Academic literature on the topic 'Female enfranchisement'
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Journal articles on the topic "Female enfranchisement"
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Ellis, Christopher, and John Fender. "INFORMATION AGGREGATION, GROWTH, AND FRANCHISE EXTENSION WITH APPLICATIONS TO FEMALE ENFRANCHISEMENT AND INEQUALITY." Bulletin of Economic Research 68, no. 3 (2015): 239–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/boer.12043.
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PIERCE, STEVEN. "FARMERS AND ‘PROSTITUTES’: TWENTIETH-CENTURY PROBLEMS OF FEMALE INHERITANCE IN KANO EMIRATE, NIGERIA." Journal of African History 44, no. 3 (2003): 463–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853703008478.
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This article focuses on the implications of an emir of Kano's decision to forbid women from inheriting houses and farms in 1923 and a successor's reversal of that policy in 1954. The earlier emir justified his policy by claiming that women inheritors were becoming prostitutes and the later one argued that women's re-enfranchisement would ameliorate the poverty of destitute elderly women. Both these events appear to have been radical innovations for their time and reflect continuous anxiety over women living outside of male control and a longer-term attack on women's public role. While the emirs' explanations do not fully comprehend the political logic of their decisions, both the proclamations and the way they were explained illustrate contradictions and ambiguities within Hausa conceptions of gender.
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Ricaud, Michelle Moreau. "Sigmund Freud, Translator of The Enfranchisement of Women By J.S. Mill." Psychoanalysis and History 1, no. 2 (1999): 206–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/pah.1999.1.2.206.
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After the death of Mill's official translator, Freud (then a brilliant and impoverished student) was offered by Gomperz, thanks to the recommendation of his philosophy teacher von Brentano, the translation of the last volume of John Stuart Mill's works. This included the revolutionary essay of 1851 (by Mill and/or by his partner Mrs Harriet Taylor) on the enfranchisement of women. My hypothesis is that, far from leaving Freud unscathed, this commissioned work had affected some of his negative views about women, which were anyway common in the culture of his times. J.S. Mill (1806–1873), the utopian philosopher whose influence on his theories Freud never acknowledged, might have had an effect, without him becoming aware of it, on his way of listening to the complaints and demands of his female patients, who had cooperated with him in the creation of his technique. The activity of translating (which, according to Valery Larbaud, has ‘something sexual about it’) was able later to play a part in giving birth to Freud's theories on the issue of ‘femininity’, in relation to both women and men. Apres la mort du traducteur officiel, Freud, etudiant brillant et necessiteux, se voit confer par Gomperz et sur la recommandation du philosophe von Brentano dont it est l'etudiant, la traduction du dernier volume des oeuvres de John Stuart Mill, dans lequel se trouve l'essai revolutionnaire (de Mill et/ou sa compagne Mrs Harriet Taylor) de 1851 sur l'affranchissement des femmes. Loin de laisser Freud indemne, ce travail de commande va - c'est mon hypothese - entamer quelques uns de ses prejuges negatifs a l'encontre des femmes (qui flottaient d'ailleurs dans fair du temps). Ce philosophe utopiste, J. S. Mill (1806–1873) - dont Freud ne mentionne pourtant jamais l'influence sur sa propre theorie - pourrait avoir, a son insu et pour une large part, modifie son ecoute des plaintes et revendications de ses patientes, devenues co-creatrices de sa technique. L'acte de traduction (qui a selon Valery Larbaud ‘quelque chose de sexuel’), a pu produire plus tard chez Freud un enfant theorique, en particulier autour du ‘feminin’, questionnee chez la femme et chez F homme.
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Parks Pieper, Lindsay. "“Make a Home Run for Suffrage”: Promoting Women’s Emancipation Through Baseball." Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal 28, no. 2 (2020): 101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/wspaj.2020-0017.
