paying taxes. The taxation system determines the economic power of a country. Our federal tax system is divided into three levels, the Union Government, the State Governments and the Local Bodies. As the author points out, despite the fact that the Constitution clearly divides taxing authority between the national government and the state government, due to the prevalence of several types of taxes, the Indian tax system has been exceedingly complex. Various tax compliance regulations and rules, tax administration is incompetent, and several other issues. Aside from reviewing the existing literature on the subject, the purpose of this research is to track the evolution of the Indian tax system through three different periods such as taxes in ancient India, taxes during post independent India, and taxes after independent India. Although Lists 1 and 2 of the Seventh Schedule of the Indian Constitution clearly define the Union government's and states' taxing powers, these original tax provisions have undergone a number of revisions over the years as a result of essential constitutional amendments. This research article also makes an attempt to provide a description of direct taxes; together with ‘Income tax’, ‘Corporation tax’, ‘Wealth tax’, ‘Gift tax’, ‘Estate duty’, and ‘other taxes on capital and property’, and indirect taxes for example ‘Customs duties’, ‘Excise duties’, ‘Sales tax’, ‘Service tax’, ‘Value added tax (VAT)’, and ‘Goods and services tax (GST)’. Finally, the research paper discusses some of the most pressing difficulties and obstacles. According to Bird (1993), ‘Fiscal crisis has been proven to be the mother of tax reform’. However, such reforms are frequently impromptu and undertaken to fulfil instant revenue needs. In most instances, such reforms are not in the nature of systemic improvements to increase the tax system's long-term productivity. The evolution of a tax system to satisfy the needs of international competition has been one of the most fundamental reasons for recent tax reforms in many emerging and transitional countries (Rao 1992). The shift from a mostly centrally planned development strategy to market-based resource allocation has altered public perceptions of the state's role in development. The transition from a public to a private sector, heavy industry reigned supreme, the shift from an import-substituting industrialization approach to one based on market signals has prompted fundamental reforms in the tax system. In an open, export-driven economy, the tax system should not only raise the required funds for social and physical infrastructure, but it should also reduce distortions. As a result, to maintain worldwide competitiveness, the tax system must adapt to the needs of a market economy. When the right approaches are followed, revenue remains stable and growth in our economy is managed. Any tax that is not backed by law or exceeds the legislative authority's powers is unconstitutional. In 1994, this authority became the basis for levying a tax on some services, and the 88th Amendment to the Indian Constitution gave the federal government the ability to tax services. The internationalisation of economic operations as a result of increased globalisation gave another reason for reform. In light of the recent shift to introduce GST, this article examines the structure of the Indian tax system, its constitutional framework, and current system modifications.
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Shapoo, Sajid F. "Enticing the Maoist Guerrilla – India’s Coin Strategy and Evolving Surrender and Rehabilitation Policy." Journal of South Asian Studies 7, no. 3 (April 23, 2019): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.007.03.2959.
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Debates about the utility of different COIN models in the Indian scenario continue to evoke extreme reactions. Experts believe that Indian COIN efforts have invariably preferred trading “hearts and minds” approach with highly kinetic enemy centric tactics. It is argued that Indian security leadership feels that an enemy centric approach is best suited for Maoist insurgency, where the fear of population seceding from India is remote. India is blamed for not having a focused or a formal COIN strategy against the Maoist insurgency. It is only in the last decade that individual states have begun to harmonize their COIN responses with one another and with the Government of India (GoI) policies. A national surrender and rehabilitation policy were formulated in 2014; considered to be an important component of the new approach. Following federal guidelines, states have formulated their surrender policies. It may be myopic to assess these policies in isolation and these need to be evaluated in whole as a part of comprehensive COIN approach. The verdict till now is a mixed bag, while some states have tasted success with the scrupulous implementation of the new surrender policies, others have resorted to sham surrenders to shore up the numbers. Policies like surrender and rehabilitation can give a representative sense to the rebels that the government cares for them if they(rebels) are willing to shun the violent path. Proper implementation and timely disbursal of benefits add to the credibility of the policy and the government too. The multi-pronged approach of sustained military pressure, robust economic development program and a sensitive surrender cum rehabilitation policy stand to deliver favourable results in India’s fight against Maoist insurgency.
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Sawhney, Upinder. "An Analysis of Fiscal Policy in an Emerging Economy: Innovative and Sustainable Fiscal Rules in India." Millennial Asia 9, no. 3 (December 2018): 295–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0976399618805629.
