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Schuler, Anelise Domingues. "Reflexões sobre o federalismo : aspectos histórico-ideológicos e jurídico-institucionais." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/69893.
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O federalismo enquanto fenômeno político denota a associação de coletividades territoriais para a obtenção de objetivos comuns. Nesse sentido, a realidade federativa evidencia dois desenvolvimentos históricos e institucionais diversos: federalismo norte-americano e federalismo germânico. Com base nessas realidades concretas, propõem-se modelos histórico-ideológicos e jurídicoinstitucionais de federalismo com a finalidade de compreender melhor esse tema, situado no âmbito da Teoria Geral do Estado. Lançou-se mão dos métodos histórico, comparativo e indutivo. No plano dos aspectos histórico-ideológicos, apresentam-se os modelos de federalismo republicano e de federalismo imperial. No plano dos aspectos jurídico-institucionais, apontam-se os modelos de federalismo dual e de federalismo de níveis cooperativos.<br>The federalism as a political phenomenon notice the association of the collectivities as a way of obtention of common objectives. In this sense, the federative reality reveals two distinct historical and institutional developments: northamerican federalism and german federalism. Based on these concrete realities, it proposes historical-ideological and juridical-institutional standards of federalism under the purpose of comprehending better this subject, sited on General Theory of State. It was used the historical, comparative and inductive methods. In the plans of historical-ideological aspects, it shows the standards of republican federalism and of emperor federalism. In the plans of juridical-institutional aspects, are pointed the standards of dual federalism and of cooperative federalism.
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Law, John N. E. "Rethinking federalism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a3357b7c-7f08-4074-b914-6f06ce6ce01d.
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This thesis is motivated by uncertainty in the academic literature surrounding the meaning of federalism and the appropriate usage of the concept to describe political systems. In particular, its use in characterising systems of regional integration which have moved beyond a strictly inter-governmental character, but not yet reached Statehood, is today highly contested, as in the case of the European Union. The established consensus that this entity constitutes a wholly novel ‘sui generis’ form, neither federal nor confederal in character, has been tempered in recent years by a growing willingness among scholars to deploy the lens of comparative federalism to analyse the polity. However, the precise relevance of the concept in this new context remains unsettled. Can political science achieve any more definite understanding that removes such doubt? I consider this question through the perspective of the history of ideas, by examining the evolution of federalism from inception to the present day. I argue that the history of the federal idea in the United States reveals that the heart of the problem lies in confusion over the nature of sovereignty. Ever since Philadelphia federalism has been thought to mean ‘a division of sovereignty’. However, the subsequent Civil War did appear to demonstrate that the notion of sovereignty shared between two levels of government was a false construction: either the whole or the parts could be sovereign, but not both simultaneously. This point, it seems - the indivisibility of sovereignty - was not fully taken on board afterwards in the United States and elsewhere. The thesis seeks to put this right and to systematically relate the evolving concept of federalism with the evolving and contested nature of sovereignty. On this ground, I suggest that we clarify the definition of federalism as ‘a division of the powers flowing from sovereignty’. This in turn yields two specific varieties of ‘compound polity’ where before only one was known: the single State and multi-State federal forms. The latter has to date been an unobserved species, which, it would seem, the fact of the EU’s existence now forces us to recognize.
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Kumara, Aditya. "Federalism in Indonesia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA397486.
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Thesis (M.S. in International Resource Planning and Management) Naval Postgraduate School, June 2001.<br>Thesis advisors, Thomas Bruneau, Roger Evered. Includes bibliographical references (p. 75-78). Also Available online.
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Cerniglia, Floriana. "Essays in fiscal federalism." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.247355.
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Baker, John S. "Federalism, sovereignty, and subsidiarity." Thesis, University of London, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.406609.
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Pinheiro, De Matos Luis. "Essays on fiscal federalism." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2018. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/119783/.
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This thesis investigates the effects of pressures brought by increasing capital mobility and interjurisdictional fiscal competition to fiscal policy, focusing particularly on the European Union and the analysis of policy reforms that can be adopted in such contexts. Firstly, the relationship between tax competition and economic growth is re-assessed. In a race to attract mobile capital, jurisdictions compete to offer the highest after-tax rates of return. Governments are driven into the provision of higher levels of productive public goods, and shift their tax structures, towards the taxation of the least mobile factors or least distortive tax bases. In an environment of fixed labour supply, this implies a race to the bottom in capital taxes and a race to the top in the taxes falling on labour. Taking into account the potential effects of fiscal competition on fiscal policy, the consequences of different tax harmonization scenarios are also analyzed. The harmonization of capital taxes leads to a race to the top in taxes on immobile factors. Once tax rates on mobile factors are fixed, tax competition shifts towards immobile factors. This implies that the tax burden falls again disproportionately on labour. Only the harmonization of labour income taxes can avoid this outcome, while leaving room for positive capital income taxes. Secondly, extending this argument within a more detailed model of labour supply calibrated to the EU economy, more detailed policy proposals for a European-wide fiscal harmonization agreement are studied. Labour income and consumption tax harmonization yield potentially better results than capital tax harmonization, as the main fiscal competition-driven government investment distortion, resulting in the over-investment on productive public goods at the expense of merit goods, is minimized. In particular, policy simulation results suggest that indirect taxes, such as value-added taxes, should become a priority instrument for European-wide fiscal reforms. Expenditure side reforms are also necessary, in order to address the race to bottom in the provision of merit goods. Even limited reforms that do not require large increases in the EU budget, such as the introduction of a common European unemployment insurance system, can yield interesting results in a context of interjurisdictional fiscal competition. Thirdly, the cyclical behaviour of fiscal policies across OECD countries is investigated. In i so doing, a more complete picture of fiscal policy can be obtained, by identifying both the short term behaviour of discretionary fiscal policies and long term structural fiscal policy trends. Fiscal policy has become pro-cyclical over recent decades, particularly within the European Monetary Union. The average level of structural fiscal balances and the responsiveness of fiscal policy to the level of debt are found persistently weaker beyond the 70 percent debt-to-GDP threshold, pointing to the relevance of fiscal fatigue episodes. Average fiscal balances and a stronger responsiveness to debt conditions are also found higher at higher levels of the potential level of debt service. This is accompanied by a more pro-cyclical response of the fiscal stance. Finally, the role of fiscal decentralization is also assessed. Two issues remain clear. On the one hand, fiscal decentralization does not appear to directly affect fiscal performance. On the other hand, large intergovernmental transfer systems show a persistent negative relationship with the fiscal stance. Considering the level of sub-national fiscal autonomy also uncovers that this negative effect becomes stronger when sub-national governments have a wide policy scope. These results are found particularly worrying as many OECD countries maintain highly decentralized systems of government, under which large intergovernmental grant systems are kept in parallel with a significant policy scope at the regional and local level.
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Minaeva, Yulia. "Canadian Federalism Uncovered: The Assumed, the Forgotten and the Unexamined in Collaborative Federalism." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23312.
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Canadian federalism has experienced pressure for change in recent years. By the end of the twentieth century, collaboration became the catch word and federations throughout the world, including Canada, witnessed an emergent movement toward collaborative governance, collaborative public service delivery, collaborative management and collaborative approaches to addressing social and economic issues. But even if the number of collaborative arrangements has grown since the 1990s, the understanding of the design, management and performance of collaborative arrangements in the Canadian federation remains weak. Accordingly, this dissertation argues that, in order to understand and open the black box of intergovernmental collaboration, it is necessary to put collaboration in a historical context and explore the roles of elites and political institutions in shaping intergovernmental collaborative practices. The role of the former provides the necessary complement of agency, while that of the latter represents a perspective that gives theoretical importance to political institutions. The integration of the two theoretical schools, elite theory and historical institutionalism, into one approach constitutes an attractive solution and offers the tools necessary to explore the complex processes of intergovernmental collaboration. The theoretical framework constructed in this dissertation is then applied to analyze whether the Agreement on Internal Trade, the Social Union Framework Agreement and the Council of the Federation can be considered in reality as examples of collaborative federalism.
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Monteiro, Albertino Paulo Vila Maior Guimarães. "Economic and Monetary Union : can this form of federalism survive without 'fiscal federalism'?" Thesis, University of Sussex, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.408088.