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At specific moments in history, women publicly entered the masculine realm of baseball to advance female suffrage in the United States. Girls and women took to the field in the nineteenth century, enjoying newfound bodily freedoms and disrupting Victorian constraints. While their performances may not have always translated into explicit suffrage activism, their athleticism demonstrated strength at a time when many people used women’s supposed weakness as an argument against their political enfranchisement. However, as the popularity of baseball increased at the turn of the century, the number of female ballplayers decreased. Activism in the sport therefore changed. In the mid-1910s, suffragists advertised at men’s baseball games. The women recognized the value of promoting suffrage through sport; yet, they also acknowledged that by entering ballparks, they entered a male space. Suffragists therefore exhibited conventional White gender norms to avoid aggrieving male voters. Women’s different engagements with baseball, as either players or spectators, had varying consequences for women’s political and sporting emancipation. Women’s physical activism in baseball demonstrated female prowess and strength in sport, but only abstractly advanced women’s political rights; suffragists’ promotional efforts through men’s baseball more directly influenced the eventual passage of the Nineteenth Amendment, but their actions supported women’s position on the sidelines.
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Maktabi, Rania. "Reluctant Feminists? Islamist MP s and the Representation of Women in Kuwait after 2005." Die Welt des Islams 57, no. 3-4 (2017): 429–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05734p08.
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Drawing on theories of representation in general, and “the politics of presence” perspective in particular, this article explores whether and how female parliamentarians in Kuwait influenced male MP s to support female civil and economic rights after women’s enfranchisement in 2005. A review of parliamentary documents between 2006 and 2016 reveals that a sharp rise in the number of law proposals occurred in the parliamentary Family and Woman Affairs Committee (FWAC) after the four first-ever female legislators were elected in 2009. Roughly half of all issues regarding women’s interests – 45 per cent – over the past decade were raised during the two years when women were present in the Kuwaiti parliament. In explaining this fact, the paper argues that male Islamist MP s acted as reluctant feminists and diligent opportunists by responding to new opportunities and expectations created by the presence of female MP s. Islamist MP s reformulated demands pertaining to poverty alleviation and social assistance by focusing on women as mothers, widows, and caregivers. They emphasized gender relations in ways where Kuwaiti women, particularly those married to non-Kuwaitis and stateless bidun, were seen as capacitated citizens. Kuwaiti women, some Islamist MP s argued, should be able to act as legal guardians (kafīl) of their husbands and children, be brokers of material welfare services such as free education and health services, and get access to public housing. After the exit of female MP s from parliament in 2011, Islamist MP s stopped arguing along these lines, and their demands on behalf of women through the FWAC dropped sharply.1
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Hirshfield, Claire. "The Actresses' Franchise League and the Campaign for Women's Suffrage 1908–1914." Theatre Research International 10, no. 2 (1985): 129–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030788330001066x.
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In the great suffrage campaign waged in the decade preceding the First World War, women established a multitude of organizations in order to exert collective pressure upon a reluctant House of Commons. Some, such as the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU), which was founded by Emmeline Pankhurst, favored confrontational tactics and resorted to occasional violence against property, as a means of attracting notice to the cause. Others, most notably the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies (NUWSS) over which Mrs Millicent Fawcett presided, defined themselves as ‘constitutional’ and utilized the classic methods of persuasion and lobbying, in preference to the more dramatic tactics of their ‘militant’ sisters. Between the extremes of the WSPU and the NUWSS were numerous organizations composed of women activists of varying backgrounds, occupations, and views, sharing nonetheless a common dedication to the principle of female enfranchisement and caught up in the excitement and pageantry of a campaign which at times appeared almost religious in tone and character.
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Fiig, Christina. "Valgretsdebattens vitale stemmer - Et offentlighedsperspektiv." Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 69 (March 9, 2018): 123–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i69.104326.
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This article approaches the struggles for enfranchisement within a perspective of a public sphere as conceptualized by Jürgen Habermas and Nancy Fraser. It focuses on one Danish suffragette organisation and its membership magazine, Kvindevalgret (1908-1915), as an exemplification of a type of opinion-forming public. In so doing the article is informed by the assumption that this type of public is a central democratic arena in which the process of deliberation has intrinsic value. The case demonstrates how participants in such a public can use a public arena as a means of politicising their situation, of democratic learning and of constructing political identities – in this case as mature, capable female voters. This was a controversial identity formation in the historical period of strong Conservative forces. The suffragettes’ in the debate were inspired by the contemporary philosophy of John Stuart Mill, in particular his liberal and utilitarian thinking on women as mature adults and as contributors to society’s well being.