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Fiscal management is considered to be effective only if fiscal imbalances do not create any macroeconomic instability in an economy. In a federal structure, the performance of sub-national constituents as well as the national government is significant for growth and development. Fiscal imbalances set in the Indian economy both at the national and sub-national levels during 1980s and became a matter of concern by the end of the last century. Accordingly, fiscal responsibility legislations (FRLs) were enacted by the two layers (union and state) of the government. It is not the enactment but the effective implementation leading to fiscal discipline and consolidation which is important. This article seeks to examine the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management Act, 2003 of a developed Indian state situated in the northwest of India, that is, Punjab. Various fiscal consolidation targets are reviewed against the actual outcomes of those fiscal parameters which are outlined in the FRL of the State. Some policy pre-scriptions for innovative and sustainable fiscal rules have been suggested.
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Joshi, Sanhita Rahul. "Emerging Model Villages in India." Hrvatska i komparativna javna uprava 19, no. 2 (June 28, 2019): 237–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31297/hkju.19.2.3.
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Although India no more lives in its villages, the rural population is still sizeable and, more importantly, it reels under the pressure of extreme poverty, pitiable basic amenities, and dearth of livelihood opportunities. Urbanisation and urban growth has captured the attention of government and policy makers especially in the post liberalisation period. However, much needs to be done to improve the conditions of the people living in rural areas. Strengthening of village democracy was considered as a possible solution to resolving issues at the grass-roots level. This paved way for the historic 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act (CAA) in 1993 which sought to empower people at the base of India’s federal polity. Encouraging people’s participation in the process of development, policy making and its implementation was the fundamental objective of this legislation. Twenty- five years have passed since the adoption of the 73rd CAA in 1993 but still much needs to be done. There is an urgent need to transform the rural landscape of India and bring it on a par with its urban counterparts while retaining the soul of rural life. The case of village Punsari from the Sabharkantha District of the state of Gujarat (India) is unique as it stands out as a smart and model village. All the modern amenities found in an urban area are available in this village. Using descriptive analytical framework, the paper aims to argue that such smart villages are a ray of hope for the rural revitalisation in Indian countryside. Semi-structured interviews with the local leaders, officers, and stakeholders form an important part of the research used to generate insights and conclusions. The paper argues that grass-roots leadership, community participation, decentralisation of powers to local bodies in rural areas, and financial support in the form of various government schemes can bring far-reaching changes in the rural landscape of India. Punsari represents a classic example as well as an exemplar of concerted efforts of elected leaders, community people, and government support to bring about transformation and make villages smart as well as sustainable.
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Barresi, Paul A. "The Polluter Pays Principle as an Instrument of Municipal and Global Environmental Governance in Climate Change Mitigation Law: Lessons from China, India, and the United States." Climate Law 10, no. 1 (March 19, 2020): 50–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18786561-01001003.
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The disparate fates of the polluter pays principle (ppp) as an instrument of municipal environmental governance in the environmental law of China, India, and the United States illustrate how institutions and culture can shape its use. In China, essential elements of the Chinese legal tradition and an institutionalized devolution of power from the central government to local governments essentially neutralized the Chinese variant of the ppp in one important context by mobilizing certain culturally defined behavioural norms at the local level. In India, the Supreme Court has behaved in accordance with the socially revolutionary role intended for it by the framers of India’s Constitution by recognizing a maximalist conception of the ppp as part of Indian law, although other features of India’s unique legal culture and institutions have reduced the impact of this development. In the United States, the institutionalized fragmentation of the law-making process within the Federal Government has undermined even the implicit implementation of the ppp, to which US environmental statutes do not refer. The implications of these developments for the ppp as an instrument of municipal but also global environmental governance in climate change mitigation law flow less from the nominal status of the ppp in the laws of China, India, and the United States than from the unique institutional and cultural conditions that prevail there. The result is a case study in how institutions and culture can transform the implementation of a principle of environmental governance that at first glance might seem to be a simple exercise in economic rationality into a different exercise that is not simple at all.
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Rodríguez-Pose, Andrés, Sylvia A. R. Tijmstra, and Adala Bwire. "Fiscal Decentralisation, Efficiency, and Growth." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 41, no. 9 (January 1, 2009): 2041–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a4087.
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Much of the recent worldwide trend towards devolution has been driven by the belief that fiscal decentralisation is likely to have a positive effect on government efficiency and economic growth. It is generally assumed that the transfer of powers and resources to lower tiers of government allows for a better matching of public policies to local needs and thus for a better allocation of resources. These factors, in turn, are expected to lead to an improvement in regional economic performance, if subnational authorities shift resources from current to capital expenditures in search of a better response to local needs. In this paper we test these assumptions empirically by analysing the evolution of subnational expenditure categories and regional growth in Germany, India, Mexico, Spain, and the USA. We find that, contrary to expectations, decentralisation has coincided in the sample countries with a relative increase in current expenditures at the expense of capital expenditures, which has been associated with lower levels of economic growth in countries where devolution has been driven from above (India and Mexico), but not in Spain, where it has been driven from below. We hypothesise that the differences in legitimacy between the central or federal government and subnational governments in top-down and bottom-up processes of devolution may be at the origin of the diverse capacity to deliver greater allocative and productive efficiency and, eventually, greater economic growth by devolved governments.