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Could the European Union (EU) be more like other federations where monetary integration works together with fiscal federalism? Assuming that Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) strongly reinforces economic integration, and since national governments were deprived of adjustment mechanisms to accommodate economic shocks, the question seems plausible. Is the Euro-zone economy, and national economies in particular, still shielded against these shocks? The dissertation's purpose is to provide a political-economic answer to these questions, addressing the feasibility of conventional fiscal federalism in the EU. 'Conventional fiscal federalism' refers to systemic aspects of federations, where a constitutional division of powers between different tiers of government is organised as far as fiscal powers are concerned. This division of powers involves a centralisation bias. Recognising that monetarism shadows EMU everywhere, important consequences are found when the prospect of 'conventional fiscal federalism' is at stake. The monetarist influence reflects the prominence devoted to supranational monetary policy for stabilisation purposes. It is implied that fiscal policy has a minor role in providing stabilisation for the Euro-zone. At best, fiscal policy is valuable for each member state adjusting domestic economies to specific developments, as an expression of the diversity that characterises the EU. The discussion about 'conventional fiscal federalism' and the EU brings out the important question of equity being at the mercy of centralisation, to emulate other federations' picture. Nonetheless I find important evidence that centralisation of the redistribution function is not feasible in the EU context. National governments' lack of political willingness to significantly increase EU budget resources, and the clearly absent solidarity among EU member states both prevent the implementation of such centralisation impetus. The dissertation concludes ruling out the feasibility of 'conventional fiscal federalism' in the EU. However this is not the same as rejecting fiscal federalism at all. Considering the existence of different tiers of government endowed with fiscal competences, and a clear assignment of powers between them, this is sufficient to conclude that a different, decentralised, low profile modality of fiscal federalism already exists in the EU
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Garrison, Gary Lee. "FEDERALISM, ANTI-FEDERALISM AND THE ROLE OF THE NINTH AMENDMENT IN CONSTITUTIONAL DISCOURSES." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1115304485.
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Feitosa, José Gonçalves. "O lugar do municipalismo no Brasil. O município como ente federativo: da Constituição de 1988 ao momento atual." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/17790.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Ciência Política<br>A presente dissertação tem como objetivo principal analisar a evolução do municipalismo desde a sua definição pela Constituição brasileira de 1988 até os dias de hoje. Para que fosse possível compreender a relevância dessa divisão políticoadministrativa, na organização do Estado nacional brasileiro, fez-se necessário um estudo sobre a forma de governo adotada no Brasil, que é o Federalismo, e uma análise histórica das Constituições brasileiras. O estudo da forma federalista de Estado é conveniente para que se possa demonstrar os requisitos necessários de um ente federado, além de comparar o federalismo pioneiro estadunidense com o modelo aplicado no Brasil. A análise das Constituições mostra-se útil para que seja possível entender como ocorreu a evolução do Federalismo brasileiro e como se desenvolveu a autonomia dos entes federados, com ênfase nas municipalidades. O que nos parece certo é que a autonomia dos municípios tem sido um processo com avanços e recuos que traduzem, na realidade, as políticas mais centralizadas ou mais descentralizadas, seguidas pelos diversos intervenientes, notadamente pela União. No entanto se esta “flutuação” da autonomia municipal nos parece uma verdade apriorítica termos que validá-la ao longo do nosso trabalho. Oportunamente, entende-se ser possível a participação do Município na vontade federal, posto que, sob uma nova perspectiva, nos municípios são formadas as opiniões populares. Destarte, procura-se demonstrar que não pode ser furtada a classificação do Município como ente federado sob pretexto de que ele não participa na formação da vontade política do Poder Central. Conclui-se a pesquisa demonstrando-se que os Municípios brasileiros compõem efetivamente a federação pátria, qualificando-se como entes federados, ainda que com uma participação informal na formação da vontade política nacional, e que o projeto de lei em análise representa retrocesso ao Brasil.<br>The main objective of this dissertation is to analyze the evolution of municipalism since its definition by the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 up to the present day. In order to understand the relevance of this political-administrative division in the organization of the Brazilian national state, it was necessary to study the form of government adopted in Brazil, which is Federalism, and a historical analysis of the Brazilian Constitutions. The study of the federalist form of state is convenient so that one can demonstrate the necessary requirements of a federated entity, besides comparing the pioneering federalism of the United States with the model applied in Brazil. The analysis of the Constitutions is useful to understand how the evolution of Brazilian Federalism occurred and how autonomy of the federated entities was developed, with emphasis on the municipalities. What seems to us to be certain is that the autonomy of the municipalities has been a process with advances and retreats that, in reality, translate the more centralized or more decentralized policies, followed by the various actors. Timely, it is understood to be possible the participation of the Municipality in the federal will, since, from a new perspective, in the municipalities are formed the popular opinions. Thus, it is tried to demonstrate that the classification of the Municipality can not be stolen like federated entity under pretext that it does not participate in the formation of the political will of the Central Power. The study concludes by demonstrating that the Brazilian municipalities effectively comprise the federation of the country, qualifying as federated entities, although with an informal participation in the formation of the national political will, and that the bill under analysis represents a retrocession to Brazil.<br>N/A
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Comfort, Christine M. "The Effects of Federalism on Women's Political Representation: A Case Study of German Federalism." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1539.
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This thesis analyzes the effects of federalism on promoting gender representation in parliaments using the case of Germany. There is no country in the world where women and men are equally represented in politics. Discrepancies in representation may stem from historical, cultural, institutional, or structural facets. One little discussed possibility is that of governmental institutions, particularly, the federalist structure of government. Theoretically, federalism should encourage minorities, including women, to be elected to parliaments at a higher rate than in unitary states because it allows additional layer of access to and entry into elected office. By investigating the proportions of women in parliament at different levels of government, we can identify the effects of the federalist structure on advancing women’s representation. The German federalist system is analyzed at three different levels: the sub-national (Lander), national (the Bundestag), and supra-national (European Parliament) level to assess whether the federal structure affects the level of representation by providing a funnel effect. The thesis also analyzed the importance of voluntary gender quotas adopted by many of the political parties on mitigating the effect of federalism. The final results of federalism as it related to gender equality in parliaments were inconclusive as the effects could not be clearly separated from those of gender quotas for the case of Germany.<br>B.A.<br>Bachelors<br>Sciences<br>Political Science
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Vegh, George. "Interprovincial trade under Canadian federalism." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ39243.pdf.
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Besendorfer, Daniel. "Sustainable federalism theory and applications." Hamburg Kovač, 2004. http://d-nb.info/998409685/04.
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Faria, Giuliana Mendonça de. "Pacto federativo e o desenho institucional brasileiro após 1988." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/54513.
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O Federalismo é uma das formas mais difundidas de organização política, marcado pela coexistência de duas ou mais instâncias de governo, a União e as unidades federadas. Em termos institucionais, um arranjo federal origina-se de um pacto entre unidades territoriais, estabelecido através de um contrato federativo, a Constituição, através da qual, procura-se garantir a participação equânime de todos os entes federados. O Federalismo pressupõe uma divisão de poder entre o governo central e os demais níveis de governo, através da qual, diferentes instâncias de poder moldam as relações intergovernamentais. A busca de um relacionamento intergovernamental, que permita a compatibilização da autonomia e a interdependência de cada ente federativo, evidencia a natureza de conflito inerente aos sistemas federais. Essa natureza de conflito do Federalismo está relacionada com o fato de todo arranjo federal enfrentar um trade-off básico: o risco de um governo central muito forte intimidar os demais níveis de governo, desrespeitando sua autonomia e; o risco de um governo central muito fraco possibilitar o comportamento oportunista e a falta de cooperação dos demais níveis de governo. O objetivo da tese é analisar em que medida as instituições criadas a partir da promulgação da Constituição de 1988 até a instituição da Lei de Responsabilidade Fiscal (LRF) no ano de 2000, possibilitaram o desenvolvimento de uma trajetória de equilíbrio no arranjo federativo brasileiro. Através de um modelo de teoria dos jogos, propõem-se duas hipóteses sobre quando uma Federação pode ser sustentada em equilíbrio: quando existem incentivos e mecanismos de enforcement para que todos os níveis de governo cumpram as regras e; quando existe renda excedente a ser dividida. O arranjo federativo brasileiro desde sua criação enfrenta o trade-off fundamental do Federalismo, alternando períodos de maior ou menor poder institucional da União, evidenciando dessa maneira o conflito entre a busca de maior autonomia dos governos subnacionais e a natureza centralizadora da União. O arcabouço institucional criado após a promulgação da Constituição de 1988 aumentou o poder dos governos subnacionais vis-à-vis a União, possibilitando que estes níveis de governo adotassem comportamentos oportunistas. Somente a partir da estabilização econômica obtida através do Plano Real e através da criação de mecanismos de enforcement, com destaque para a Lei de Responsabilidade Fiscal (LRF), a correlação de forças entre a União e os governos subnacionais foi alterada, através do aumento do poder institucional da União, podendo dessa maneira a Federação brasileira ser sustentada em uma trajetória de equilíbrio.<br>The Federalism is one of the most widespread forms of political organization, marked by the coexistence of two or more levels of government, the Union and federal units. In institutional terms, a federal arrangement stems from a pact between territorial units, established through a federal contract, the Constitution, through which seeks to ensure the equitable participation of all counties. Federalism presupposes a division of power between central government and other levels of government, in which different levels of power mold the intergovernmental relations. The search for an intergovernmental relationship that allows the compatibility of autonomy and interdependence of each federal entity shows the nature of the inherent conflict in federal systems. This kind of conflict is related to the fact that every federal arrangement faces a basic trade-off: the risk of a strong central government intimidate the other levels of government, disrespecting their autonomy and the risk of a weak government behave taking advantage of that and with lack of cooperation with the other levels of government. The aim of the thesis is to analyze the extension of the institutions created from the Constitution of 1988 until the institution of the Fiscal Responsibility Law (LRF) in 2000, that enabled the development of an equilibrate path to the Brazilian federal arrangement. Through a game theoretic model, we propose two hypotheses about when a federation can be sustained in equilibrium: when there are incentives and enforcement mechanisms for all levels of government abide by the rules and; when there is surplus income to be divided. The Brazilian federal arrangement faces, since its creation, the fundamental trade-off of Federalism, alternating periods of greater or lesser institutional power of the Union, thus highlighting the conflict between the pursuit of greater autonomy of subnational governments and the centralizing nature of the Union. The institutional framework created after the 1988 Constitution increased the power of subnational governments in relation to the Union, enabling these levels of government to adopt opportunistic behaviors. Only after the economic stabilization by the Real Plan and through the creation of enforcement mechanisms, with emphasis on the Fiscal Responsibility Law (LRF), the balance of power between the Union and the subnational governments has changed in order to sustain the Brazilian Federation in equilibrium path.
