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Journal articles on the topic 'Federalismo Europa'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Teixeira Júnior, Geraldo Alves. "O Federalismo americano: um modelo para a Europa?" Filosofia Revista da Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto 33 (2016): 191–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/21836892/fil33a12.

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2

Filibi, Igor. "Federalismo y regionalismo en Europa: ¿hacia qué camino político camina la UE?" Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto, no. 60 (April 30, 2019): 125–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/ced-60-2019pp125-156.

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En este artículo se sostiene que el camino político de la integración europea pasa, entre otras cuestiones, por desarrollar la integración de subregiones europeas (Consejo Nórdico, Consejo Báltico, Visegràd, etc.) que completen el proceso central de integración, y por incorporar plenamente a las regiones constitucionales a los procesos de toma de decisiones de la Unión, particularmente al puñado de regiones que tienen una conciencia nacional distintiva, amplias competencias legislativas y mayorías políticas distintas de las del Estado del que forman parte. Estos desarrollos parece que podrían jugar un papel importante, tanto para conseguir una gobernanza de la UE más eficaz, como para que la UE mejore su legitimidad.Recibido: 17 diciembre 2018Aceptado: 14 enero 2019Publicación en línea: 30 abril 2019
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3

Medeiros, Marcelo de Almeida. "Democracia e regionalismo chez Jean-Louis Quermonne." Lua Nova: Revista de Cultura e Política, no. 73 (2008): 11–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-64452008000100001.

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Com o intuito de contribuir para o alargamento do espectro de autores não anglófonos na literatura de Ciência Política do Brasil, o presente texto visa a (re)visitar a questão da Democracia e do Regionalismo em Jean-Louis Quermonne. Ele está constituído de três partes. A primeira situa o autor no cenário da ciência política francesa através de expedita biografia. A segunda promove uma análise crítica e comparativa dos trabalhos de Quermonne que versam sobre a temática da Democracia, a saber: O governo da França sob a República, Os regimes políticos ocidentais e As políticas institucionais. A terceira parte procura estudar, também crítica e comparativamente, o pensamento de Quermonne no que toca a problemática do Regionalismo: O sistema político da União Européia, A Europa e o federalismo e A Europa em busca de legitimidade. Finalmente, o artigo traz algumas reflexões conclusivas apontando a importância do pensamento político francês em geral e de Jean-Louis Quermonne, em particular, para a ciência política contemporânea.
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Preda, Daniela. "Le prime battaglie per l'unitŕ europea: Mario Albertini." CITTADINANZA EUROPEA (LA), no. 1 (December 2010): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ceu2010-001004.

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Nel secondo dopoguerra, sulla scorta dell'unitŕ d'intenti d'azione che aveva sostanzialmente caratterizzato la Resistenza e dell'esperienza bellica da poco conclusa, erano in molti, soprattutto persone di orientamento democratico-laico, ad abbracciare idee europeiste o vagamente federaliste. Tra queste, Mario Albertini, che a partire dagli anni Cinquanta avrebbe speso la sua esistenza per l'ideale federalista, dalla militanza nella sezione del MFE pavese sino alla presidenza dell'Union Européenne des Fédéralistes dal 1975 al 1984, diventando un leader riconosciuto del federalismo europeo. Questo paper riassume le tappe principali della sua avventura politica e intellettuale, soffermandosi in particolar modo sulla sua formazione, l'opera di proselitismo, l'etica della responsabilitŕ, la scelta di creare una forza politica autonoma militante, l'approfondimento culturale quale base indispensabile per ogni azione politica.
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5

Korolyov, G. "Slavic Federation and “Free Union”, or Ukrainian Debates on Federalism in the “Long XIX Century”." Problems of World History, no. 4 (June 8, 2017): 86–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-6.

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The article describes the development and perception of federalism by Ukrainian intellectuals in the “long XIX century”. The genesis of federalist ideas in East Central Europe is highlighted under the influence of the Great French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars. Federalist projects of Masonic and Decembrist organizations were analyzed, which had a decisive influence on the Ukrainian debate on federalism; considered the interpretation of federalist utopias of the Cyril and Methodius’ Brotherhood, particularly his ideologist M. Kostomarov. The thesis on the intellectual interactions between various federalist ideas of Ukrainian intellectuals was proved. The federalist views of M. Dragomanov, who became one of the most outstanding federalist speakers in Europe, are highlighted in the context of nation-building. His project “Vilna Spilka-Volny Soyuz” (“Free Union”) is regarded as a classical federalist utopia.
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Robertson, James. "Imagining the Balkans as a Space of Revolution: The Federalist Vision of Serbian Socialism, 1870–1914." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 31, no. 2 (April 4, 2017): 402–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417701815.

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Between the years 1870 and 1914, leftist intellectuals in the Kingdom of Serbia theorized and promoted a project of Balkan Federation as a strategic priority in the social, economic, and political transformation of the region. This article offers a genealogy of these federalist ideas and places them in dialogue with rival projects of regional unification in the Balkans and Eastern Europe during the long nineteenth century. It begins by developing a typology of federalist projects in Europe, categorizing these according to the underlying models of sovereignty upon which they were founded. I identify four categories: revolutionary-republican, imperial-reformist, imperial-irredentist, and revolutionary-social. Instead of organizing these federalisms according to their authors’ ideological commitments (socialist, nationalist, pan-Slavic) or their geographic scope (Balkan, Danubian), the article argues that examining their respective models of sovereignty offers intellectual historians a more productive approach to identify the unexpected convergences and divergences of federalist projects during this period. The article then moves into a discussion of the development of Serbian socialist ideas of Balkan Federation, beginning first with the work of Svetozar Marković (1846–1875) and then turning to the writings of the fin de siècle Social Democratic Party in the decade before World War I. Situating this genealogy of socialist Balkan federalism in its broader European intellectual milieu, I use the above typology to identify the ways in which Serbian socialists converged and diverged from contemporary federalist projects, including the reformist ideas of the Austro-Marxists, the irredentist strategy of the Serbian Progressive Party, and the republican ideas of Karel Kautsky.
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7

