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1
ARAT, ZEHRA F. KABASAKAL. "Feminisms, Women's Rights, and the UN: Would Achieving Gender Equality Empower Women?" American Political Science Review 109, no. 4 (2015): 674–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055415000386.
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Although all theories that oppose the subordination of women can be called feminist, beyond this common denominator, feminisms vary in terms of what they see as the cause of women's subordination, alternatives to patriarchal society, and proposed strategies to achieve the desired change. This article offers a critical examination of the interaction of feminist theories and the international human rights discourses as articulated at the UN forums and documents. It contends that although a range of feminisms that elucidate the diversity of women's experiences and complexities of oppression have been incorporated into some UN documents, the overall women's rights approach of the UN is still informed by the demands and expectations of liberal feminism. This is particularly evident in the aggregate indicators that are employed to assess the “empowerment of women.” In addition to explaining why liberal feminism trumps other feminisms, the article addresses the problems with following policies that are informed by liberal feminism. Noting that the integrative approach of liberal feminism may establish gender equality without empowering the majority of women, it criticizes using aggregate indicators of empowerment for conflating sources of power with empowerment and making false assumptions.
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Rudman, Laurie A., and Kimberly Fairchild. "The F Word: Is Feminism Incompatible with Beauty and Romance?" Psychology of Women Quarterly 31, no. 2 (2007): 125–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.2007.00346.x.
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Three studies examined the predictive utility of heterosexual relationship concerns vis-à-vis support for feminism. Study 1 showed that beauty is perceived to be at odds with feminism, for both genders. The stereotype that feminists are unattractive was robust, but fully accounted for by romance-related attributions. Moreover, more attractive female participants (using self-ratings) showed decreased feminist orientations, compared with less attractive counterparts. Study 2 compared romantic conflict with the lesbian feminist stereotype and found more support for romantic conflict as a negative predictor of support for feminism and women's civil rights. Study 3 showed that beliefs about an incompatibility between feminism and sexual harmony negatively predicted support for feminism and women's civil rights. In concert, the findings indicate that a marriage between research on romantic relationships and the factors underlying sexism is overdue for understanding gender inequities.
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Batmanghelichi, K. Soraya, and Leila Mouri. "Cyberfeminism, Iranian Style." Feminist Media Histories 3, no. 1 (2017): 50–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2017.3.1.50.
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The June 2009 uprising following Iran's presidential election sparked the immediate scattering of its women's rights leaders across the globe. Activists living in exile took their activities online to pursue on-the-ground projects, initiating online campaigns and raising feminist awareness. Seven years later, this transition to cyberspace has had innumerable consequences for Iran's feminist movement. This article examines five Iranian rights-based platforms—Bidarzani, Women's Watch, Feminism Everyday, My Stealthy Freedom, and ZananTV—and their use of social media to vocalize and extend women's rights advocacy. Given the flourishing of cyberfeminist projects, it is worth investigating both the methodologies employed and the unforeseen constraints and costs that have emerged. For instance, do these undertakings challenge women's political and economic status in Iran? Is their activism a new and unique form of feminism? This paper explores their move online, tracing the shifts in Iran's women's rights movement, its current challenges, and its potential vulnerabilities.
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Reilly, Niamh. "Doing Transnational Feminism, Transforming Human Rights: The Emancipatory Possibilities Revisited." Irish Journal of Sociology 19, no. 2 (2011): 60–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.19.2.5.
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This article contributes to cross-disciplinary engagement with the idea of transnationality through a discussion of transnational feminisms. In particular, it reviews and responds to some of the more critical readings of the women's human rights paradigm and its role in underpinning, or not, emancipatory transnational feminisms in a context of increasingly fragmenting globalisation. The author considers two broad categories of critical readings of transnational women's human rights: anti-universalist and praxis-oriented. This includes discussions of recent feminist articulations of the ‘cultural legitimacy thesis’ and ‘vernacularisation’ and of obstacles to contesting the oppressions of neo-liberal globalisation through human rights feminisms. Ultimately, the author argues that the emancipatory possibilities of human rights-oriented transnational feminisms reside in dialogic, solidarity-building feminist praxis tied to transnational processes of counter-hegemonic (re)interpretation and (re)claiming of human rights from previously excluded positions.