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Lkhagvadorj, Ariunaa. "Fiscal federalism and decentralization in Mongolia." Potsdam Univ.-Verl, 2010. http://d-nb.info/100206175X/04.
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Lkhagvadorj, Ariunaa. "Fiscal federalism and decentralization in Mongolia." Phd thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4119/.
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Fiscal federalism has been an important topic among public finance theorists in the last four decades. There is a series of arguments that decentralization of governments enhances growth by improving allocation efficiency. However, the empirical studies have shown mixed results for industrialized and developing countries and some of them have demonstrated that there might be a threshold level of economic development below which decentralization is not effective. Developing and transition countries have developed a variety of forms of fiscal decentralization as a possible strategy to achieve effective and efficient governmental structures. A generalized principle of decentralization due to the country specific circumstances does not exist. Therefore, decentralization has taken place in different forms in various countries at different times, and even exactly the same extent of decentralization may have had different impacts under different conditions.
The purpose of this study is to investigate the current state of the fiscal decentralization in Mongolia and to develop policy recommendations for the efficient and effective intergovernmental fiscal relations system for Mongolia. Within this perspective the analysis concentrates on the scope and structure of the public sector, the expenditure and revenue assignment as well as on the design of the intergovernmental transfer and sub-national borrowing. The study is based on data for twenty-one provinces and the capital city of Mongolia for the period from 2000 to 2009.
As a former socialist country Mongolia has had a highly centralized governmental sector. The result of the analysis below revealed that the Mongolia has introduced a number of decentralization measures, which followed a top down approach and were slowly implemented without any integrated decentralization strategy in the last decade. As a result Mongolia became de-concentrated state with fiscal centralization. The revenue assignment is lacking a very important element, for instance significant revenue autonomy given to sub-national governments, which is vital for the efficient service delivery at the local level. According to the current assignments of the expenditure and revenue responsibilities most of the provinces are unable to provide a certain national standard of public goods supply. Hence, intergovernmental transfers from the central jurisdiction to the sub-national jurisdictions play an important role for the equalization of the vertical and horizontal imbalances in Mongolia. The critical problem associated with intergovernmental transfers is that there is not a stable, predictable and transparent system of transfer allocation. The amount of transfers to sub-national governments is determined largely by political decisions on ad hoc basis and disregards local differences in needs and fiscal capacity. Thus a fiscal equalization system based on the fiscal needs of the provinces should be implemented. The equalization transfers will at least partly offset the regional disparities in revenues and enable the sub-national governments to provide a national minimum standard of local public goods.<br>Der Fiskalische Föderalismus ist in den letzten vier Dekaden eines der wichtigsten Themen der finanzwissenschaftlichen Theorie. Dabei wird häufig argumentiert, dass eine Dezentralisierung der öffentlichen Aufgaben nicht nur die Wachstumschancen eines Landes erhöhen kann, sondern darüber hinaus auch der Allokationseffizienz förderlich ist. Allerdings zeigen empirische Untersuchungen für die Industrie- und Entwicklungsländern keine einheitlichen Ergebnisse; es wird aber deutlich, dass es einen Schwellenwert in Bezug auf den Entwicklungsstand gibt, unterhalb dessen eine Dezentralisierung erst wirksam wird. So haben einige Entwicklungs- und Schwellenländer eine Vielzahl von Formen der steuerlichen Dezentralisierung als eine mögliche Strategie gewählt, um wirksame und effiziente dezentrale staatliche Strukturen zu entwickeln, wobei es einen allgemeinen Lösungsansatz hinsichtlich der Dezentralisierung allerdings nicht gibt. Vielmehr sind die besonderen kulturellen, wirtschaftlichen und geografischen Bedingungen des einzelnen Landes in angemessener Weise zu berücksichtigen. Die gefundenen Lösungen weisen daher eine relativ große Variationsbreite auf.
Ziel dieser Studie ist es, den aktuellen Stand der steuerlichen Dezentralisierung in der Mongolei zu untersuchen und Empfehlungen für ein effizientes und effektives System der zwischenstaatlichen Finanzbeziehungen in der Mongolei zu entwickeln. Dabei konzentriert sich die Analyse auf Umfang und Struktur des öffentlichen Sektors, also die Aufgaben und Ausgaben sowie die öffentlichen Einnahmen. Außerdem wird auf die Zuordnung von Aufgaben und Einnahmen sowie auf die Gestaltung der zwischenstaatlichen Transfer und die subnationale Kreditaufnahme eingegangen. Die Studie basiert auf Daten der zwanzig Provinzen und der Hauptstadt der Mongolei für den Zeitraum 2000 bis 2009.
Als ehemals sozialistisches Land verfügt die Mongolei über einen stark zentralisierten staatlichen Sektor. Aus der detaillierten Analyse folgt, dass die Mongolei eine Reihe von Maßnahmen zur Neustrukturierung der gebietskörperschaftlichen Ebenen ohne eine klare Dezentralisierungsstrategie durchgesetzt hat, die einen Top-Down-Ansatz verfolgten. Im Ergebnis wurde die Mongolei zu einem Staat mit einer starken Konzentration des Steueraufkommens auf der zentralstaatlichen Ebene. Dabei fehlt der Einnahmenzuordnung vor allem ein sehr wichtiges Element, nämlich eine Einnahmenautonomie auf der Ebene der untergeordneten Gebietskörperschaften, welche zum einen die Aufkommenssituation der lokalen und regionalen Gebietskörperschaften verbessert und ihnen damit erst eine eigenständige Aufgabenerfüllung ermöglicht. Bei der derzeitigen Aufgaben- und Steuerverteilung sind die meisten Provinzen nicht in der Lage, einen bestimmten nationalen Mindeststandard an öffentlichen Güter und Dienstleistungen bereitzustellen. Die Staatstätigkeit auf den untergeordneten Ebenen folgt überwiegend der Auftragsverwaltung und wird folglich im Wesentlichen über Finanzhilfen des Zentralstaats finanziert. Das entscheidende Problem der zwischenstaatlichen Transfers liegt darin begründet, dass es für die zentralstaatlichen Finanzhilfen an die untergeordneten Gebietskörperschaften kein stabiles, berechenbares und transparentes System der Steuerverteilung gibt. Die Höhe der Transferzahlungen an die sub-nationalen Regierungen ist weitgehend von politischen ad hoc Entscheidungen abhängig, welche in der Regel die lokalen und regionalen Finanzbedarfe missachten. Damit werden die Unterschiede zwischen Finanzbedarf und Finanzkraft auf der Ebene der untergeordneten Gebietskörperschaften nicht angemessen ausgeglichen. Es wird daher eine formelbasierte Steuerverteilung vorgeschlagen, welche die starken Schwankungen der Transferhöhe im Zeitverlauf vermeidet und die es den untergeordneten Gebietskörperschaften ermöglicht, einen vorgegebenen Mindeststandard an öffentlichen Gütern und Dienstleistungen ihren Bürgerinnen und Bürgern auch anbieten zu können.
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Paden, John. "ISLAM AND DEMOCRATIC FEDERALISM IN NIGERIA." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 2002. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,2468.
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Chesman, David D. "Whither Leviathan : Canadian federalism and Alberta." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/60257.