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Siber, Mouloud. "Female Colonial Travel Writing as a Critique of Victorian Gender Stereotypes and Roles: A Case Study of F.D. Bridges’s Journal of a Lady’s Travels Round the World (1883)." Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies, no. 28/1 (September 20, 2019): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/0860-5734.28.1.05.
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Making recourse to Virginia Woolf’s “Professions for Women” (1931), I have studied the manner in which F.D. Bridges criticizes the patriarchal representations of Victorian women in her Journal of a Lady’s Travels Round the World (1883). In her text, she not only accounts for her experiences of travel in foreign countries but also inserts a discourse that lies counter to male definitions of women’s roles as “household angels,” confined in the domestic space and deprived of power. With the strength she demonstrates through her experiences of travel, she criticizes the fact that women are considered to be ‘the weaker sex.’ She also cultivates a quest for knowledge so as to carve her place in the ‘public sphere’ of knowledge and power and to criticize the practice of representing women as uneducated and ignorant. Last but not least, she highlights the degraded condition of the foreign women in an attempt to call for a universal enfranchisement of women abroad and in her country. All the three elements allow Bridges to fight against the “phantom” of the “angel in the house,” which, according to Woolf, needed to be “killed” in order for a woman to impose her authorship.
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Méthot, Mélanie. "Herbert Brown Ames: Political Reformer and Enforcer." Articles 31, no. 2 (2013): 18–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1015755ar.
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To make a distinction between political and social reform may appear simplistic, especially when one considers that many turn of the century social reformers were advocates of prohibition, temperance, child welfare and they turned to the pursuit of female enfranchisement, to achieve their goals. Yet, for social reformers contemporary critics, there was a distinction between political and social reforms, and in their eyes, the ones that needed to be urgently implemented were the latter. The review of social reformer Herbert Brown Ames' municipal career shows that he chose to focus on political reform. He did not envision reforms that would radically transform society. Instead, he asked those with means to assume what he believed should be their moral and financial responsibilities towards the less fortunate. He still believed in the hierarchy of classes. He emphasized the importance of honest businessmen holding positions of potential authority, stressing that the key to a better society resided in the establishment of a professional, accountable, and "scientific" municipal government made up of men like himself. His attempt at professionalizing the municipal government should be seen as a first effort at creating a bureaucracy. Ames should be remembered as a paternalist philanthropist businessman who advocated political reforms.
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Fiig, Christina. "Gendered Segregation in Danish Standing Parliamentary Committees 1990-2015." 100 Jahre Frauenwahlrecht – Und wo bleibt die Gleichheit? 27, no. 2-2018 (2018): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v27i2.09.
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Denmark was among the first countries to achieve female enfranchisement to the national parliament (1915) and it is a society with a long tradition for gender equality policies and women’s rights. 100 years later, the Danish case gives grounds for reflections on gender balance, on segregation and positions occupied by women in national parliaments. Drawing on insights from literature on gender and politics and on parliamentary committees, the article asks what the gendered distribution of seats and chairs is in the Danish parliament, the Folketing, and what can explain these gendered patterns. To answer these questions, this article investigates the horizontal and vertical gendered segregation of standing parliamentary committees of the Danish parliament 1990-2015 based on an explorative, longitudinal study. The results show that the Danish parliament is characterized by both vertical and horizontal segregation in relation to parliamentary committees. Both categories of segregation are declining over time, but the analysis reveals interesting patterns of change and stability especially for the horizontal segregation. Several committees have an over-representation (social, education and research and health) and under-representation of women (defence, finance and transport). A number of committees are characterized by a share of 30-40% women. This category is especially interesting as it points towards a decline in horizontal representation.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Female enfranchisement"
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Cavanaugh, Libby Jean. "Opposition to female enfranchisement the Iowa anti-suffrage movement /." [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2007.
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Lee, Bernard. "Les Professeures de Judo en France : de la domination à la considération : trajectoires différenciées de désassujetissement." Thesis, Artois, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013ARTO0501.