Fontes, Paulo Vitorino. "Amaral, Carlos E. P. (coord.) Federalismo em tempos de renacionalização. Coimbra: Edições Almedina, 2019, 305 p. ISBN: 978-972-408924-6." Mural Internacional 11 (September 15, 2020): e53185. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rmi.2020.53185.

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Em tempos de novos nacionalismos e autoritarismos, surge esta obra coletiva, abrangente e interdisciplinar que nos apresenta o federalismo enquanto sistema político capaz de corresponder aos desafios da contemporaneidade. A proposta federal, que é pouco compreendida nos dias de hoje, poderá responder aos novos desafios, tanto a nível interno, na estruturação dos Estados, como a nível externo, europeu e internacional, na configuração de novas comunidades políticas.Palavras-chave: Federalismo; Estado; Europa.ABSTRACTIn times of new nationalisms and authoritarianisms, this comprehensive and interdisciplinary collective work presents federalism as a political system capable of corresponding to the challenges of contemporaneity. The federal proposal, which is poorly understood today, will be able to respond to new challenges at both an internal level, in the structuring of States, and an external, European and international one, in the configuration of new political communities. Key words: Federalism; State; Europe. Recebido em: 28 jul.2020 | Aceito em: 01 set.2020.
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Biglino Campos, Paloma. "La Constitución fue norma por ser Pacto Federal." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 28 (June 1, 2011): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.28.2011.6957.

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This article is an attempt to analyze the influence exerted by Federalism on the emergence of the normative idea of a Constitution. To this end, it begins by analyzing the curious way in which the Convention of Philadelphia introduced the reference to the Constitution in art.VI.2 of the fundamental charter of the United States, a precept that was born to ensure the new agreement on unity among states versus their tendency to pursue individual interests. Things were no different in Europe. In fact, the Constitution stops being a programmatic rule in the first federal states to appear on our continent in the 19th century. In these formations, it was enforceable law, at least with regard to the member states, as it was the part of the parameter used by the courts to measure the conformity of the legislation of member states to federal law. The idea of the Constitution as an applicable rule is perfected, on our continent, in the 1920 Austrian Constitution, when the concept of a constitution as «total order» forced the equivalence between the federation’s laws and those of the member states, equally subject to constitutional oversight. The last pages are devoted to the way in which the federal structure, by determining the concept of constitutions, influences the model for judicial review of legislation. In the United States, the superposition of a federation on top of the member states implied a dual structure in which the main topic of discussion was the jurisdiction of the federal courts to supervise the laws enacted by the States, first of all, and by the federation, secondly. The concentrated judicial review emerges, in Europe, in federal states that are the consequence of decentralization processes and, among other factors, of the mistrust caused by the fact that the judiciary is solely in the hands of the federation.Este artículo pretende subrayar la influencia que el federalismo ejerció en la aparición de la idea normativa de constitución. Por ello, comienza analizando la curiosa manera en que la Convención de Filadelfia introdujo la mención a la constitución en el art. VI.2 de la norma fundamental estadounidense, precepto que nació para asegurar el nuevo pacto de unión frente a las tendencias de los estados a perseguir sus intereses particulares. En Europa, las cosas no fueron muy distintas. En efecto, la constitución deja de ser norma programática en los primeros estados federales aparecidos en nuestro continente en el siglo XIX. En estas formaciones, era derecho aplicable, al menos en relación con los estados miembros, ya que encabezaba el parámetro que los tribunales utilizaban para medir la adecuación de las leyes de los estados miembros al derecho federal. La idea de constitución como norma aplicable se perfecciona, en nuestro continente, en Constitución austríaca de 1920, cuando la idea de constitución como «orden total», fuerza a equiparar las leyes de la federación y las de los estados miembros, sometidas en igual medida al control constitucional. En las últimas páginas se trata de la manera en que la estructura federal, al determinar la concepción de constitución, influye en el modelo de control de las leyes. En Estados Unidos, la superposición de la federación sobre los estados miembros implicó una estructura dual en la que el principal tema de discusión fue la competencia de la jurisdicción federal para controlar las leyes de los estados, primero, y de la federación, después. El control de constitucionalidad concentrado aparece, en Europa, en los estados federales que son consecuencia de procesos de descentralización, como consecuencia, entre otros factores, de la desconfianza que suscita el hecho de que el poder judicial quede en manos sólo de la federación.
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Balthasar, Andreas, Miranda A. Schreurs, and Frédéric Varone. "Energy Transition in Europe and the United States: Policy Entrepreneurs and Veto Players in Federalist Systems." Journal of Environment & Development 29, no. 1 (December 3, 2019): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1070496519887489.

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The focus of this special issue is on the energy transformations taking place in several European countries (Austria, Belgium, Germany, and Switzerland) and at the federal and subnational (state) levels in the United States with special attention given to California. The cases examined all have federalist structures, and with the exception of the federal level of the United States, all have relatively ambitious climate and renewable energy targets. We compare these states out of an interest in better understanding how federalism interacts with energy transitions. The comparison is also intriguing as at the federal level the United States presents a stark contrast with the federalist European countries considered in this special issue but at the subnational level many similarities can be found.
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10

Pilisi, Paul. "Les pays socialistes de l’Est et l’unité européenne – La tradition dans le socialisme et le socialisme dans la tradition." Études internationales 10, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 351–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/700944ar.