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Secession is federal failure and a phenomenon of identity politics. This thesis applies a theory of federal failure, as distilled from existing scholarship, to the relationship between Canadian federalism and Alberta. The theory posits that the successful conduct of federalism is constrained to avoid the initial phase of secession, “secessionist alienation”, defined as a constituency that can be mobilized in favour of secession within a specific federal territory. Secessionist alienation is composed of two (2) essential, interdependent elements: “secessionist capacity” and “secessionist will”. Secessionist capacity requires a separable territory within which its constituents share a territorial identity. Secessionist will is an intense fear of the federal union triggered by the emergence of the Federal Leviathan, central government oppression in the form of the appropriation of, or interference with, a federal territory’s authority in breach of the federal bargain that presents as an existential crisis for the territory’s identity. The application of the theory to the relationship between Canadian federalism and Alberta reveals that Alberta possesses secessionist capacity as a consequence of Canadian federalism and that the factors that facilitate the emergence of the Federal Leviathan are routinely present in the relationship between Alberta and Canadian federalism. Accordingly, if the successful conduct of Canadian federalism is constrained to avoid secessionist alienation in Alberta, the central government must respect Alberta’s territorial identity, economic subnationalism, that presents as its intense commitment to Alberta’s ownership and control of its oil and gas resources.<br>Arts, Faculty of<br>Graduate
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Agbonika, John Alewo Musa. "Federalism and military rule in Nigeria." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273266.
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FEDERALISM AND MILITARY RULE IN NIGERIA This thesis examines the practice of federalism under military rule in Nigeria. The primary objective is to determine to what extent federalism is practicable under military governance. The argument is that military rule and federalism are two fundamentally different concepts of political organisations, and that it is a misnomer to call a military government federal because of the inherent contradictions between the two. The thesis is divided into twelve chapters. Chapter 1 deals with the introduction. Chapter 2 provides the theoretical framework. It examines the concept of federalism. Chapters 3, 4, 5 and 6 provide the empirical background to the study. They trace the development, basis, as well as the status of Nigerian federalism under civil rule. They also examine the contradictions between federal ism and mil i tary rule. Chapter 7 discusses the advent and legality of military government in Nigeria. Chapters 8, 9 and 10 look at the machinery of the military administration, while Chapter 11 analyses the federal-state fiscal and financial relations. The concluding Chapter 12 summarises the broad issues of the preceding chapters and highlights the effects of military rule on the Nigerian Federation in particular and on the study of federalism in general. The conclusion that emerges from this study is that federalism and military rule are incompatible. Nigeria's 5 military government has in practice subverted the federal principle. It has been operating a quasi-federal rather than a truly federal system of government. It is argued that a return to a civilian federal system, adjusted to meet the country's needs is essential if Nigeria is to have an accountable, stable democratic government and respect for human rights.
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Cooke, Alexandra. "Federalism: The Struggle for Constitutional Authority." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/808.
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COSSIO, FERNANDO ANDRES BLANCO. "ESSAYS ON FISCAL FEDERALISM IN BRAZIL." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2002. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=3712@1.
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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR<br>Os três ensaios que compõem esta tese, têm como objetivo
analisar o funcionamento do federalismo fiscal no Brasil. O
primeiro analisa as tendências de longo prazo no grau
de centralização e no crescimento do governo e sua relação
durante o século XX. O achado mais importante deste ensaio
é que os processos de descentralização fiscal promovidos
pelas Constituições de 1946 e de 1988 aceleraram o
crescimento do governo. Esses processos de descentralização
provocaram crises no nível federal, que levaram o governo
central a aumentar sua receita tributária para compensar a
perda de receitas derivada da descentralização de recursos
fiscais. Do outro lado, essa descentralização provocou o
crescimento da despesa dos estados e municípios, que não
foi compensado pela redução da despesa do governo federal.
O segundo ensaio analisa a utilização de transferências
intergovernamentais como mecanismo de financiamento dos
níveis inferiores de governo. Esse ensaio desenvolve
um modelo analítico para explicar o efeito expansivo das
transferências sobre a despesa das unidades receptoras,
conhecido como flypaper effect, e as diferenças regionais
na sua intensidade. Usando um modelo de parámetros variando
no espaço, o estudo demonstra empíricamente a presença do
flypaper effect nas finanças dos municípios brasileros e
suas diferenças regionais. Finalmente, o terceiro estuda os
determinantes político institucionais do comportamento
fiscal dos estados durante o período 1985-1997. O ensaio
mostra a existência de ciclos políticos eleitorais, a
influência expansionista da fragmentação do sistema
partidário sobre a postura fiscal dos estados, a disciplina
fiscal imposta pela da participação política da população e
o fato de que que administrações estaduais de esquerda
tendem a adotar posturas fiscais mais expansionistas do que
as adotadas por administrações estaduais de centro ou de
direita.<br>The three essays in this dissertation analyze fiscal
federalism in Brazil. The first studies the long run trends
of the fiscal centralization and the size of government and
their relationship during the XX Century. The most
important finding of the first essay is that the process of
decentralization inspired by the 1946 and 1948
Constitutions led to an overall expansion of government
activities (at the federal, state, and municipal levels).
The increase in state and municipal expenditures - because
of the decentralization of fiscal resources - was not
matched by an equivalent reduction in federal expenditures.
Because federal expenditures did not decrease accordingly,
and because the decentralization of fiscal resources
resulted in a loss of federal revenues, the federal
government needed to increase taxes in order to narrow the
deficit.
The second essay analyzes the use of intergovernmental
transfers to finance lower levels of government. The essay
develops an analytical model to explain both the expansive
effects of transfers on the expenditures of recipient
governments, called the flypaper effect. as well as reasons
for their regional differences. Using an space-parameter
varying estimation, the study empirically demonstrates the
expansive effects of intergovernmental and detects their
regional differences in Brazilian local governments
finances.
Finally, the third essay argues that political cycles
strongly influenced the fiscal behavior of Brazilian states
between 1985 and 1997. The study confirms the existence of
political cycles, the influence of political fragmentation,
the fiscal discipline induced by the participation of the
population and that left wing administrations tended to
adopt more expansionary fiscal policies than center or
right wing administrations.
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Moreland, Michael Patrick. "Subsidiarity and the Safeguards of Federalism." Thesis, Boston College, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/709.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis advisor: David Hollenbach<br>Subsidiarity is a principle in Catholic social thought that informs the distribution of authority among levels of the political and social order. First expressly articulated by Pope Pius XI in his 1931 encyclical letter Quadragesimo Anno, the roots of the concept go back further to Pope Leo XIII and to Thomistic social theory. But subsidiarity is frequently subject to the criticism that it is vague and indeterminate and thereby an ineffective guide to politics and public policy. Much of the discussion of subsidiarity proceeds as though the principle were merely one of devolution of authority to the local level. Moreover, the principle is often taken to be a procedural norm, counseling "small is better" regardless of the underlying substantive question to which one is applying the principle of subsidiarity. The thesis of this dissertation is that it is only through an adequate examination of concrete policy issues that subsidiarity's import can be fully measured and appreciated and only by asking what the common good requires in particular instances through the exercise of political prudence that the proper distribution of authority can be determined. The account of subsidiarity advanced in the dissertation is one of "functional pluralism," denoting that subsidiarity focuses upon the multiple ends of differentiated political societies and thereby seeks to determine the goods they pursue and the means that are properly adapted to those ends. The dissertation argues that federalism and localism as informed by the principle of subsidiarity provide a safeguard for fundamental concerns of Catholic social thought, such as human rights and the common good. After examining the concepts of subsidiarity in Catholic social thought and federalism in American constitutional law and considering their relation, the dissertation discusses three areas in which a richer and analytically sharper understanding of the principle of subsidiarity can make an important contribution to policy debates over the role of federalism and localism in law and public policy. The three policy questions addressed in the dissertation are physician-assisted suicide, FDA preemption, and school finance<br>Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: Theology
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Keil, Soeren. "Multinational federalism in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, University of Kent, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.528279.
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Wei, Rongrong. "Local Fiscal Sustainability within American Federalism." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/90780.
Full textAbstract:
Unfunded public pension and Other Post Employment Benefits (OPEB) liabilities impose major threats to local fiscal sustainability, which increases governments' default risk and crowds out funding for essential local services. To close the funding gaps, localities may apply a wide range of fiscal instruments, including increasing taxes, fees, and user charges, issuing debt and bonds, obtaining grants and/or decreasing expenditures. This research compares the US local fiscal choice behavior in the context of the fiscal federalism framework. The goal is to identify the ideal mix of constitutional fiscal rules to preserve local fiscal sustainability. Not only should the rules aim to minimize local adverse fiscal behavior pre-crisis, which may include excessive spending, large accumulations of unfunded liabilities, and over-reliance on external grants, but also allow strong local fiscal adaptive capacity post-crisis. The findings help localities identify any effective and prudent fiscal options available to close their pension funding gaps and contribute to the overall sub-national fiscal institutional reforms.