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Barfi, Zahra, and Sarieh Alaei. "Western Feminist Consciousness in Buchi Emecheta's The Joys of Motherhood." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 42 (October 2014): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.42.12.
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Feminism is a collection of movements which struggles for women's rights. Focusing on gender as a basis of women's sexual oppression, feminist scholarship attempts to establish equal rights for women politically, economically, socially, personally, etc. The Joys of Motherhood highlights Buchi Emecheta's critical view toward colonialism and racism affecting Third world women's lives. Besides this, Emecheta goes further to display African women's invisibility and marginalization-which were out of sight for a long time-in terms of some aspects of Western feminist discourse. Her creative discourse, in this regard, casts further light upon the issue of gender oppression in African feminist study. Hence, this study attempts to examine the way in which Emecheta furthers Western feminist ideology.
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Okin, Susan Moller. "Feminism, Women's Human Rights, and Cultural Differences." Hypatia 13, no. 2 (1998): 32–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1998.tb01224.x.
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The recent global movement for women's human rights has achieved considerable re-thinking of human rights as previously understood. Since many of women's rights violations occur in the private sphere of family life, and are justified by appeals to cultural or religious norms, both families and cultures (including their religious aspects) have come under critical scrutiny.
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Grewal, Inderpal. "‘Women's rights as human rights’: Feminist practices, global feminism, and human rights regimes in transnationality1." Citizenship Studies 3, no. 3 (1999): 337–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13621029908420719.
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Cuthbert Brandt, Gail, and Naomi Black. "“Il en faut un peu”: Farm Women and Feminism in Québec and France Since 1945." Victoria 1990 1, no. 1 (2006): 73–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031011ar.
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Abstract Certain farm women's organizations continue to represent the social feminist tradition of Canadian suffragism and the broader social Catholic feminism still influential elsewhere. Canadian historians have often criticized such groups in contrast with a more aggressive, equal-rights feminism found among urban and rural women in both waves of feminism. We argue that, far from being conservative, groups identified as social feminist serve to integrate farm women into public debates and political action, including feminism. We outline the history of the Cercles de fermières of Québec, founded in 1915, and the French Groupements de vulgarisation-développement agricoles féminins, founded since 1959. A comparison of members with nonmembers in each country and across the group, based on survey data collected in 1989 for 389 cases, suggests that club involvement has counteracted demographic characteristics expected to produce antifeminism. In general, we find less hostility to second-wave feminism than might be expected. Relying mainly on responses to open-ended questions, we argue that, for our subjects, feminism is tempered by distaste for confrontation. Issues supported by the movement for women's liberation are favoured by farm women, but the liberationist style and tactics are eschewed. Those of our respondents identified as feminists express preference for a complementarity modelled on the idealized family.
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Okin, Susan Moller. "Feminism, Women's Human Rights, and Cultural Differences." Hypatia: A Journal of Feminist Philosophy 13, no. 2 (1998): 32–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/hyp.1998.13.2.32.
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Nordenstam, Anna, and Margareta Wallin Wictorin. "Women's Liberation." European Comic Art 12, no. 2 (2019): 77–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/eca.2019.120205.
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In Sweden, publication of original feminist comics started in the 1970s and increased during the following decade. This article describes and analyses the Swedish feminist comics published in the Swedish radical journals Kvinnobulletinen and Vi Mänskor, as well as in the Fnitter anthologies. These comics, representing radical feminism, played an important role as forums for debate in a time when feminist comics were considered avant-garde. The most prominent themes were, first, the body, love and sexualities and, second, the labour market and legal rights. The most frequent visual style was a black contour line style on a white background, recalling the comics of Claire Bretécher, Aline Kominsky-Crumb and Franziska Becker. Humour and satire, including irony, were used as strategies to challenge the patriarchy and to contest the prevailing idea that women have no sense of humour.
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Shahidian, Hammed. "The Iranian Left and the “Woman Question” in the Revolution of 1978–79." International Journal of Middle East Studies 26, no. 2 (1994): 223–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800060220.