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Throughout the XIXth century federalism in Eastern Europe sought to regroup small nations and states within federal structures capable of guaranteeing their collective independence in the long-term vis-à-vis those powers directly interested in that region of the continent. After the First World War the federalist forces of Eastern Europe, conscious of the tragic effects of the balkanization of Central and Eastern Europe, had approached regional reconstruction in a spirit of unity. This unity, whose spirit and idea derived from a common historical experience, was taken up by the progressive forces active within the resistance during the Second World War. Shortly thereafter, among the political forces tending to promote regional unity, the socialist and communist parties engaged in activities of major importance. From their initial perspective, the solidarity of the Eastern Countries was to lead to the establishment of federal structures without the adhesion of the Soviet Union.
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11

Ronzoni, Miriam. "The European Union as a demoicracy: Really a third way?" European Journal of Political Theory 16, no. 2 (July 13, 2016): 210–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885116656573.

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Should the EU be a federal union or an intergovernmental forum? Recently, demoicrats have been arguing that there exists a third alternative. The EU should be conceived as a demoicracy, namely a ‘Union of peoples who govern together, but not as one’ (Nicolaïdis). The demoi of Europe recognise that they affect one another’s democratic health, and hence establish a union to guarantee their freedom qua demoi – which most demoicrats cash out as non-domination. This is more than intergovernmentalism, because the demoi govern together on these matters. However, if the union aims at protecting the freedom of the different European demoi, it cannot do so by replacing them with a ‘superdemos’, as federalists want. This paper argues that demoicracy does possess distinctive normative features; it claims, however, that an institutional choice between intergovernmentalism and federalism is necessary. Depending on how we interpret what the non-domination of demoi requires, demoicracy will either ground a specific way of practicing intergovernmentalism or a specific form of federalism. It cannot, however, ground an institutional model which is genuinely alternative to both.
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12

Piirimäe, Kaarel. "Federalism in the Baltic: Interpretations of Self-Determination and Sovereignty in Estonia in the First Half of the Twentieth Century." East Central Europe 39, no. 2-3 (2012): 237–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-03903004.

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The objective of this article is to challenge the widespread interpretation of interwar East Central Europe as a hotbed of excessive nationalism, by establishing a longue durée of federalist thinking in Estonia in the first half of the twentieth century. By focusing on personal continuities from the founding years of the Estonian Republic into the 1940s, it is possible to detect a remarkable persistence of ‘idealist’ visions about intra and interstate federalism that had been internalized by Estonian statesmen before and during the First World War and earlier. Apart from establishing the continuity of federalist thought the article analyzes the political discourse in which the concept of national self-determination was picked up. The primary framework for Estonian thinkers on nationality was the debate that developed within the all-Russian socialist movement in the context of the nationality problems of the multinational Western provinces and Congress Poland. The discourse on territorial and cultural autonomy within a federative Russia, demands that came to the fore in 1905, developed only after the idea of self-determination entered the thinking of Estonian radicals. Until late 1917, asserting the right to self-determination by no means meant separation from Russia. Even after 1917 Estonian politicians imagined the future republic as part of a regional league or union relinquishing part of its sovereignty to a supranational authority, plans that foundered on the incompatibility of national interests by 1920. Although the experience had not been encouraging, Baltic politicians resuscitated federalist concepts in the early period of the Second World War, as they tried to envisage a new structure for a cooperative and autonomous East Central Europe, within a restored Europe.
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Domínguez Castro, Luis. "Derechos humanos y unificación europea: ¿una prioridad federalista o unionista?" Relaciones Internacionales 28, no. 57 (December 10, 2019): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24215/23142766e077.

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La violación sistemática de la dignidad humana que se vivió en Europa y Asia, por parte de las potencias totalitarias durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial, colocó los derechos humanos en la agenda política de las relaciones internacionales. En este contexto, los movimientos favorables a iniciar un proceso de unificación de Europa no fueron ajenos a este interés. Tanto federalistas como unionistas abogarán por una convención europea de derechos humanos y por un Tribunal que vele por su tutela efectiva. No obstante, el ámbito de derechos amparados y la motivación para hacerlo no serán iguales. Además, Pan-Europa tuvo un papel escasamente resaltado, incluso a pesar de que sus comienzos fueron en una fecha tan temprana como 1944.
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Lalovic, Dragutin. "Europe’s federative Republic and Leviathan - friends or foes?" Theoria, Beograd 61, no. 2 (2018): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo1802039l.

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Seen from the perspective of classical state theory (Bodin, Hobbes, Hegel), to appropriately confront the dilemma whether federalism and modern state are friends or enemies in the process of European integration necessitates previous clarifications of some key features of a modern state. In contrast to the pre-modern orders of personalized power, state implies impersonal sovereign rule as a condition of legal order establishing and subjectivation of man as legal person. In the process of European political community building continental Leviathan is not a barrier to federalist democratic integration of Europe as a republic but its precondition. Their common enemy is Behemoth as a symbol of not only civil war (in the sense of Hobbes and Schmitt) but also Nazi totalitarian regime as a non-state (Neumann).
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Frey, Bruno S., and Iris Bohnet. "Switzerland—a paradigm for Europe?" European Review 3, no. 4 (October 1995): 287–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700001605.