Theoretically, this research introduces a novel analytical framework pertaining to local fiscal sustainability by separating pre-crisis and post-crisis institutional analysis and by consolidating two historically viewed as two competing paradigms, public choice and public finance. I argue that the two approaches are complementary rather than contradictory since public choice theory sets up an institutional prerequisite for normative outcomes to be realized and prevents the occurrence of extreme circumstances. The ideal mix of formal fiscal rules, thus, should induce the balanced budget rule that applies to all budget items, stringent spending and debt limits, and institutionalized local tax authority and stable tax structure, but not tax limits. Tax limits are less effective in constraining government than spending and debt limits due to fiscal gimmicks. Moreover, stringent tax limits could significantly limit local governments' ability to bounce back on their own.
This research also found that cities do apply different fiscal strategies to reduce exogenous shocks, given their unique fiscal institutions in place. Furthermore, cities with fewer institutional constraints exhibit a faster speed of adjustment. However, certain institutional variables, such as public union size and tax authority, might not have the same fiscal implications as predicted by the theory. Cities often manage to cut their short-term spending regardless of the size of their public unions. A broad range of tax authority does not imply greater local revenue-generating capacity. Own source revenue autonomy might be a better indicator of local fiscal adaptive capacity.<br>Doctor of Philosophy<br>Unfunded public pension and Other Post Employment Benefits (OPEB) liabilities impose major threats to local fiscal sustainability, which increases governments’ default risk and crowds out funding for essential local services. To close the funding gaps, localities may apply a wide range of fiscal instruments, including increasing taxes, fees, and user charges, issuing debt and bonds, obtaining grants and/or decreasing expenditures. This research compares the US local fiscal choice behavior in the context of the fiscal federalism framework. The goal is to identify the ideal mix of constitutional fiscal rules to preserve local fiscal sustainability. Not only should the rules aim to minimize local adverse fiscal behavior pre-crisis, which may include excessive spending, large accumulations of unfunded liabilities, and over-reliance on external grants, but also allow strong local fiscal adaptive capacity post-crisis. The findings help localities identify any effective and prudent fiscal options available to close their pension funding gaps and contribute to the overall sub-national fiscal institutional reforms. Theoretically, this research introduces a novel analytical framework pertaining to local fiscal sustainability by separating pre-crisis and post-crisis institutional analysis and by consolidating two historically viewed as two competing paradigms, public choice and public finance. I argue that the two approaches are complementary rather than contradictory since public choice theory sets up an institutional prerequisite for normative outcomes to be realized and prevents the occurrence of extreme circumstances. The ideal mix of formal fiscal rules, thus, should induce the balanced budget rule that applies to all budget items, stringent spending and debt limits, and institutionalized local tax authority and stable tax structure, but not tax limits. Tax limits are less effective in constraining government than spending and debt limits due to fiscal gimmicks. Moreover, stringent tax limits could significantly limit local governments’ ability to bounce back on their own. This research also found that cities do apply different fiscal strategies to reduce exogenous shocks, given their unique fiscal institutions in place. Furthermore, cities with fewer institutional constraints exhibit a faster speed of adjustment. However, certain institutional variables, such as public union size and tax authority, might not have the same fiscal implications as predicted by the theory. Cities often manage to cut their short-term spending regardless of the size of their public unions. A broad range of tax authority does not imply greater local revenue-generating capacity. Own source revenue autonomy might be a better indicator of local fiscal adaptive capacity.
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Emirru, Tesfa Bihonegn. "Multinational Federalism and secessionism in Ethiopia." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2020. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/2298.
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After a protracted civil war that ended in a regime change in 1991, the state of Ethiopia adopted multinational federalism as a means of managing its ethno-linguistic diversity. The federalization process which had begun following the military triumph of the EPRDF in May 1991 culminated with the inauguration of the country as the “Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia” in August 1995. Consequently, Ethiopia has become a multinational federation (or “ethnic federalism” as it is usually referred to) comprised of nine regional states and two autonomous city-administrations. Under the new federal order, constituent groups are made to exercise different forms of self-rule in territories they are concentrated. In doing so, the state of Ethiopia has introduced a new approach to the ubiquitous problem of ethnicity in Africa. Despite the prevalence of the problem of ethnicity in the continent, often in its violent form, no other African state has dared to approach the “ethnic challenge” as boldly and squarely as the state of Ethiopia has done under the leadership of the EPRDF. In fact, Ethiopia is currently the only multinational federation in the African continent.
However, the new federal order in Ethiopia has been criticized for increasing authoritarianism. Thus, despite a constitutional guarantee of groups not only to self-determination but also to secession, the actual practice of federalism in Ethiopia has been hampered by the hegemony of the ruling coalition both at federal and regional governments. On the contrary, “ethnic federalism” is criticized for emphasizing ethnic differences and putting the survival and territorial integrity of the country apprehensively in danger. On the other hand, after two decades of authoritarian federalism, the Ethiopian federation is currently undergoing a series of unprecedented political reforms. The reforms were preceded or rather caused by mass anti-government protests that have lasted for almost two years between 2015 and 2017, and engulfed the two most populous regions in the federation ─ Oromia and Amhara regions. On 15 February 2018, Prime Minister Haile-Mariam Desalegn resigned and on 2 April a new prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, was elected. Under Prime Minster Abiy Ahmed, the Ethiopian federation is undergoing a series of political reforms and democratic undertakings. At the same time, however, the Ethiopian federation is also in the midst of a political crisis as a result of, for instance, renewed ethnic and regional conflicts, increasing displacement of people, and internal dispute within the ruling coalition.
This research examines multinational federalism and secessionism in two of the nine member states in the Ethiopian federation ─ Oromia and Somali regions. It investigates (1) the features and limitations of the actual exercise of federal autonomy in Oromia and Somali regions under an authoritarian political system (1995-2015); (2) the trajectories of the OLF and ONLF armed movements for the secession of respectively Oromia and Somali regions following the introduction of multinational federalism (1995-2015); and (3) the mass antigovernment protests that have disrupted the Ethiopian federation between 2015 and 2017 and subsequent developments relevant to issues of federalism and secessionism in Oromia and Somali regions. The study was first designed to be based on both documentary sources and interviews. However, the outbreak of protests and the states of emergency subsequently declared in the country have made the collection of data through interviews difficult and risky as well. Consequently, the plan to conduct interviews with government officials, opposition leaders and members of civil society organizations in Oromia and Somali regions is dropped. Thus, the data used in the study are entirely derived from different documentary sources.
The study uncovers that the exercise of federal autonomy in Oromia and Somali regions, which are associated with active secessionist movements, shared remarkable similarities including frequent changes in regional governments, widespread human rights violations, and resentments over limited influences at the federal government. On the other hand, the study identifies a crisis of legitimacy as the major factor behind the limitations of multinational federalism in successfully addressing Oromo nationalism in Ethiopia. Doing so, the study explains the problems of legitimacy which the OPDO, the Oromo wing of the ruling coalition, and the federal order have encountered in Oromia. As far as the Somali region is concerned, the study discusses how the exercise of federal autonomy has been hampered by internal conflicts within the Somali society, and the need for the ruling coalition to have an allied, subordinate party capable of governing the region. In addition, the study demonstrates how internal power struggle and ongoing insurgency by the ONLF have led to widespread federal intervention in Somali regional politics, particularly through the agency of the Ministry of Federal Affairs and the federal army.
As far as secessionist movements in Oromia and Somali regions are concerned, the study shows that it is only the ONLF which was able to pose serious military challenges to the Ethiopian government. The OLF, despite its popularity particularly among the intelligentsia and the diaspora, has never posed significant military threats. In this regard, the study shows the role which regional politics has played in the military decline of the ONLF (since 2010) and the ever-present military weakness of the OLF. Though the introduction of multinational federalism in Ethiopia has little to do with the military decline or weakness of secessionist movements, the study shows that the provision of constitutional autonomy to the Oromo and the Somali has contributed towards the political decline of both the OLF and the ONLF. Lastly, the study shows the recent convergence of mass anti-government protests in Oromia and Amhara regions with internal friction among member parties of the ruling coalition and the subsequent rise to power of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed in April 2018, which has led to the return of both the OLF and the ONLF to pursue peaceful political struggle in the country.
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Prates, Angelo Marcos Queiroz 1976. "Federalismo no Brasil : os consórcios públicos intermunicipais no período recente." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/285882.