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Dwivedi, Richa, and Abhinav Shrivastava. "Article 282 and Centrally Sponsored Schemes: Implications on Fiscal Federalism in India." YMER Digital 21, no. 01 (January 19, 2022): 350–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37896/ymer21.01/33.
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India is a quasi-federal country which implies that on one hand when the States require autonomy and flexibility in working, on other hand it also required an interdependence between the Centre and the state, thereby giving birth to the idea of cooperative federalism. The constitution of India has clearly given a framework demarcating the power, functions and responsibilities of each level of government and there are a few provisions which aim at cooperative federalism. Article 282 of the Indian Constitution is one such provision which empowers both the Centre as well as the State to provide grants for public purpose. The paper seeks to examine the issues and challenges faced by the fiscal federalism in India. The paper also delves into the constitutional provision to understand and identify the use of Article 282. The current debate with respect to the state autonomy in matters of finances and prioritizing the need of the states compel the analysis of Article 282 with reference to the Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSS). The paper thus aims to give a comprehensive analysis of Article 282 and its use and implications on fiscal federalism in India.
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Mawdsley, E. "Nonsecessionist Regionalism in India: The Uttarakhand Separate State Movement." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 29, no. 12 (December 1997): 2217–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a292217.
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Studies of regionalism in India have tended to concentrate on the secessionist struggles in Kashmir and Punjab, and on centre-State relations within the federal union. An issue which has received far less attention has been that of nonsecessionist regionalism—the various demands for the creation of new smaller States within India. The persistent tendency of the centre has been to view these movements as threatening and divisive and, therefore, with varying degrees of success, to resist and repress them. However, a number of commentators have suggested that smaller States are one way in which India's federal structure could become more equipoised, decentralised, and participatory. In this paper the author examines the recent mass movement for a separate State of Uttarakhand, an area which currently forms the Himalayan part of the State of Uttar Pradesh. Given the limitations of space, she concentrates on one aspect of the movement, namely how protestors have mobilised particular grammars and strategies of resistance in their struggle to persuade the central government (the final arbiter) that their demands for separation from Uttar Pradesh are justified and that the creation of Uttarakhand would benefit both the region and the country, economically, environmentally, and strategically.
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Dr. Pradeepta Kishore Sahoo. "The Dominion Status of India." Legal Research Development: An International Refereed e-Journal 1, no. III (March 30, 2017): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.53724/lrd/v1n3.04.
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An attempt is made in this article about the dominion status of India in pre- independence era. The insecurity and lack of status have a disastrous effect on the whole system of the country. It was no wonder that it has been the root of all social, political and economic problems in past and present times. The primary purpose of dominion status is to develop the social, political and economic growth of the citizens within the territory of India. The dominion status of India relating to the constitution needs more viable to establish a responsible Government and vigilant society. At present we need to have a fresh look towards the dominion status of Pre-Independence India and to transform India into a harmonious, developed and federal nation. This is nothing wrong if we make a new constituent assembly to decide the present and future fate of India from its dominion status. Any changes made in past will not be destructive but constructive so far as our national unity is concerned. This article is useful for academicians, research scholars and general public.
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Gupta, Akhil. "The Political Economy of Post-Independence India—A Review Article." Journal of Asian Studies 48, no. 4 (November 1989): 787–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058115.
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Economists and political scientists have become increasingly interested in the political economy of India during the past decade and particularly during the past three or four years. The titles under review will be valuable not only to India specialists but also to comparative scholars because of the intriguing mix of conditions found in India. More like a continent than a country in its diversity, India is in some ways very similar to densely populated, predominantly rural and agricultural China, differing most perhaps in the obstinacy and depth of its poverty. In the predominant role played by the state within an essentially capitalist economy, it is closer to the model of Western social democracies than it is to either prominently ideological capitalist or socialist nation-states; like other countries in the “third world,” the state in India plays a highly interventionist developmental role. Finally, since Independence it has pursued, more successfully than most nation-states in Latin America and Asia, policies of importsubstituting industrialization and relative autarchy. In terms of its political structures, India differs from most newly industrialized countries (NICs) in that it generally continues to function as a parliamentary democracy. The federal political system creates an intriguing balance of forces between central and the regional state governments, which are often ruled by opposition parties with agendas, ideologies, and organizational structures quite different from those of the central government.