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Learning from the Swiss experience, this article argues that federalism and direct democracy are effective mechanisms for dealing with the diversity of interests, languages, cultures and religions in Europe. These institutions only partly harmonize economic, social and cultural politics. By far more important is that federalism and referenda foster competition between the various interests, but do so within a well-defined basic constitutional design so that competition produces beneficial effects. Federalism is not an alternative to referenda but rather a prerequisite for the effective working of a direct democracy. In small communities, the information cost of voters deciding on issues or judging representatives' performance are much lower than in a large jurisdiction. The more fiscal equivalence is guaranteed, the better the benefits of publicly supplied goods can be acknowledged and the corresponding costs be attributed to the relevant political programmes or actors. Thus, while federalism provides for cheaper information, referenda enable citizens to use this knowledge effectively in the political process. The interdependence of federalism and referenda also works the other way around: referenda improve the working of federalism. Besides the possibility of voting with their feet, citizens may also vote directly. This represents a double incentive for politicians to take their citizens' preferences into account; otherwise, they may lose their tax base to another jurisdiction or may be forced by referenda and initiatives to meet the demands of the voters.
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Inman, Robert P., and Daniel L. Rubinfeld. "Fiscal federalism in Europe." European Economic Review 36, no. 2-3 (April 1992): 654–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0014-2921(92)90124-f.

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Andreoli, Enrico. "Rasgos federales, justicia constitucional y búsqueda de un ‘Common Law’ europeo." Estudios de Deusto 66, no. 2 (December 27, 2018): 375–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/ed-66(2)-2018pp375-395.

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El trabajo interpretativo de los tribunales de las cumbres europea y americana –el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea, por un lado, y el Tribunal Supremo, por otro– parece ser el punto de partida de un análisis que, a partir de algunas de las categorías de federalismo, parte de la geografía jurídica y conduce a la mejora de la identidad constitucional. En primer lugar, se tendrán en cuenta las características «federales» de la arquitectura jurídica europea, así como sus posibles similitudes con el federalismo estadounidense. Para ello, será útil comparar los mecanismos operativos concretos del «federalismo judicial» en ambos sistemas jurídicos. Por último, a través de un marco «federal» preciso de diálogo multinivel entre los Tribunales en el sistema jurídico europeo, se potenciará la posible aparición de una identidad constitucional común, así como de un «common law» continental.Recibido: 30 octubre 2018Aceptado: 21 noviembre 2018Publicación en línea: 27 diciembre 2018
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Mut Bosque, Maria. "Los valores y principios británicos como parte de la identidad europea a través del Consejo de Europa." Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto, no. 02 (February 27, 2019): 309–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/ced-02-2019pp309-332.

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La decisión del Reino Unido de abandonar la Unión Europea ha comportado numerosas críticas al Reino Unido por su euroescepticismo. Sin embargo, desde este trabajo argumentaremos que, especialmente, justo después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, el Reino Unido estuvo y continúa estando profundamente comprometido con la unidad europea y su institucionalización. El Reino Unido siempre defendió un modelo institucional de carácter intergubernamental, respetuoso con la soberanía nacional de los estados y acorde con el marco institucional de la comunidad internacional. Este modelo es el que finalmente prosperaría en el Congreso de la Haya y posteriormente, quedaría plasmado en el Consejo de Europa. Además del modelo institucional, el Reino Unido inspiró e impulsó la adopción de principios y valores británicos, intensamente defendidos en la Segunda Guerra Mundial, que hoy forman parte de la identidad europea, como son el parlamentarismo, la democracia o el respeto a los derechos humanos. Asimismo, argumentaremos que Europa es mucho más que la Unión Europea y que otras organizaciones, como el Consejo de Europa realizan una tarea extraordinaria a la hora de impulsar, consolidar e implementar los llamados valores y principios europeos. En este sentido, todos los modelos para una Europa unida son igualmente válidos. No sólo aquellos que defienden el modelo federalista deben ser considerados europeístas, también aquellos que defienden un modelo intergubernamental deben ser considerados europeístas.Recibido: 02 julio 2018 Aceptado: 14 septiembre 2018 Publicación en línea: 27 febrero 2019
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Groubinko, A. V. "The Role of Great Britain in Forming of EU’s Foreign and Security Policy in the Context of Leading Theories of Eurointegration." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(40) (February 28, 2015): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-1-40-18-28.

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In the article on the basis of the original chart of the theoretical conceptual system of Eurointegration's development offered by an author base principles of Great Britain's participation in common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the European Union are examined. The country’s role in the processes of forming EU's CFSP is determined in the context of leading theories of Eurointegration. The evolution of British government's policy participation in the system of political co-operation in the European Union, character of its influence on the processes of Eurointegration in the sphere of foreign and security policies are analysed. CFSP as a specific sphere of co-operation of the EU's states fully represents conceptual dichotomy of European Union essence at level «intergovernmental - supranational». CFSP is the segment of the EU's legal reality which is historically based on intergovernmental co-operation, and in modern terms characterized by the expressed elements of funcional supranational institucialisation and insignificant strengthening of federalism. Great Britain conceptual approaches to forming EU's CFSP lie traditions of pragmatical and functional realistic approach with the elements of federalist co-operation, externalism and minimum of institucialism. For activity of British governments is inherent pistorical heredity of participating in political integration within the framework of Common Europe. It's mean a successive policy of inhibition federalist supranational tendencies, propagandas of the evolutional going to development of integration processes and it distribution on new spheres. Such approaches are correspond to the model of selective-sectoral integration or «Europe a la carte» ofThatcherist standards, which in the process of realization under influence of objective (mainly external) factors evolved to practical embodiment of such more soft models of flexible integration, as «multi-speed integration» and «Europe of variable geometries». The noted approaches to CFSP allow government on the different historical stages to have retentive or stimulant influence on the integrational processes.
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Enriques, Luca, and Tobias H. Tröger. "ISSUER CHOICE IN EUROPE." Cambridge Law Journal 67, no. 3 (November 2008): 521–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008197308000664.