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Previous issue date: 2012<br>Resumo: O presente trabalho analisa os chamados Consórcios Intermunicipais que passaram a se constituir a partir dos anos 90 como um importante instrumento de política pública para o desenvolvimento econômico e melhorias no sistema de saúde, saneamento, meio ambiente, entre outros. Esse cenário nasce com a crescente pressão por recursos financeiros para os entes federados, sobretudo para o ente municipal que teve que assumir a partir da Nova Constituição de 1988 uma série de compromissos que antes eram financiados fundamentalmente pelo governo central. Nesse quadro, surgem os Consórcios Intermunicipais como forma de prover localmente bens e serviços públicos. A principal vantagem que o consorciamento pode oferecer aos entes municipais reside na obtenção de escalas tanto no que tange a recursos financeiros como de material, sem a qual cada município isoladamente não teria como atingir. De um total de 5.564 municípios brasileiros, mais de 80% declararam fazer parte de alguma modalidade de Consorciamento Intermunicipal. O padrão observado de distribuição desses Consórcios obedece à lógica econômica e social, ou seja, concentração nos municípios de baixa população e baixo dinamismo econômico, mais notadamente nos municípios com população entre 5 e 20 mil habitantes. Nesse contexto, são traçados os panoramas da formação urbana e da dinâmica das finanças públicas municipais, que demonstram a necessidade do consorciamento intermunicipal. Destaca-se a importância do estabelecimento de um regime jurídico que garantiu aos Consórcios Intermunicipais maiores garantia para sua funcionalidade, capitaneadas pela Lei nº 11.107, de 6 de abril de 2005, posteriormente normatizada pelo Decreto Federal nº 6.017, de 17 de janeiro de 2007, que definiu as regras e formas de pactuação dos Consórcios Intermunicipais. Concentramos esse estudo, contudo, na avaliação dos Consórcios Intermunicipais nas áreas onde ocorrem, sobretudo, na área da saúde, onde se apresenta o maior volume de experiências em consorciamento intermunicipal. Para essa avaliação, utilizamos como base os indicadores disponibilizados pelo Ministério da Saúde, como o Índice de Desempenho do Sistema Único de Saúde, onde é possível avaliar o desempenho municipal a partir de indicadores como: cobertura de equipes básicas de saúde, exames laboratoriais, internações, procedimentos cirúrgicos, entre outros. Também traçamos um panorama internacional no que se refere a essas políticas de consorciamento, destacando o cenário europeu e em menor medida alguns países latino-americanos. Por fim, podemos considerar que o consorciamento intermunicipal se traduz em uma política pública com fortes possibilidades de melhoria para a prestação local de serviços públicos, que pese suas deficiências apontadas largamente nesse trabalho<br>Abstract: This paper examines the so-called Intermunicipal Consortiums that began to form from the 90's as an important public policy tool for economic development and improvements in health care, sanitation, environment, among others. This scenario arises with increasing pressure for financial resources for the federated entities, especially for the municipal entity that had to take from the New Constitution of 1988 a series of commitments that were funded primarily by the central government. In this framework the Consortia arise as a means of providing public goods and services locally. The main advantage that the consortium can offer municipal entities lies in obtaining scales both in terms of financial resources and material, without which each municipality alone would not achieve. From a total of 5,564 municipalities, over 80% reported taking part in some form of intermunicipal consortiums. The observed pattern of distribution of these consortia obeys the economic and social logic, ie, concentration in cities with low population and low economic dynamism, most notably in cities with population between 5 and 20 thousand inhabitants. In this context, the strokes are panoramas of urban formation and the dynamics of local government finances, which demonstrate the need for intermunicipal consortiums. The study highlights the importance of establishing a legal regime that assured the Public Consortia Intermunicipal greater assurance to its functionality, captained by Law No. 11,107, dated April 6, 2005, subsequently normalized by Federal Decree No. 6017, of January 17, 2007 which set the rules and forms of agreement Intermunicipal Consortia. Focus this study, however, in evaluating the Intermunicipal Consortia in areas where they occur mainly in healthcare, which presents the largest volume of experience in intermunicipal consortiums. For this evaluation, we use as a basis the indicators provided by the Ministry of Health, as the Index of Performance Health System, which can evaluate the performance hall from indicators such as coverage of primary healthcare teams, laboratory tests, hospitalizations , surgical procedures, among others. Also we will present an international outlook with regard to these policies intermunicipal consortiums, highlighting the European scene and to a lesser extent some Latin American countries. Finally we consider that the intermunicipal consortiums translate into public policy with strong possibilities of improvement for the local provision of public services, despite their deficiencies pointed out in this work widely<br>Doutorado<br>Desenvolvimento Economico, Espaço e Meio Ambiente<br>Doutor em Desenvolvimento Economico
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Terentim, Gabriela Marasco. "Financiamento municipal para habitação social: análise do arranjo federativo e suas fontes a partir de três estudos de caso no estado de São Paulo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/100/100138/tde-15062018-070711/.
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A Constituição Federal de 1988 afirmou diversos direitos sociais, organizou a descentralização e conferiu aos municípios papel fundamental na implementação das políticas sociais. Para os setores de proteção social, como saúde e educação, a Constituição garantiu um nível mínimo de recursos que devem ser investidos, além de vincular a previdência social ao crescimento do salário mínimo. Aos outros direitos sociais, restou a arena da política para disputar seu espaço no orçamento público, como é o caso da habitação. Nesse sentido, considerando que não existem vinculações para o investimento na política de habitação, considerando o pequeno espaço restante para o exercício da discricionariedade e a centralização decisória no governo federal, a presente dissertação apresenta o investimento municipal na política pública de habitação em série histórica e a composição do arranjo federativo para o financiamento da habitação municipal. A pesquisa centra-se entre os anos de 2005 e 2015, período em que, em um primeiro momento, apresentam-se os investimentos em habitação de todos os municípios brasileiros e do governo federal, a fim de compreender a simbiose entre os investimentos dos dois entes e caracteriza-se o investimento municipal em habitação. Em seguida, são analisados os investimentos dos municípios de três cidades do estado de São Paulo: Mombuca, Osvaldo Cruz e Cubatão, para compreender em profundidade a relação federativa neste financiamento e despesas geradas na função urbanismo, de forma a complementar às de habitação.<br>The Federal Constitution of 1988 affirmed several social rights, organized the decentralization and conferred municipalities a key role in the implementation of social policies. For the social protection sectors, such as health and education, the Constitution has secured a minimum level of resources that must be invested, in addition to linking social security to the growth of the minimum wage. To other social rights, the arena of politics remained to dispute its space in the public budget, as is the case of housing. In this sense, considering that there are no bindings for investment in housing policy, considering the small space remaining for the exercise of discretion and decision-making centralization in the federal government, this dissertation presents the municipal investment in public housing policy in a historical series and the composition of the federative arrangement for the financing of municipal housing. The research focuses on the period between the years 2005 to 2015, where, at first, we present the housing investments of all Brazilian municipalities and the federal government, in order to understand the symbiosis between the investments of the two ones and it characterizes the municipal investment in housing. Next, the municipalities investments of three cities of the state of São Paulo are analyzed: Mombuca, Osvaldo Cruz and Cubatão, in order to understand in depth the federative relationship in this financing and expenses generated in the urbanism function, in order to complement those of housing
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Oliveira, Vinícius Mascarenhas de. "Federalistas na Bahia: trajetórias, idéias, sociedades e movimentos (1831-1838)." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFBA, 2012. http://www.repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/11760.
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Previous issue date: 2012<br>CAPES<br>O objetivo deste trabalho é a investigação sobre o desenvolvimento de atividades, tais
como as revoltas, a criação de associações, de jornais e panfletos, bem como a ação política
nos órgãos institucionais, que tiveram como finalidade facilitar, propagandear, impor ou
concretizar a proposta federal na Província da Bahia das regências, entre os anos de 1831 e
1838. Buscou-se superar as limitações de uma perspectiva que privilegiou as revoltas armadas
em detrimento de outras maneiras de sustentar a bandeira federalista, demonstrando a presença
desta em diversas conjunturas: preparação para as revoltas, debates por reformas
constitucionais, impactos do Ato Adicional. Embora a federação estivesse ancorada na ação
política de letrados de classe média exaltados, alguns de seus elementos alcançaram influência
no pensamento de representantes moderados, sobretudo no que diz respeito à divisão das
rendas do governo central e das províncias.
The objective of this work is the research on the development of activities, such as revolts,
creating associations, newspapers and pamphlets, as well as political action in institutional
bodies, which were intended to facilitate, propagandize, impose or implement the proposal
federal in the Province of Bahia of regencies, between the years 1831 and 1838. The goal was
to overcome a limited perspective that favored armed revolts over other ways of sustaining the
banner of federalism, demonstrating the presence of this in various situations: preparation for
revolts, debates on constitutional reforms, impacts of the Additional Act. Although the
federation was anchored in political action of people literate of exalted middle-class, some of
its elements reached influence the thinking of moderate representatives, particularly with
regard to the division of revenues from the government central and of provinces.<br>Salvador
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Ribeiro, Marcelo Gollo. "Município e incentivos fiscais." Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2009. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/1260.