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The relationship between feminism and socialism in both the theoretical and practical realms has been marked with difficulty and “unhappiness.” Feminists have criticized leftists for their lack of attention to sexual domination, and many socialists, in turn, have looked at women's liberation movements as a bourgeois deviation or, worse yet, a conspiracy against the workers' struggle. In 19th-century social democratic movements in Europe, conflicts between feminist-socialist advocates of women's rights such as Clara Zetkin and “proletarian anti-feminism” among workers and communists were constant. Eventually, guided by the theoretical insights of a number of socialist leaders such as Bebel, Engels, and Zetkin, socialist parties of the First and Second Internationals came to realize that the cause of the women's movement was just and to accept autonomous women's organizations. The Third International, or Comintern, although it initially claimed to liberate women “not only on paper, but in reality, in actual fact,” treated the inequality of women as a secondary consideration. Focusing on production and labor conflict, the Comintern paid attention only to women's exploitation by capital to the extent that “by the end of the 1920s, any special emphasis on women's social subordination in communist propaganda or campaigning came to be regarded as a capitulation to bourgeois feminism.” Leftist women activists lost their organizational autonomy and had to work under the supervision of their national communist party.
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Malotra-Gaudet, Lauren. "A critical look at the terms feminism, Feminism, and womanism and the applicability, or not, of each in conversation with Toni Morrison’s First and Last Novels The Bluest Eye and Home." Journal of Student Research 4, no. 2 (2015): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47611/jsr.v4i2.235.
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For the purpose of this paper lower-case-f feminism is used as the umbrella term for the organized activity in support of women's rights and interests founded in the belief that men and women should have equal rights and opportunities. Hegemonic Feminism, aka Radical Feminism, has historically left out women who face issues alongside oppression based on gender, namely women of colour. Capital-F Feminism represents this hegemonic Feminism. Alice Walker’s womanism creates a type of feminism specifically for black women and women of colour. In this paper I explore and contrast three different types of feminism, hegemonic “Feminism” and “womanism”, to show how Toni Morrison’s first and last novels The Bluest Eye and Home are definitely womanist texts but are not necessarily considered feminist under the constraints of hegemonic Feminism. I look at the differences between the three terms to show how these novels can and do slip through the cracks and are not labeled as “feminist” texts because they do not comply with “Feminism.” Through plot and character examples I show how these novels are womanist, and because of that they are not able to be considered examples of Feminist texts and are therefore not regarded as canonical Feminist literature, though they do exemplify feminist principles, themes and ideals.
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Anam, Haikal Fadhil. "Poligami dalam Hermeneutika Feminis Amina Wadud." Musãwa Jurnal Studi Gender dan Islam 19, no. 1 (2020): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/musawa.2020.191.43-56.
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Artikel ini menelaah poligami dalam perspektif hermeneutika feminisme ala Amina Wadud. Buku Qur’an and Woman Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman’s Perspective adalah landasan dasar dalam perwakilan pandangan Amina Wadud pada tiga pembahasan penting dalam pemikiran pada konsep pembebasan, konsep patriarkhi, dan klasifikasi makna feminis. Penulisan ini membedah hakikat pemikiran Amina Wadud pada hak perempuan dan kebebasan poligami dengan syarat. Islam adalah agama kebebasan dalam menata muamalat dalam pola pernikahan yang rahmatan lilalamin.[The article talks about polygamy in Amina Wadud's hermeneutic feminism theory. The base paper, the Qur'an and Woman Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman's Perspective, is an essential root in Amina Wadud's thought view. Three meaningful discussions are in Amina Wadud's thoughts on freedom concepts in human rights, patriarchal concepts inhabit rule and classification of feminist meaning in the text Qur'an. This paper examines Amina Wadud's thoughts on women's rights and the polygamy perspective with the rule. Islam is a peaceful religion in engaging relationships in a pattern of marriage.]
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POTAPOVA, DARIA, and SERGEY SHPAGIN. "FEMINISM IN EUROPE: FACING NEW CHALLENGES." History and modern perspectives 3, no. 1 (2020): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2021-3-1-38-46.