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21

Ulmen, G. L. "Federalism and Regionalism in Europe." Telos 1992, no. 92 (July 1, 1992): 165–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3817/0692092165.

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Mut Bosque, Maria. "Los valores y principios británicos como parte de la identidad europea a través del Consejo de Europa." Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto, no. 2 (February 27, 2019): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/ced-2-2019pp309-332.

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<p>La decisión del Reino Unido de abandonar la Unión Europea ha comportado numerosas críticas al Reino Unido por su euroescepticismo. Sin embargo, desde este trabajo argumentaremos que, especialmente, justo después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, el Reino Unido estuvo y continúa estando profundamente comprometido con la unidad europea y su institucionalización. El Reino Unido siempre defendió un modelo institucional de carácter intergubernamental, respetuoso con la soberanía nacional de los estados y acorde con el marco institucional de la comunidad internacional. Este modelo es el que finalmente prosperaría en el Congreso de la Haya y posteriormente, quedaría plasmado en el Consejo de Europa. Además del modelo institucional, el Reino Unido inspiró e impulsó la adopción de principios y valores británicos, intensamente defendidos en la Segunda Guerra Mundial, que hoy forman parte de la identidad europea, como son el parlamentarismo, la democracia o el respeto a los derechos humanos. Asimismo, argumentaremos que Europa es mucho más que la Unión Europea y que otras organizaciones, como el Consejo de Europa realizan una tarea extraordinaria a la hora de impulsar, consolidar e implementar los llamados valores y principios europeos. En este sentido, todos los modelos para una Europa unida son igualmente válidos. No sólo aquellos que defienden el modelo federalista deben ser considerados europeístas, también aquellos que defienden un modelo intergubernamental deben ser considerados europeístas.</p><p><strong>Recibido:</strong> 02 julio 2018<br /> <strong>Aceptado: </strong>14 septiembre 2018<br /> <strong>Publicación en línea: </strong>27 febrero 2019</p>
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23

Roobol, W. H. "Federalism, Sovereignty, etc." European Constitutional Law Review 1, no. 1 (October 12, 2004): 87–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605000878.

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For the first time in history, the aspiration to ‘an ever closer union’ between European peoples (not states) was laid down in the Treaty of Rome of 1957. The same idea has now found expression in the preamble to the Draft Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe: ‘Convinced that, while remaining proud of their own national identities and history, the peoples of Europe are determined to transcend their ancient divisions and, united ever more closely, to forge a common destiny’. However, as is usual in politics, the precise meaning of this formula is left unclear. Can pride of national identity and history go together with the forging of a common destiny? Without trying to answer this question, this short article looks at whether (a) European history, (b) the wording of the proposed treaty itself and (c) the international context can give some clues as to where forging a common destiny between the peoples of Europe might lead in a constitutional sense. Will the Union develop into a more or less centralised entity that resembles a state or will it remain the rather loose and open conglomeration of states it presently is?
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Kincaid, John, and Mark Tushnet. "Comparative Constitutional Federalism: Europe and America." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 22, no. 1 (1992): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330241.

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Pryce, Roy. "Federalism and federation in Western Europe." International Affairs 63, no. 3 (1987): 506. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619298.

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Stahl, Konrad. "Fiscal Competition and Federalism in Europe." Regional Science and Urban Economics 31, no. 2-3 (April 2001): 131–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0166-0462(01)00064-3.

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Lodge, Juliet. "Federalism and federation in Western Europe." History of European Ideas 9, no. 5 (January 1988): 619–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(88)90019-8.

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RUBIN, GIL. "From Federalism to Binationalism: Hannah Arendt's Shifting Zionism." Contemporary European History 24, no. 3 (July 6, 2015): 393–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000223.

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AbstractThe German-Jewish intellectual Hannah Arendt (1906–1975) had famously opposed the establishment of a Jewish nation state in Palestine. During the Second World War, however, Arendt also spoke out repeatedly against the establishment of a binational Arab-Jewish state. Rejecting both alternatives, Arendt advocated for the inclusion of Palestine in a multi-ethnic federation that would not consist only of Jews and Arabs. Only in 1948, in an effort to forestall partition, did Arendt revise her earlier critique and endorse a binational solution for Palestine. This article offers a new reading of the evolution of Arendt's thought on Zionism and argues that her support for federalism must be understood as part of a broader wartime debate over federalism as a solution to a variety of post-war nationality problems in Europe, the Middle East and the British Empire. By highlighting the link between debates on wartime federalism and the future of Palestine, this article also underscores the importance of examining the legacy of federalism in twentieth century Europe for a more complete understanding of the history of Zionism.
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Eaton, Kent. "Federalism in Europe and Latin America: Conceptualization, Causes, and Consequences." World Politics 60, no. 4 (July 2008): 665–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.0.0017.