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Farhan, Syed AA. "Subnational Diplomacy in Climate Action Plans of Border States in India." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 4, no. 1 (October 1, 2016): 38–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v4i1.53.
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Subnational action on climate change in India is driven by the State Action Plans on Climate Change (SAPCC). The idea behind the SAPCCs was to decentralize action beyond the National Action Plan on Climate Change (NAPCC) especially with regards to the State and Union List. In India, like most other nations, diplomacy and international negotiations remain exclusively in the realm of the central government. But effective response to climate change would require Indian states to engage in bilateral negotiations at least with countries of the same physiography. This should help in exchange and development of technology and creating databases on risk assessment as climate change goes beyond spatial borders and is a shared security issue. The rationale behind the SAPCCs also opens up furthering of the scope of sub-national diplomacy. This article examines the SAPCCs of the Border States and their missions on strategic knowledge of climate change as an example in order to suggest the need for greater subnational action in the form of climate change diplomacy. Relying mostly on document analysis this paper explores whether engagement in subnational diplomacy would maintain the constitutional spirit while pushing the limits of subnational action for climate change in India. It aims to explore climate policy in India’s federal system to understand the extended role the subnational Indian states therein can play.
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Chhibber, Ajay. "Economic Planning in India: Did We Throw the Baby Out with the Bathwater?" Indian Public Policy Review 3, no. 3 (May-Jun) (May 20, 2022): 01–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.55763/ippr.2022.03.03.001.
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India has a long and checkered history of planning with some success but many failures. Despite India’s federal structure India’s approach to planning has been top-down with the union government controlling many levers – financial and otherwise to determine the direction of the economy and social programs. India has tried 3 types of planning – “directed planning”, “indicative planning” and now just a “strategy but no planning”. India needed to replace the Planning Commission but not give up on planning altogether. Just as the rest of the world was going back to a “new planning” surge to handle climate change and the desire to meet the SDGs, India abolished planning altogether. The successor to the planning commission - the Niti Aayog needs to get back to “new planning”, that is now being adopted by many countries with stronger leadership. A legitimised authorising environment and effective use to plan can help India achieve the SDGs by 2030 and become a prosperous country by 2047.
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Pal, Michael. "Constitutional Design of Electoral Governance in Federal States." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 16, S1 (November 2, 2021): S23—S39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2021.28.
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AbstractThis article explores the constitutional politics of electoral governance in federations by focusing on the role of election commissions, drawing mainly on examples from Asia. All democracies face the challenge of insulating electoral governance from interference and capture. Compared to unitary states, federations confront the additional dilemma of how to disperse authority over electoral governance across multiple orders of government. Federal democracies must decide whether electoral governance should be a matter for the center or the states. I argue that the basic choice is between what I will call the ‘unitary model’ and the ‘division of powers model.’ The main institution of electoral governance is the electoral management body or ‘EMB.’ In the unitary model, a central EMB administers both national and state-level elections. In the ‘division of powers model’, both a central and state-level EMBs exist, with the state commissions administering elections in the component units of the federation. In federal democracies generally, but especially in Asia, the allure of the unitary model has been strong. The article draws on the example of the Constituent Assembly in India to illustrate what is at stake in how federal constitutions allocate authority over electoral governance.
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Raja, Piyush, and M. M. Rahman. "Difficulties of Quality Education in Higher Education in India." International Journal of Multidisciplinary: Applied Business and Education Research 2, no. 12 (December 12, 2021): 1374–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.11594/10.11594/ijmaber.02.12.09.
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Higher education will lead the world in 21st era because it not only creates greater personal and social prosperity, but it also affects all facets of development, including intellectual, social, cultural, aesthetic, physical, spiritual, and human capital development, directly or indirectly. Afterward, US and China, India has the world's third largest higher education system. University Grants Commission (UGC) is the largest regulatory body at the higher level, and it enforces its guidelines, advises the administration, and facilitates communication between the federal government and the states. The University Grants Commission oversees accreditation for higher education by 15 independent institutions. While the nation has progressed significantly in terms of enrolment, the standard of education continues to be a source of concern, which is critical for achieving the country's goals and implementing national policy. Weak facilities, exam-driven curriculum, memory-based exams, a shortage of qualified faculty, ineffective teaching strategies, a lack of funding, inconsistencies in government policy on higher education, entrenched political motives, massive demands from the youth population, political unrest, increasing privatisation, a lack of access and equity, and so on are some of the problems in higher education. There are several more problems like this, and this paper objectively examines all of them, as well as potential solutions.