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Previous issue date: 2009-08-19<br>The discussion of tax incentives is not new in the legal world, especially for the tax law. However, in the country, eventually gaining more impact at the moment, in view of the entities of the federation, particularly the municipalities, they increasingly seek alternatives to promote certain activities and local development. The federal state along the Brazilian constitutional history went through periods of greater or lesser centralization, where the municipalities have experienced changes in their autonomy, but most often very dependent on the advent of the Union Constitution of 1988 was to promote greater decentralization in the planning and implementation of government policies, the municipalities have gained greater
autonomy (political, administrative and financial) and over time, particularly since the enactment of subsequent constitutional amendments, has gained greater powers. The division of tasks and responsibilities between the entities of the federation, in conjunction with an imbalance on the revenue available, just creating a crisis in fiscal federalism. Increasingly, public policies are collected Cities and increasingly fail revenue. With the aim of promoting local development, with increasing economic activity and attraction of businesses to the area and thus, enabling the implementation of public policies for the population, many municipalities make use of incentives, including tax on these. The research aims at examining the role of tax incentives under the Municipalities, analyzing the feasibility and process of granting, and limitations facing the legal and economic structure of the country.<br>A discussão sobre os incentivos fiscais não é uma novidade no mundo jurídico, em especial para o direito tributário. No entanto, no País, acabou ganhando maior repercussão no momento atual, tendo em vista os entes da federação, no presente caso os Municípios, cada vez mais buscarem neles alternativas para fomentar determinadas atividades e o desenvolvimento local. O Estado federal brasileiro ao longo da história constitucional passou por períodos de maior ou menor centralização, onde os Municípios experimentaram variação em
sua autonomia, sendo que na maioria das vezes muito dependentes da União. O advento da Constituição de 1988 veio promover uma maior descentralização no planejamento e na execução das políticas governamentais, os Municípios como
nunca, ganharam maior autonomia (política, administrativa e financeira) e ao longo do tempo, principalmente a partir da promulgação de sucessivas emendas constitucionais, ganhou também maiores atribuições. A divisão de tarefas e competências entre os entes da federação, conjugado com um desequilíbrio em relação às receitas disponíveis, acabou gerando uma crise em nosso federalismo fiscal. Cada vez mais são cobradas políticas públicas dos Municípios e cada vez
mais mínguam as receitas. No desígnio de promover o desenvolvimento local, com incremento de atividades econômicas e atração de empresas para o seu território, e com isso, a possibilidade na implementação de políticas públicas para a população, muitos Municípios lançam mão de incentivos, nestes incluídos os fiscais. A pesquisa tem por escopo analisar o papel dos incentivos fiscais no âmbito dos
Municípios, analisando a viabilidade e o processo de concessão, e os limites diante da estrutura jurídica e econômica do País.
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Powell, Michael A. "Confederate federalism : a view from the governors /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/1504.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2004.<br>Thesis research directed by: History. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Söder, Helen. "Federalism : A study of evolution and consequences." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-9316.
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<p>Federalism is an important and broadly implemented feature in today's international community of polities. Around 70% of the world states are believed to have at least some element of federalism, and around 20 of the world's nations are considered to be federal states, and 40% of the world's population lives in these countries.</p><p>The purpose of this thesis is therefore to investigate federalism. To see what reasons that is behind federalism and if federalism itself have any effects on issues such as democracy and participation.</p><p>First of all it is important to understand what federalism is, and as mentioned above countries can have different degrees of federalism; however, two very important aspects are division of power and self rule. Division of power means that the governing power is divided, the federation as a whole has its governing system and the regions or states have their own.</p><p>Self rule is given in a federation, the goal here is to create a system where regions and states can have their sovereignty and make decisions that they believe are the best for their region, but at the same time they belong to a bigger system and have to obey the rules of the national government as well. This often becomes a source of disagreement, what should be the responsibility of the region and what should the national government control.</p><p>Political scientists have over time been discussing what the reasons for a country become a federation might be. I will in this thesis discuss five hypothetical reasons: 1) A practical reason- Countries becomes federal because of their areal size and population size 2) historical circumstances- influences from former colonial powers 3) ethical diversity 4) the will to expand territory and 5) the will to give up territory.</p><p>After looking at different countries evolvement towards federalism it is justified to say that all of the hypotheses, to some degree are correct. All of them do have an effect when it comes to why a country becomes federal.</p><p>There are reasons to believe that a higher level of democracy, political participation and conservatism are consequences of federalism. After doing some statistical test it can beconcluded that democracy and political participation are somehow correlated to federalism, but it is not justified to say that a country is democratic because of federalism, other factor have to be taken into consideration. Conservatism however can be seen as a result offederalism.</p>
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Mitchell, Cassandra M. "Flexible federalism, lessons from Belgium for Canada." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq21049.pdf.
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McCutcheon, Terry Travis. "Executive federalism and the Canadian welfare state." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ30002.pdf.
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Combs, Matthew J. "Centrifugal force?, political parties and Canadian federalism." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0005/MQ45365.pdf.
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Wong, Daniel Andrew. "Pipe dreaming : federalism and northern environmental policy." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/24217.
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The Canadian North poses a clear illustration of the struggle for sustainable development
in a context of advanced capitalism. How do northern political institutions and electoral
incentives impact the relationships between federal, territorial and aboriginal
governments in the field of environmental policy and the prospects of environmental
protection? This paper will argue that negotiations for the devolution of resources and
environmental activities with low economic significance have borne substantially more
fruit, more quickly, than the sticky issues of non-renewable resource exploitation and
impact assessment. Case work of select northern environmental policy suggests that the
public interest eithe favours utilization of northern resources for economic development
or is insufficiently green to overcome collective action problems beyond symbolic
commitments to environmental protection.
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Riley, S. E. "Federalism and Canadian foreign policy 1945-1980." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.375700.
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Chen, Longjin. "Fiscal Federalism and Spatial Interactions among Governments." UKnowledge, 2012. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/economics_etds/3.
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This dissertation examines multiple state and local expenditure categories in the United States to expand understanding of fiscal federalism and spatial interactions among governments. First, the author investigates the relationship between police expenditures and crime rates from a spatial perspective. Both police expenditures and crime rates in one state are found to exhibit a similar pattern to that in neighboring states. Spatial correlation is also detected between police expenditures and crime rates. As police of neighbors in fact deter crime at home, there are positive externalities present among the states. Second, the author conducts new tests on the Leviathan hypothesis, i.e., more competition, smaller government. While cost efficiency is used in place of government size to capture the idea that fiscal decentralization reduces wasteful expenditures, spatial interaction is taken as another measure for decentralization. The hypothesis is supported by some evidence from total, police, highway, and welfare expenditures.
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Fries, Thomas E. "FUSION CENTERS AND FEDERALISM: EROSION OR ENHANCEMENT?" Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/32821.
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This thesis examines the broader federalism implications of fusion centers. From a constitutional perspective, these bodies matter because they stand squarely at the crossroads of federal, state, law enforcement, and intelligence concerns. Although collating state law enforcement information existed prior to 9/11, the growing linkage with a national homeland security mission spawns an entirely new set of issues. The lines separating the levels and responsibilities of government, once clear and distinct, have now become ambiguous and confusing, thereby enabling states to reassert their power vis--vis the federal government. The decentralized nature of the overall homeland security apparatus and the growing complexity of the assigned tasks enables fusion centers, and thus the states themselves to rise in stature. Because each state is free to tailor its own security framework, fusion centers enjoy the kind of flexibility urgently needed in todays domestic security environment. This thesis addresses the recent advances in federalism by exploring two pillars of fusion center characteristics. The first section can be construed to be the hardware piece; that is, the missions and structures under which they operate. The second section investigates the software side, or the databases and networks containing the information and intelligence.
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ルクワゴ, サリ ヴィック, and Vick Lukwago Ssali. "Ethnicity and federalism in Uganda : grassroots perceptions." Thesis, https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13026564/?lang=0, 2017. https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13026564/?lang=0.
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This thesis describes what people at the grassroots levels of the different tribal areas of Uganda think about the issue of federalism. It presents the findings from conversations with selected samples of ordinary people in ten different tribal areas of the country, that ethnic federalism, a recognition of Uganda's indigenous peoples and their indigenous systems of governance, is seen as one possible way of restoring and guaranteeing accountability in national politics. This is against the background of a post-independence history of undemocratic rule, instability, and deteriorating levels of social inequality along ethnic and political lines.<br>博士(グローバル社会研究)<br>Doctor of Philosophy in Global Society Studies<br>同志社大学<br>Doshisha University
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LEVY, JONATHAN H. "MADISON, WILSON, AND EAST CENTRAL EUROPEAN FEDERALISM." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1147397806.
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Lancaster, Ross. "Federalism and Civil Conflict: the Missing Link?" Thesis, University of North Texas, 2012. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc149626/.
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This thesis investigates federalism and civil conflict. Past work linking federalism and civil conflict has investigated the factors that pacify or aggravate conflict, but most such studies have examined the effect of decentralization on conflict onset, as opposed to the form federalism takes (such as congruent vs incongruent forms, for example). I collect data on civil conflict, the institutional characteristics of federalist states and fiscal decentralization. My theoretical expectations are that federations who treat federal subjects differently than others, most commonly in an ethnically based manner, are likely to experience greater levels of conflict incidence and more severe conflict. I find support for these expectations, suggesting more ethnically based federations are a detriment to peace preservation. I close with case studies that outline three different paths federations have taken with regards to their federal subunits.