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Cette thèse, écrite par un enseignant de judo, s’intéresse aux Professeures de judo en France. Elle relève d’abord les difficultés d’émancipation rencontrées par les femmes dans la société en général et dans le monde du sport en particulier, pour en arriver à la place des femmes dans le monde du judo, qui est un sport avant tout masculin. Les étapes de l’émancipation, du désassujétissement et de la féminisation des compétences sont ainsi abordées. On découvre la prise de conscience des enseignantes de judo de leurs qualités et la considération qu’elles ont de leur profession. Les enquêtes montrent la valeur judoïstique de ces enseignantes comme leur bon niveau d’études. La thèse démontre que les enseignantes interrogées, se répartissant entre niveau local et national, ont des conceptions, des analyses, des problématiques souvent discordantes. On remarque le fort degré d’implication de ces sportives qui ont décidé de transmettre leur passion en enseignant un sport où les résultats féminins sont probants, mais encore trop souvent masqués dans les médias par ceux des hommes. L’ensemble de la thèse s’articule donc autour de la considération apportée aux enseignantes de judo, de la considération propre que se portent ces enseignantes et du profond désir de lutter contre toute forme d’assujettissement, en démontrant qu’elles prennent progressivement conscience de leurs compétences, qui supportent aisément la comparaison avec celles de leurs homologues masculins, encore trop souvent détenteurs de tous les pouvoirsThis thesis, written by a male judo master/coach, is about French female judo instructors. First, it deals with the difficulties facing women regarding their emancipation in society in general but also more particularly in sports, and especially their roles in the world of judo, which is predominantly male. Thus the different stages of their emancipation, their fight against submissiveness and the way in which the judo skills are becoming more and more female-oriented are discussed. The growing awareness by female judo instructors of their own skills and the regard they have for their profession are analysed. Studies have shown the quality of these female judo instructors as well as their good educational level. The thesis shows that the female instructors, ranging from local to national levels, who were questioned often have conflicting conceptions and analyses of the problems and of the ways to solve them. The high degree of involvement of these sportswomen, who have decided to share their passion through teaching a sport where the results obtained by women are convincing, but too often still concealed in the média by those of men, is noted. Central to the whole thesis is the recognition gained by female judo instructors as well as the awareness they have of their own skills and their deep desire to fight against any kind of disenfranchisement. It shows that they are progressively becoming aware of their own skills, which are easily on par with men’s, who are nevertheless still in a position of authority in the world of judo
Books on the topic "Female enfranchisement"
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Teele, Dawn Langan. Forging the Franchise. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691180267.001.0001.
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In the 1880s, women were barred from voting in all national-level elections, but by 1920 they were going to the polls in nearly thirty countries. What caused this massive change? Contrary to conventional wisdom, it was not because of progressive ideas about women or suffragists' pluck. In most countries, elected politicians fiercely resisted enfranchising women, preferring to extend such rights only when it seemed electorally prudent and necessary to do so. This book demonstrates that the formation of a broad movement across social divides, and strategic alliances with political parties in competitive electoral conditions, provided the leverage that ultimately transformed women into voters. As the book shows, in competitive environments, politicians had incentives to seek out new sources of electoral influence. A broad-based suffrage movement could reinforce those incentives by providing information about women's preferences, and an infrastructure with which to mobilize future female voters. At the same time that politicians wanted to enfranchise women who were likely to support their party, suffragists also wanted to enfranchise women whose political preferences were similar to theirs. In contexts where political rifts were too deep, suffragists who were in favor of the vote in principle mobilized against their own political emancipation. Exploring tensions between elected leaders and suffragists and the uncertainty surrounding women as an electoral group, the book sheds new light on the strategic reasons behind women's enfranchisement.
Book chapters on the topic "Female enfranchisement"
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Teele, Dawn Langan. "The “Clerical Peril” and Radical Opposition to Female Voters in France." In Forging the Franchise. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691180267.003.0005.