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Shankar, Shylashri. "The State of Emergency in India: Böckenförde's Model in a Sub-National Context." German Law Journal 19, no. 2 (May 1, 2018): 197–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200022665.
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The Constitution of India envisages three types of emergencies: A national emergency; a state emergency (in the federal setup, regions are called states in India, and the central government has the power to impose an emergency if there is a breakdown of law and order in that state); and a financial emergency. The problem the State faces is how it can respond effectively to exceptional situations without casting its adherence to the rule of law into question.“ Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde offers a set of solutions within a model structure anchored in constitutional laws. The model structure, which applies at the federal level, advocates a separation between the authorizing agency—the political wing—and the implementation agency, as well as creating a distinction between a ”law“ and a ”measure,“ and between a most extreme and a merely difficult situation. By focusing on the actions of the higher judiciary in India, this Article tests whether the safeguards in Böckenförde's model structure function at the sub-national state level in a very different geography and context. The results highlight the concern that the dynamics of democracy and the reality of how political power is garnered in a federal Westminster style framework effectively stymie the procedural innovations introduced by Böckenförde's model by creating conditions, not for fair play, but for subverting the spirit of the law. Even the procedures outlined by Böckenförde—such as an emphasis on making the agent who holds the emergency powers a political, and not merely an administrative organization—accentuates, rather than mitigates, this problem.
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Barber, Benjamin, and Nimah Mazaheri. "The specialization curse: How economic specialization shapes public goods provision." Business and Politics 21, no. 3 (April 15, 2019): 415–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bap.2018.33.
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AbstractThis paper examines the relationship between economic specialization and government expenditures. We hypothesize that citizens and firms in economically specialized regions pressure politicians to invest in core economic sectors in lieu of spending on public goods that benefit the broader economy, such as education. We investigate our hypothesis through an examination of the United States and India. We confirm a negative relationship between economically specialized U.S. states and education spending, and a positive relationship between economically specialized U.S. states and firm subsidies. Next, we examine the effects of an immediate shock in a region's level of economic specialization by comparing Indian states created from federal bifurcation. We show how the creation of two highly specialized states (Bihar and Jharkhand) from a diversified state (Undivided Bihar) was associated with a decline in education spending but an increase in subsidies for core sectors.
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Bagchi, Amaresh. "India's Fiscal Reform: Some Signposts." Vikalpa: The Journal for Decision Makers 23, no. 1 (January 1998): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0256090919980103.
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This paper by Bagchi seeks to review the magnitude and quality of fiscal consolidation that has taken place in India in the process of economic reforms and identify the tasks ahead. The broad conclusion is that while there has been some notable success in reducing the deficits of the centre, the fiscal situation marked by large revenue deficits remains fragile. Fiscal correction has also had an adverse impact on government's capital spending. For the growth momentum to pick up⁄ budgetary support for investment in infrastructure must be stepped up and government expenditure restructured to provide larger allocation for health and education. If these are to be achieved while adhering to norms of fiscal prudence⁄ the revenue-ratio would need to be raised by nearly 4 per cent of GDP. That would call for massive efforts towards augmenting tax and non-tax revenues at both levels of government. Some fundamental institutional reforms will also be needed such as in the system of federal transfers⁄ the judicial system⁄ and the administrative organization and methods.
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Rani, P. Geetha. "Growth and Financing of Elementary Education in Uttar Pradesh:A Province in India." education policy analysis archives 12 (June 13, 2004): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v12n25.2004.
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The present article attempts to study financing patterns of elementary education in Uttar Pradesh. A review of educational development in the state reveals that the goal of universalizing elementary education in a resource-poor state seems to be elusive in the near future. Neither the financing pattern of education per se nor elementary education in particular is conducive to achieving the target of universal elementary education. The magnitude of out-of-school children (leaving or dropped-out children) vis-à-vis the resources allocated toward elementary education provides a gloomy picture in the state. Financing the additional resources required to universalize elementary education in the state would require significant reallocations in overall expenditure with federal assistance, since the fiscal situation in Uttar Pradesh is highly imbalanced. The state and central government should bear the entire responsibility of funding and ensure the twin principles of equity and efficiency in the public education system in the state. This requires an indomitable political commitment in terms of reorientation of spending priorities and improving the efficiency of resource use in the state. This study reaffirms that the goal of universal elementary education could become a reality only if there is a joint commitment between the federal and state polities.
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Purushothaman, Uma, and John S. Moolakkattu. "The Politics of the COVID-19 Pandemic in India." Social Sciences 10, no. 10 (October 12, 2021): 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10100381.