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Recent events in Europe and Latin America have triggered serious debate over federalism. In response, political scientists have turned to the new institutionalism literature in the attempt to understand both the causes and the consequences of federal institutions. Continuing a long tradition in the scholarship on federalism, each of the books under review defines the term differently, reflecting a lack of conceptual agreement that may complicate the development of more robust theories.Despite these conceptual differences, and their focus on very different time periods, the four books under review are alike in the emphasis they place on bargaining between national and subnational politicians. While this interest in bargaining clearly demonstrates the continuing impact of William Riker's work, much of the new research challenges parts of the Rikerian framework. As a measure of their quality, these four books will significantly shape the course of the emerging literature on comparative federalism, but future work should pay greater attention to interests, ideas, and international factors.
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Pereira Menaut, Antonio Carlos. "Aniversarios con luces y sombras: Constitución española, integración europea y ‘defectos estructurales’ de la UE // Anniversaries with Mixed Feelings: the Spanish Constitution, European Integration, and the «Genetic Defects» of the EU (1957-2017 and 1978-2018)." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 100 (December 20, 2017): 1139. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.100.2017.20729.

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Resumen:En conjunto puede decirse que tanto la UE como la Constitución española de 1978 han sido grandes éxitos que ahora celebran sus aniversarios, pero ambas tienen problemas que deben ser resueltos. En el caso de la UE, parece haber un puñado de defectos estructurales difíciles de eliminar y que dificultan mucho solucionar el déficit democrático y la plena constitucionalización de la Unión. Los mismos defectos estructurales plantean la cuestión de hasta dónde puede llegar la integración europea, manteniendo, al mismo tiempo, la integridad constitucional española, o al menos no amenazándola. Nos inclinamos por abandonar el método funcionalista, pasar a un tipo de gobierno plenamente político y constitucional, y encaminarnos hacia un federalismo pluralista, más bien dual y del tipo del americano.Summary:I. By way of an introduction. II. Some points to start with. III. On federalism, once again. IV. Has european constitutionalism some structural failures? A. Constitutionalism and the functionalist method. B. The impact of the insufficient EU democracy on Spanish constitutionalism. C. Is the EU a pluralistic, multilevel political community composed of smaller, yet real, political communities? D. Globalisation, European constitutionalism, and Spanish constitutionalism. V. How much European integration is the Spanish constitution apt to admit of?Abstract:On the whole, one may safely say that both the EU and the 1978 Spanish Constitution have been runaway successes that are now about celebrating their anniversaries, yet both have problems that should be addressed to. In the case of the EU, there seems to exist a handful of structural failures that are not easy to remove and make very difficult to cope with the democratic deficit and the full constitutionalising of the Union. The same inbuilt failures pose the question of how far may European integration go while at the same time maintaining, or not menacing, the integrity of the Spanish Constitution. Our leanings go towards abandoning the functionalist method, embracing a fully political, constitutional rule, and making for a pluralistic, rather dual, American-like, kind of federalism.
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Rosiak, Tomasz. "Fiscal federalism as a solution for the eurozone problems." Problemy Zarzadzania 12, no. 49 (December 15, 2014): 172–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.7172/1644-9584.49.10.

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Vihinen, Danica. "A Federalist Europe and Freedoms." L'Europe en Formation 381, no. 3 (2016): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/eufor.381.0065.

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TORTOLERO CERVANTES, Francisco. "SUBSIDIARIEDAD EN LA ATRIBUCIÓN DE COMPETENCIAS TERRITORIALES." Revista de la Facultad de Derecho de México 59, no. 252 (June 27, 2017): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/fder.24488933e.2009.252.60899.

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LA FALTA DE INTERÉS que pudo suscitar el tema del reparto competencial entre los teóricos del federalismo tras la frustrada adopción referendaria del Tratado de la Unión Europea en 2008 parece retomar su cauce debido a los sucesos de las últimas semanas.
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Podolnjak, Robert. "MI, NAROD FEDERACIJE! USTAVOTVORNA VLAST U KLASIČNIM I SUVREMENIM FEDERACIJAMA." Pravni vjesnik 37, no. 2 (July 2021): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/pv/11582.

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Regardless of the earlier assumptions about the obsolescence of the classic federal theory, the paper emphasizes the contemporary significance and relevance of federalism. Europe is the epicentre of modern federalization processes, not only when it comes to the European Union, but also a number of European countries such as Belgium, Spain and the United Kingdom. The paper points out the fundamental distinction between the classic and modern federalism, which has its origin in the fact that federal systems 'arise' differently as a result of opposite processes of federalization and that in this sense we can distinguish between classic “integrative” and modern “devolutive” federalism. The basic assumptions of the paper are that 1) these two federalism patterns originally differ in the character of the basic constitutive act of the federal union with regard to the subject of creating a federation, and 2) because contemporary federations are “federal states without a federal foundation” this difference is not noticeable today. On the contrary, it has largely disappeared, and in this way, the difference between classic and modern federalism is actually bridged.
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De Bonis, Valeria. "Il dibattito sul federalismo fiscale in Italia tra la riforma tributaria degli anni Settanta e la riforma amministrativa degli anni Novanta." ECONOMIA PUBBLICA, no. 1 (December 2012): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ep2010-001003.

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This paper analyses the scientific and institutional debate on fiscal federalism that took place in Italy in the period between the early Seventies and the early Nineties, when the traditional approach was confronted with the new public choice one, in the context of the changing views on the role of the state. The issue is studied within the set of constraints and opportunities deriving from the European integration process. The proposals put forth in the early Nineties exemplify the emerging model of fiscal federalism both for Europe and for Italy.
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Bean, Charles R. "Economic and Monetary Union in Europe." Journal of Economic Perspectives 6, no. 4 (November 1, 1992): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.6.4.31.