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This chapter presents a case study of women's enfranchisement in France. It considers evidence for the role religious cleavage played in hampering French suffrage politics. It argues that Catholicism influenced both the incentives of leaders in the Radical Party and the motivations of women who were suffragists. The first section delves into the rules governing electoral politics and the groups that were empowered throughout the period. The second section gives a brief introduction to the campaign for women's suffrage in France after 1870. The third section analyzes the failure of suffrage reform in the French legislature. In 1919, when a bill for women's suffrage was debated in the Chamber of Deputies, an amalgamation of Socialists, conservative republicans, some Radicals, and parties of the right brought it to a majority vote. But many among the Radicals, and nearly every member of Georges Clemenceau's cabinet, voted against the measure.
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Toye, Richard. "Churchill, women and the politics of gender." In Rethinking Right-Wing Women. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784994389.003.0008.
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This chapter investigates how Churchill related to women at the political level, and how women voters in turn related to him. Churchill had a blurred Conservative-Liberal identity, and this affected his approach to ‘the woman question’. Hostile to female enfranchisement at the start of his career, he became a reluctant convert during his Edwardian Liberal phase, provided that it could be done in such a way as to benefit his own party electorally. As a renegade Tory during the 1930s he drew on the services of a range of female anti-appeasers such as Shiela Grant Duff. During World War II, however, he controversially opposed equal pay for women teachers. It is well-established that, in the post-war years, the Conservative Party benefitted from its gendered approach to rationing and austerity, Churchill himself did little to appeal explicitly to women voters. Although he did accept a role for a limited number of ‘exceptional’ women in the public sphere, he was never an enthusiast for substantive gender equality.
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Gessler, Anne. "The New Orleans Housewives’ League: White Women’s Political Equality and Consumer Reform." In Cooperatives in New Orleans. University Press of Mississippi, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496827616.003.0003.
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Chapter two explores how early- to mid-twentieth century New Orleans socialists grappled with two central questions: could an embattled Rochdale consumer cooperative model thrive within a capitalist system, or should it presage a fundamental social, political, and economic transformation? The chapter traces cooperatives overlooked contributions to Progressive female economic institution-building and white women’s enfranchisement during the 1910s and 1920s. White Uptown New Orleanian women studied contemporary American and British socialists who equitably wove women, laborers, and agricultural producers into a national economic plan encompassing cooperative housing, production, health insurance, medical care, and education. Specifically, educated, affluent, and ethnically heterogenous cooperative activists replicated CLUSA’s chain store cooperative networks, which they folded into a broad-based consumer rights platform modernizing and expanding the city’s grocery retail industry and public market system.
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Crook, Malcolm. "Women Had to Wait." In How the French Learned to Vote. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192894786.003.0003.
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The process of enfranchisement for women would prove still more protracted than for men. Historians highlight the fact that the female vote in France was obtained as late as 1944, almost a century after all males were enfranchised, but this surprising delay can be partly explained by the precocious arrival of universal manhood suffrage in 1848, often simply referred to as ‘universal suffrage’ by contemporaries. Almost everywhere, there was an interval between the award of votes to men and women, usually shorter where full male suffrage arrived later. This ‘gender gap’, which has been the subject of much discussion of late, was thus exaggerated in France, but women themselves were more active and inventive in demanding the franchise than is often supposed. They were standing for election and holding local office before their right to vote was finally recognized, despite the frustration of their demands, which stemmed from a gendered ideology of citizenship and the particular resistance of male politicians in parliament. In the period after the Second World War their apprenticeship in voting was rapidly accomplished and, of late, French women have achieved a high degree of parity in elected office.
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Joseph-Gabriel, Annette K. "Paulette Nardal." In Reimagining Liberation. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042935.003.0004.
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Paulette Nardal’s editorials in the journal La Femme dans la cité trace a line of continuity from her writings on race, gender and Antillean cultural identity in Paris in the interwar years, to her writings on women’s political participation in the early years of departmentalization in Martinique. This chapter argues that Nardal’s decolonial citizenship disrupts the colonial conflation of race and national identity and imagines instead a hyphenated French-Antillean citizenship that includes Antillean cultural belonging in the Caribbean and political enfranchisement in the Caribbean and in France.