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India responded to the COVID-19 measures abruptly and in a tough manner during the early stages of the pandemic. Its response did not take into consideration the socio-economic life of the majority of people in India who work in the informal sector and the sheer diversity of the country. The imposition of a nationwide lockdown using the Disaster Management Act 2005 enabled the Union Government to impose its will on the whole country. India has a federal system, and health is a state subject. Such an overbearing role on the part of the Central Government did not, however, lead to coordinated action. Some states expressed their differences, but eventually all complied with the central guidelines. The COVID-19 pandemic struck at a time when an agitation was going on in the country, especially in New Delhi, against the Citizen Amendment Act. The lockdown was imposed all of a sudden and was extended until 31 May. This led to a humanitarian crisis involving a large number of domestic migrant workers, who were left stranded with no income for survival and no means of transport to go home. Indians abroad who were intending to return also found themselves trapped. Dissenting voices were silenced through arrests and detentions during this period, and the victims included rights activists, students, lawyers, and even some academics. Power tussles and elections continued as usual and the social distancing norms were often compromised. Since COVID-19 containment measures were carried out primarily at the state level, this paper will also selectively draw on their experiences. India also used the opportunity to burnish its credentials as the ‘pharmacy of the world’ by sending medical supplies to over a hundred countries. In the second wave, there were many deaths, but the government was accused of undercounting them and of not doing enough to deliver vaccines to Indians. This paper will deal with the conflicts, contestations and the foreign policy fallout following the onset of the pandemic and the measures adopted by the union government to cope with them, with less focus on the economic and epidemiological aspects of pandemic management. This paper looks at previous studies, press reports, and press releases by government agencies to collect the needed data. A descriptive and analytical approach is followed in the paper.
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Kiruthika, S., and G. Raja. "Emerging Issues And Challenges Of Public Health Infrastructure Of Covid-19 In India." International Review of Business and Economics 4, no. 2 (2020): 260–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.56902/irbe.2020.4.2.37.
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Today Indian health care system is in pathetic condition, its needs radical reforms to deal with new emerging challenges and issues. COVID-19 is spreading really fast around the world. The Indian government facing the problem of lack of resources and infrastructure facilities, there are insufficient number of beds, rooms, ventilators and medicines. Public health is the practice of preventing disease and promoting good health within groups of people, from small communities to entire countries. The countries concentration has been focused on the crucial need for a strong public health infrastructure to protect community health. The current study describes the situation of the outbreak of this pandemic in India. The study also discusses the availability of public health infrastructure facilities in virus infected peoples. Public health organizations at the federal, state, tribal, local are taking steps to increase effectiveness and efficiency through its National Public Health Improvement Initiative (NPHLL), the centers for disease control and prevention supports improvements in 74 state, local and territorial health departments systems, practices, and essential services. COVID pandemic has considerably undermined the accessibility and availability of essential health services. A good health infrastructure also guarantees a country of strong and healthy way to living as well as happy life.
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Mukherjee, Sacchidananda. "Whether States Have Capacity to Sustain Projected Growth in GST Collection During the GST Compensation Period?" Review of Market Integration 11, no. 1-2 (April 2019): 30–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974929219882130.
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Achieving harmonisation in design, structure and administration of taxes on goods and services was the major driving force behind the introduction of goods and services tax (GST) in India. Goods and services tax subsumes many taxes from both union and state tax bases. Achieving tax harmonisation in a federal system curtails fiscal autonomy of both the union and sub-national governments and therefore faces steep resistance. Revenue uncertainty associated with any tax reform is a major cause for concern for all governments and therefore the assurance of revenue protection given by the union government to states helped to achieve broad consensus in favour of GST. On average, state taxes subsumed under the GST used to contribute two-third of own tax revenue and finance one-third of total expenditure for general category states. Unlike the union government, states have limited taxation power (tax handles) to generate additional revenue to cope up with any major revenue shortfall on account of GST collection. Therefore, the revenue protection enshrined under the GST Compensation Act has played an important role behind introduction of GST in India. This has also helped the GST Council to experiment with design, structure and administration of GST during the GST compensation period (first 5 years of GST implementation) to moderate the impact of GST on Indian economy as well as facilitate ease of tax compliance. Given the ongoing shortfall in GST collection, many scholars believe that liberal GST revenue protection granted under the GST Compensation Act to states is unjustifiable. The GST compensation period will be over by June 2022, and thereafter GST collection of individual states is expected to depend on their tax capacity as well as tax effort. It is worthy to investigate whether states have tax capacity to sustain 14 per cent growth rate in tax collection, as projected in the GST Compensation Act. The objective of this article is to estimate tax capacity of the states with reference to major tax revenue subsumed under GST and see whether states could sustain 14 per cent growth in their GST collection during the GST compensation period if they put adequate tax effort. JEL Classification: H21, H68, H71, H77
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Shabbir, Taha, Abdul Shakoor Chandio, Syed Shuja Uddin, and Asim Ali. "The impact of one unit on Sindh’s political future after its abolition." International Journal of Humanities and Innovation (IJHI) 4, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 140–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33750/ijhi.v4i4.129.