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The European Council's Maastricht Agreement maps out a precise route to monetary union and the eventual introduction of a common currency. My discussion begins with a look at the general arguments for and against monetary union. I shall then discuss the proposed constitution of the European Central Bank and whether it is likely to be conducive to monetary stability, together with some of the problems posed by the transition to the new regime. Finally, I will turn to the issue of rules for the conduct of fiscal policy and the question of “fiscal federalism.”
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Cangelosi, Rocco, and Raffaella Cinquanta. "Archivio. Storia dell'idea di Europa / Francesco Rossolillo federalista europeo." CITTADINANZA EUROPEA (LA), no. 1 (January 2014): 75–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ceu2013-001005.

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Bruzzo, Aurelio. "Europa al bivio. Recensione a La crisi dell'integrazione europea e la Turchia. Una analisi istituzionalista ed una critica federalista." ECONOMIA E SOCIETÀ REGIONALE, no. 3 (March 2011): 140–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/es2010-003015.

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Rahmatian, Andreas. "Brexit and Scotland: Centralism, Federalism or Independence?" European Review 26, no. 4 (April 25, 2018): 616–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798718000054.

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The public debate about the consequences of Brexit in Britain follows certain predictable lines of established academic concepts in British constitutional law. This arguably overlooks the important constitutional complications of Brexit, including the position of Scotland in post-Brexit Britain. This article takes the unorthodox approach of focusing on legal and intellectual history rather than British constitutional law, because in this way one obtains a better understanding of the present British constitutional framework in the context of Europe. The discussion is from a continental European viewpoint and through the eyes of a private and commercial lawyer. The completely different understanding of Britain and Europe about the nature of a constitution and the structure of a state becomes more apparent with Britain’s departure from the EU, which may also influence the future national cohesion of the UK itself, particularly the relationship between England and Scotland after Brexit.
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Van Velthoven, Harry. "Het Belgische en Brusselse model ter discussie." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 67, no. 2 (January 1, 2008): 139–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v67i2.12476.

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De grondwetsherzieningen veranderden België in een federale staat. Die dynamiek werkt verder door. Op dit moment zorgt dat voor een patstelling: de Vlaamse partijen willen meer autonomie op financieel en sociaal gebied, de Franstalige partijen houden vast aan het status quo. Op de achtergrond speelt de ongelijkmatige sociaaleconomische ontwikkeling van Vlaanderen en Wallonië en de vraag waarom de Waalse politieke elite (vooral de dominante socialistische partij) er na decennialange Belgische en Europese financiële steun er niet in geslaagd is om, zoals andere oud-industriële regio’s in Europa, voor een economische heropleving te zorgen. Dat immobilisme werkt aan Vlaamse kant radicaliserend in de richting van een vaag geformuleerd confederalisme en doet een minderheid voor separatisme pleiten. In de praktijk is een moeilijke afweging bezig tussen een op zich niet betwiste solidariteit enerzijds, een financiële responsabilisering voor gevoerd beleid anderzijds. De overgang van een in hoge mate door de nationale staat gesubsidieerd federalisme naar een verantwoordelijkheidsfederalisme. Sommige strekkingen willen tegelijkertijd de federale staat versterken.Daarnaast stelt zich de vraag naar de grondvesten van het Belgische model en de plaats van het Brussels Hoofdstedelijk Gewest daarin. Moet dat ook bevoegd worden voor cultuur, onderwijs…die daar nu, vanwege de vroegere taalkundige discriminatie van de Vlamingen in Brussel, door respectievelijk de Vlaamse en de Franse Gemeenschap worden beheerd? En hoe moet de institutionele begrenzing van de 19 gemeenten in overeenstemming worden gebracht met die van het stadsgewest, het economisch hinterland (62 gemeenten)? In plaats van het Belgische en Brusselse model ingrijpend te wijzigen, is het meer aangewezen de communautaire samenwerking binnen het Brussels Hoofdstedelijk Gewest te verbeteren en tegelijkertijd te werken aan de uitbouw van een stadsgemeenschap in samenwerking met Vlaanderen en Wallonië. In dat opzicht kan het transnationale voorbeeld van de metropool Rijsel-Kortrijk-Doornik inspirerend werken.________A Discussion of the Belgian and the Brussels' modelThe amendments to the constitution turned Belgium into a federal state. This dynamics is still ongoing. At the moment this causes a stalemate: the Flemish parties demand more autonomy in the financial and social sector, whereas the French speaking parties insist on the status quo. This must be seen against the background of an unequal socio-economic development of Flanders and Wallonia and the question why the Walloon political elite (in particular the dominant Socialist Party) unlike other former industrial regions in Europe has not been able to ensure an economic revival after decades of Belgian and European Financial assistance. This paralysis has had a radicalising effect among the Flemish, favouring a rather vaguely formulated co-federalism and, for a minority, it has led to calls for separatism. In practice a difficult assessment is taking place between a non-contested solidarity on the one hand and a demand for financial accountability for the pursued policies on the other hand. It is a transition from a form of federalism, which had been highly subsidized by the national government to federalism with accountability. The purpose of some people is to reinforce the federal state at the same time.In addition the foundations of the Belgian model and the place of the Brussels Capital Region within this model must be questioned. Should it also be given competence for culture, education…which at present because of the former linguistic discrimination are managed by respectively the Flemish and the French community? And how should the institutional boundaries of the 19 communities be coordinated with those of the Capital Region, the economic hinterland (62 communities)? In stead of drastically changing the Belgian and the Brussels’ model it might be preferable to improve the cooperation between the communities within the Brussels Capital Region whilst at the same time working towards the expansion of a city community in cooperation with Flanders and Wallonia. In that respect the transnational example of the metropolis of Lille-Courtrai-Tournai could serve as inspiration.
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Piattoni, Simona. "Federalism and Its Competitors: Which Template for Contemporary Europe?" L'Europe en Formation 363, no. 1 (2012): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/eufor.363.0009.