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Cormack, William Stewart Carleton University Dissertation History. "Federalism and the naval crisis of 1793." Ottawa, 1985.
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Nota, Fungisai. "Essays on fiscal federalism and regional interdependencies." abstract and full text PDF (UNR users only), 2008. http://0-gateway.proquest.com.innopac.library.unr.edu/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3319818.
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Parmagnani, Fernando João Alexandre. "Efeito flypaper para diferentes níveis de despesas em saúde de municípios brasileiros: avaliação da assimetria dos impactos de transferências condicionais e incondicionais." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/12/12138/tde-12022014-165042/.
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Na literatura de federalismo fiscal, além da discussão relativa ao efeito flypaper, surge para despesas condicionais evidência de que o gasto na área escolhida pode aumentar menos do que a quantidade da transferência destinada àquela área, sendo o restante dos recursos destinados a outros bens e serviços públicos - o efeito fungibilidade. Pretende-se avaliar o impacto das transferências do Sistema Único de Saúde testando além do efeito flypaper, o efeito fungibilidade para despesas municipais de saúde (totais, com pessoal, com medicamentos, com serviços de terceiros e com investimentos). Utilizaram-se modelos clássicos de dados em painel e regressões quantílicas com efeitos fixos. Obteve-se evidência de que, para o total, ocorre o efeito fungibilidade para transferências do Piso de Atenção Básica fixo, uma vez que para cada R$ 1 de transferências para saúde cerca de R$ 0,20 é aplicado em outras áreas. Além disso, tal efeito parece ser menor em municípios que apresentam gastos mais elevados em saúde. Ademais, o efeito flypaper parece estar mais associado a despesas com pessoal.<br>In the fiscal federalism literature, beyond the discussion on the flypaper effect arises evidence for conditional grants that spending in the chosen area may increase by less than the amount of the transfer meant to that area, with the remaining funds being used for other goods and public services - the fungibility effect. This work aims to assess the impact of transfers from Unified Health System besides the flypaper effect, testing also the fungibility effect for different kinds of municipal health expenditures (total expenditures, expenditures with employees, expenditures with drugs, expenditures with outsourced services and investment expenditures). Classical models of panel data and quantile regressions with fixed effects were used. There is evidence that, for total expenditures, fungibility effect occurs for Fixed Basic Atention National Policy grants, since for every R$ 1 of health transfers to approximately R$ 0,20 is applied in other areas. Moreover, this effect appears to be lower in cities that have higher health care expenditures. Furthermore, the flypaper effect seems to be more associated with expenditures with expenditures.
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Botelho, Luanda Chaves. "Descentralização e centralização na federação brasileira pós-1988." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2011. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=4724.
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico<br>Esta dissertação visa apresentar tendências do federalismo brasileiro com a promulgação da Constituição de 1988. Para tanto, ela se divide em três etapas. Na primeira, faz-se uma revisão bibliográfica que remete às origens do federalismo e às principais escolas debatedoras do tema. Observam-se muitas divergências entre essas escolas, mas enfatiza-se o consenso que existe em torno da característica marcante das federações: a descentralização política que confere autonomia aos entes federativos. O foco da segunda etapa é a descentralização na história do federalismo brasileiro. No que tange à passagem do Império unitário à República
federativa, a dissertação recorre principalmente a relatos de importantes figuras políticas contemporâneas do processo de transição. Já no Brasil republicano, analisam-se as constituições federais e outros instrumentos legais e extralegais que deram forma e materializaram a federação. A essa análise, soma-se o suporte de historiadores e cientistas
políticos para construir um panorama das diversas fases do federalismo brasileiro. Verifica-se que são conflitantes as opiniões sobre a autonomia de fato dos entes federativos, em especial nos períodos de ditadura. Na terceira etapa, parte-se do exame da transição da ditadura militar para o regime democrático e dos trabalhos da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte, em especial no que tange os debates acerca da descentralização. A posterior investigação do texto
constitucional de 1988 revela um arranjo federativo que consagrou a autonomia de quatro entes federativos (União, estados, Distrito Federal e municípios), cooperativo, que
descentralizou receitas, mas centralizou competências. Em seguida, estuda-se a distribuição de poder decisório entre os diferentes níveis de governo em matéria de finanças públicas,
políticas sociais, segurança-pública e auto-organização. Conclui-se, então, que o arranjo, gerado em uma atmosfera favorável à descentralização, é marcado pela convivência com
tendências politicamente centralizadoras, motivadas por estímulos heterogêneos<br>This dissertation presents tendencies of the Brazilian federalism after the promulgation of the 1988 Constitution. In order to achieve such objective, it is divided in three stages. Firstly, through a bibliographic review, it refers to the origins of federalism and the main schools which debate the theme. Many divergences between the schools are observed, but it
emphasizes the consensus about the remarkable characteristic of the federations: the decentralization which bestows autonomy on the federative entities. The focus of the second stage is the decentralization in the history of the Brazilian federalism. Regarding the passage from the unitary Empire to the federalist Republic, the dissertation draws mainly on accounts of important political men, contemporary with the transition process. Regarding the republican Brazil, it analyses the federal constitutions and other legal and extralegal instruments which gave form and materialized the federation. In addition to this analysis, the support of historians and political scientists contributes to develop an overview of the diverse phases of the Brazilian federalism. It is verified that there are conflicting opinions on the de
facto autonomy of the federal entities, particularly during periods of dictatorships. In the third stage, the first step is an examination of the transition from military dictatorship to democratic rule and the work of the National Constituent Assembly, specially the debates concerning decentralization. The following investigation of the 1988 constitutional text reveals a federal arrangement that established the autonomy of four federal entities (federal, states, federal district and municipalities), cooperative, which decentralized revenue, but centralized powers. Then, the dissertation studies the dispersion of power between different levels of government
regarding public finances, social policy, public security and self organization. It concludes that this arrangement, which was raised in an atmosphere conducive to decentralization, is
marked by the coexistence with politically centralizing tendencies motivated by heterogeneous stimuli
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Chevreau, Oliver M. "Federalism & post-conflict statebuilding: The case of Somalia." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17441.
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The use of federalism as an integral component in post-conflict statebuilding processes is becoming increasingly common (e.g. Iraq, Yemen & Sri Lanka). The current academic literature, however, is divided between those that argue that federalism in such fragile environments will increase the likelihood of secession and ‘balkanisation’ and that those that argue that only federalism can provide the periphery with constitutionally protected rights against the centre. However, currently there is little empirical evidence to support either view. This research seeks to contribute to this gap by assessing whether the recent introduction of federalism in Somalia since 2013 has led to the delivery of tangible governance and peacebuilding outcomes.
This thesis specifically focuses on the federalism process in Jubaland, a state which formed in 2013. Data was gathered across the region using a statistically significant perception survey and was supplemented by Key Informant Interviews. The surveys were designed to assess public opinion towards federalism and understand how its introduction was perceived to have impacted local governance and conflict dynamics. This analysis was further extended to assess the impact of federalism in other federal member states including Puntland, Galmadug and Southwest based on a review of available secondary literature. An analytical framework assessed the strength of Federal Government-Federal Member State, intra-state and inter-state relations and the extent to which a particular state had undertook tangible governance reforms.
The key findings of the research indicate that the population in Jubaland is strongly supportive of federalism in principle and the manner in which it has been implemented. Federalism was seen by the majority of the population as a way of maintaining Somali unity whilst protecting local interests and meeting ocal needs. The approach of the Jubaland authorities to adopt a consociational approach to governance led to the establishment of a sustainable political settlement and the inclusion of minority groups for the first time.
However, these successes have not been experienced more widely across Somalia. Other federal member states have experienced poor relations with the federal government. Internally, some states also have weak and violent relations with groups who are competing for influence and poor external relationships with other federal member states. In general, there is a low commitment to governance reform at federal-state level.
These findings underpin the final conclusion that whilst federalism in Somalia has enabled improved governance and peacebuilding outcomes in Jubaland, it is the manner of how federal governance has been implemented in other federal states that explains the disparity in results across the country as a whole. More widely, this research suggests that federalism in post-conflict contexts is neither a panacea for peace and stability, or in of itself, a catalyst for inevitable fragmentation.
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Nastassine, Stanislav. "Fiscal federalism, citizen-candidate mobility and political competition." [S.l. : s.n.], 2005. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=974969176.
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Sato, Motohiro. "Three essays on fiscal federalism and fiscal decentralization." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ27856.pdf.
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Tran, Luan-Vu N. "Human rights and federalism in Canada, two solitudes?" Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0025/NQ51622.pdf.
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Verdonck, Magali. "Fiscal federalism : essays on competition, equalization and cooperation /." Louvain-la-Neuve : Univ. Catholique de Louvain, 2006. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/541603701.pdf.
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