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Pakistan's federalism problem dates all the way back to the establishment of the republic. Pakistan was established during many problems, many of which involved the state's government and administration. After Pakistan's inception, Federalism has been recognized as a political structure. The Muslim League was Pakistan's democratic body, and it called for the provinces of United India to have complete provincial autonomy. In the other side, the Congress favored a moderate federation. Due to the Muslim League's extensive past and tradition, it has been forced to recognize Federalism as a state system. Karachi, a major commercial center in Sindh, was annexed by the federal government and incorporated into its region. As a consequence of this undemocratic act, Sindh's ministry was dissolved, and Karachi was put under federal administration. The smaller provinces were compelled to form One Unit as a result of this development. The One-unit structure scrapped Sindh's territorial position and fundamentally altered its demography. After Bengal's dismemberment, Punjab became the only ruling state, controlling the state structure. Sindh remained marginalized in this province. Sindh has always met with the same fate. Furthermore, Pakistan's constitutions made no provision for Sindh's provincial hegemony. This thesis makes an empirical attempt to examine the historical connection between the Centre and Sindh.
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Shah, Anwar. "Empowering States and Provinces or Unshackling Local Governments: Does It Matter for Peace, Order, Good Government, and Growth? (The Gustav Ranis Lecture)." Pakistan Development Review 49, no. 4I (December 1, 2010): 333–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v49i4ipp.333-362.
Full textAbstract:
Globalisation and the information revolution are profoundly influencing the division of power within, across, and beyond nation-states. Within nations, this mega change has led to a diminished economic relevance of the intermediate order of government (states and provinces) and an enhanced need for home rule (empowered local governments) in both unitary and federal countries. Considerations of peace, order, and good government further warrant that intermediate orders of governments must assume a relatively less prominent role in multi-order governance. The recent fiscal crisis and the ever-growing concern about corruption have further heightened the need to the get the government right, thereby creating additional pressures to limit the size of the government by possibly downsizing the role of the states/provinces and reconstituting these as provincial councils of local governments to perform inter-local functions and coordination. These economic imperatives, calling for an hourglass model of federalism, are at odds with the political realties in countries conforming to the traditional dual federalism model, i.e., federalism of the provinces model of economic governance as prevalent in Australia, India, Mexico, and Pakistan, among others. The political order in these latter countries has blocked local governments from assuming their due role as the primary agents of the people providing oversight on the shared rule and as facilitators for network governance to improve the economic and social outcomes. Such a role of local government is also critical to international competitiveness and growth as demonstrated by the experiences of China, Japan, Korea, and the Nordic countries. This paper outlines reform options for multi-order governance to conform with the new world economic order. The paper elaborates the role of local governments under ‘glocalised governance’—the new vision of multi-order governance—and argues that growth and economic prosperity of nations in the coming decades would critically depend on how quickly political and institutional impediments to the new (or the oldest?) paradigm of local governance are overcome. The paper concludes that path dependency makes such radical reforms infeasible in countries with strong provincial governments run by feudal, military, and industrial elites.
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Joy, Vincent. "The Use and Abuse of Discretionary Powers of Governor in Formation of Ministry in a State in India." Indian Journal of Public Administration 64, no. 2 (March 27, 2018): 228–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556117750901.
Full textAbstract:
Discretionary powers of the Governor means the powers which s/he exercises as per one’s own individual judgement or without the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers. The Governor has to perform the duties as head of the state and as a ‘spot man’ of the central government and to use this discretionary power, within the peculiar context of our quasi-federal Constitution. One of the areas where the Governor can exercise discretion is in the appointment of a Chief Minister when a hung assembly emerges. The emergence of coalition government, party splits and mergers, alignment and realignment of parties, defection, etc. create muddled circumstances and these give opportunities to the Governor to use his discretion discriminately in the choice of the Chief Minister. The central government is alleged to use the office of the Governor as a weapon to manipulate the politics of the states for political gain. Unfortunately, no uniform practice has been followed or parliamentary traditions evolved in the practice of the appointment of Chief Ministers. The major criteria are whether the leader carries the majority with him or the coalition partners will have a workable majority. The Governor should try to secure a stable government and use his discretion without extraneous influence or consideration. All the study teams and the commissions urged the inevitability on the formulation of certain guidelines as precedents to follow in the appointment of the Chief Minister. In case the episode like Arunachal Pradesh (2016) repeats, the judiciary will certainly act as the guardian of the Constitution.