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Soucek, Brian. "Marriage, morality, and federalism: The USA and Europe compared." International Journal of Constitutional Law 15, no. 4 (October 2017): 1098–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/mox074.

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Mastny, Vojtech. "The Historical Experience of Federalism in East Central Europe." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 14, no. 1 (December 1999): 64–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325400014001004.

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Sylla, Richard. "Early US Struggles with Fiscal Federalism: Lessons for Europe?" Comparative Economic Studies 56, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 157–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ces.2014.10.

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Moltmann, Jürgen. "Covenant or Leviathan? Political Theology for Modern Times." Scottish Journal of Theology 47, no. 1 (February 1994): 19–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600045622.

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Federalism or centralism – this is a decisive question in the political structuring of Europe today. The socialist centralism of the command economy and the ideological surveillance of the people has collapsed. The federal republic with decentralized forms of communication and a diversity of regional, local and personal initiatives proved stronger.
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Kozachuk, Oleh. "Liberal Pluralism and Multiculturalism in Central and Eastern Europe (W. Kymlicka Views’ Analysis)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 230–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.230-237.

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Will Kymlicka is widely known in the world for the research in the field of the theoretical principles of liberal pluralism and justification of the policy of multiculturalism. In his scientific work, he pays attention not onlyto his native Canada but also draws attention to other regions of the world, including Central and Eastern Europe. The scientist asks whether the export of Western model of liberal pluralism and multiculturalism policies available in the region? Are Western models of multiculturalism and minority rights relevant for the post-Communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe? In the following article, we analyze Will Kymlicka’s views on this issue. Kymlicka explains why conventional ways of distinguishing between ethnic relations in the East and West do not help in understanding or responding to ethnic conflicts in the post-Communist world. He argues why the states of Central and Eastern Europe are not inherent in the territorial autonomy in their state building. He also argues why federalism as a form of government is not the solution of interethnic interaction’s problems. In addition, Will Kymlicka tries to highlight the unique characteristics of the region, which do not suggest the possibility of the introduction of liberal pluralism and multiculturalism in Central and Eastern Europe in the near future. Keywords: Liberal pluralism, multiculturalism, territorial autonomy, federalism, minorities
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Kisielewski, Tadeusz. "Federalist Plans in Central and Eastern Europe and the Question of the Baltic States in the Context of Polish Politics During World War II." Lithuanian Historical Studies 9, no. 1 (November 30, 2004): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-00901002.

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This paper deals with federalist plans of Central and Eastern Europe during World War II. The Polish government in exile and its Czechoslovak counterpart actively participated in the implementation of such plans. A Central- and Eastern European federation was to be an eventual alternative to Stalin’s plans of Europe’s Sovietization and to Hitler’s ‘New Europe’. For some time these federalist plans were supported by Great Britain and the United States. Besides, in British and American circles there were also other models for creating a European regional union. On 11 November 1940 Poland and Czechoslovakia managed to sign a declaration on the formation of a federation. However, soon disagreements concerning attitudes towards the Soviet Union as well as over Lithuania’s place in the federation arose.
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Seiler, Daniel-Louis. "Centralisation et décentralisation en Europe de l'Ouest : esquisse d'une problématique." Res Publica 31, no. 1 (March 31, 1989): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v31i1.18882.

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The aim of this tentative article is to bring some further empirical evidence in order to validate Stein Rokkan's "Conceptual Map of Europe". Therefore a set of variables are suggested: territorial-cultural (monocephalic unitarism with two possible ways the hegemonie and the authoritarian and polycephalic) and territorial-economic (metropolitan, triangles and conurbations, and polycephalism).Some indicators are proposed to provide some measurement of the variables, such as Beaufays Federalism scale or a new Mediatie centralization scale.
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Dumitru, Adrian-Stelian. "The Idea of a European Union in the Interwar Period." International Journal of Law and Public Administration 3, no. 1 (February 18, 2020): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijlpa.v3i1.4726.

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The study of the political history of European construction is particularly important to explain the context in which the first institutional nuclei of European integration appeared. This paper identifies the main contributions from the interwar period to the project of a united Europe and their role in defining the process of creating the future European Union. The paper analyzes two main federalist projects namely "Pan-Europe" and "Briand initiative", looking at the similarities between them and at the elements prefigured by the two Europeanists of the federalist movement which are found in the current political-institutional configuration of the European Union. I conclude that Coudenhove-Kalergi and Aristide Briand’s proposals still represents, after 90 years since their drafting, core principles and values we recognise today in the European Union of 2020.
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Maslov, Kirill V. "Axiological approach in financial law (review of the conference "Axiology in the financial law of Central and Eastern Europe", Grodno, September 19-20, 2019)." Law Enforcement Review 3, no. 4 (January 16, 2020): 114–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2542-1514.2019.3(4).114-119.

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The report on the speeches of the participants of the scientific conference "Axiology in the financial law of Central and Eastern Europe" is presented in the article. The conference was organized by Yanka Kupala State University of Grodno and Center for Public Finance of Central and Eastern Europe and took place in Grodno on September, 19-20, 2019. The most relevant topics were: the essence of legal values, constitutional basis of financial law, axiological approach to budgetary system, fiscal federalism, taxation of cross-border trans-actions, tax security.
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