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Lakshmanasamy, T. "THE EFFECT OF CENTRAL FINANCIAL TRANSFERS ON TAX EFFORTS OF STATES IN INDIA: A PANEL DATA ANALYSIS." JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL MONEY, BANKING AND FINANCE 3, no. 1 (2022): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.47509/jimbf.2022.v03i01.04.
Full textAbstract:
Central government financial transfers and states’ own tax revenue is interlinked as the transfer policies may encourage or discourage the own tax effort of the states. This paper analyses the effects of central transfers on states’ own own tax revenue, using panel data for l5 major states from 1980-81 to 2019-20 applying panel fixed effects and random effects regression methods. The estimated results show a negative relationship between central transfers and grants and the own tax efforts of the states, indicating revenue substitution by states. More central government assistance means less dependence on own tax revenue dampening the states’ revenue mobilisation efforts. The existence of a strong positive relationship between NSDP per capita and state tax revenue shows the high tax potential of the states. The incentive criterion for tax effort as used both in the finance commissions devolutions and in the Gadgil formula used by the planning commission is not reflected in the federal system of India. The central transfers adversely affect the incentives to states to mobilise their own resources and fail to induce a desired positive revenue generation in states.
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Lakshmanasamy, T. "THE EFFECT OF CENTRAL FINANCIAL TRANSFERS ON TAX EFFORTS OF STATES IN INDIA: A PANEL DATA ANALYSIS." INDIAN JOURNAL OF FINANCE AND ECONOMICS 3, no. 1 (2022): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.47509/ijfe.2022.v03i01.08.
Full textAbstract:
Central government financial transfers and states’ own tax revenue is interlinked as the transfer policies may encourage or discourage the own tax effort of the states. This paper analyses the effects of central transfers on states’ own own tax revenue, using panel data for l5 major states from 1980-81 to 2019-20 applying panel fixed effects and random effects regression methods. The estimated results show a negative relationship between central transfers and grants and the own tax efforts of the states, indicating revenue substitution by states. More central government assistance means less dependence on own tax revenue dampening the states’ revenue mobilisation efforts. The existence of a strong positive relationship between NSDP per capita and state tax revenue shows the high tax potential of the states. The incentive criterion for tax effort as used both in the finance commissions devolutions and in the Gadgil formula used by the planning commission is not reflected in the federal system of India. The central transfers adversely affect the incentives to states to mobilise their own resources and fail to induce a desired positive revenue generation in states.
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Gul, Shehla, Atta-Ur Rahman, Samiullah, and Rafiq Ali Khan. "Comparing the agenda setting role of the Pakistani and Indian newspapers in disasters: a case study of the 2005 Kashmir earthquake." ERDKUNDE 74, no. 4 (December 31, 2020): 301–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3112/erdkunde.2020.04.05.
Full textAbstract:
In the aftermath of the 2005 Kashmir earthquake, the media played a central role in linking victims to the government apparatus and the national and international community and highlighting weaknesses in the disaster management process. This study was conducted to analyze and compare the ‘agenda setting role’ of the Pakistani newspapers with that of the Indian newspapers after the 2005 Kashmir earthquake with a magnitude of 7.6 and resulting in over 78,000 fatalities in Azad Jammu & Kashmir, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan and the Indian part of Kashmir. Two Pakistani and two Indian newspapers each with high circulation were selected for qualitative and quantitative analysis. A total of 630 articles were downloaded for analysis out of which 120 front page articles were finally analyzed with the help of five selected themes including extent of damage, phases of disaster, responsibility issues, types of framing and focus on disaster policies. The study revealed that there was a strong agenda setting role of both Pakistani and Indian newspapers in post 2005 Kashmir earthquake. The newspapers focused on broad policy issues using thematic framing techniques with a strong emphasis on response phase, whereas the least attention has been given to preparedness and mitigation strategies. The analysis further revealed that in both the countries, federal government was considered to be responsible for disaster management system by both Pakistani and Indian newspapers and the Indian newspapers have also strongly criticized the Indian army for their unsatisfactory emergency response operations. Newspapers are still one of the most important sources of information in many developing countries including Pakistan and India and they can play a positive role in the management of natural disasters by focusing on mitigation and preparation to prepare communities for future disasters.