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The article is devoted to topical issues of the development of the ideology of feminism in modern conditions. The purpose of the work is to identify the factors of the dynamics of the ideology of feminism at the beginning of the 21st century. The main versions of classical feminism are characterized: liberal, Marxist and radical. There is a close connection between the origins of feminism and Marxism, but even in the early period the interaction of these ideological and political movements was problematic. There is also an interaction of feminism with new social movements in the West in the 20th century. The contradictory consequences of the development of the women's movement for the ideology of feminism are noted: on the one hand, the actualization of the feminist agenda in Western countries created the conditions for significant successes in protecting women's rights and recognizing feminism as a real political force, on the other hand, these same successes reduced the relevance of the liberal version of feminism. Recent developments in Europe have a significant impact on the feminist agenda. Globalization and, in particular, the migration crisis of the 2010s are considered as one of the new factors in the ideological dynamics of feminism. The influx of migrants from Muslim countries not only places a burden on state budgets and reduces the level of security of life on the continent, but also erodes the civilizational identity of European society. Muslim migrants do not seek to integrate into European society, often ignore the fundamental values of European civilization, and above all, women's equality. This situation creates incentives not only to renew the political goals of feminists, but also to revise the ideological foundations of their ideology itself. In particular, it is possible to move away from the traditional reliance on left-wing political slogans and replace the popular Marxist phraseology among radical Islamists with values related to the protection of democratic gains of European society.
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Moghadam, Valentine M. "Women and Employment in Tunisia." Sociology of Development 5, no. 4 (2019): 337–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sod.2019.5.4.337.
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Tunisia's legacy of “state feminism” and its strong civil society—including human rights, labor, and women's rights organizations—have placed Tunisian women in advance of their Arab sisters, and women are present across an array of professions and occupations. Still, most Tunisian women remain outside the labor force, face precarious forms of employment, or are unemployed. This article examines women's employment patterns, problems, and prospects in the light of an untoward economic environment, conservative social norms, and feminist advocacy. Drawing on interview and documentary data, and informed by feminist political economy and institutionalism, it highlights the importance of institutional supports for working mothers and improved work conditions to encourage more female economic participation and stronger labor-force attachment and thus to weaken patriarchal attitudes and values. The paper points to the need for both class-based and gender-based policies with respect to women's economic participation and rights.
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Walsh, Mary B. "Locke and Feminism on Private and Public Realms of Activities." Review of Politics 57, no. 2 (1995): 251–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500026899.
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Feminist critics of Locke perceive a conflict between his promise of political liberty and equality and women's individual and social circumstances. Many feminists point to an incongruence in Locke's thought between formal political rights and the substantive inequalities women experience in a variety of social relationships. Emphasizing Locke's liberal distinction between private and public, these feminists explore how women's actual personal, marital, familial and economic (i.e., private) positions mitigate against the possibility of political emancipation for women. Opposing this interpretation, this article will argue that Locke's feminist critics misread Locke and misinterpret his distinction between private and public. What some feminists represent as a dichotomy between public and private is actually for Locke a multitude of interacting spheres in which individuals live. An examination of these spheres will reveal a latent potential in Locke's philosophy for addressing women's particular circumstances.
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Bashevkin, Sylvia. "Facing a Renewed Right: American Feminism and the Reagan/Bush Challenge." Canadian Journal of Political Science 27, no. 4 (1994): 669–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900021983.
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AbstractAmerican feminism at the point of Ronald Reagan's first election to the White House in 1980 appeared to merge the mobilizational strengths of social movement activism with the institutional professionalism that comes from interest-group experience. Unlike the British women's movement at the time of Margaret Thatcher's first majority in 1979, or organized feminism in Canada at the point of Brian Mulroney's first majority in 1984, the American movement appeared virtually unassailable. Yet observers who documented the defeat of the Equal Rights Amendment, the unravelling of reproductive choice provisions and sustained resistance to affirmative action policies during the Reagan/Bush years would tend to question this assumption. The author evaluates the clash between right-of-centre and feminist interests in the United States, providing one of the first empirical assessments of legislative and judicial decision making in the Reagan/Bush years in key policy areas identified by the American women's movement.
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McGinnis, Janice Dickin. "Whores and Worthies: Feminism and Prostitution." Canadian journal of law and society 9, no. 01 (1994): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0829320100003525.
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AbstractFeminism has a particular problem in dealing with questions of sexuality. This is directly tied to the fact that it is our sexuality which has so often been used to deny us rights. Our ambivalence has led some of us to make strange choices. For instance, some of us have joined with conservatives, our natural enemies, campaigning against pornography. This paper looks at another area in which conflicts within the feminist philosophy have worked to confuse our responses and allowed them to be used to undermine the very people we proclaim ourselves the protectors of: women. In two major cases since 1990, the Supreme Court of Canada has quoted feminist words to undermine the position of prostitutes in our society. In addition, LEAF failed to apply for intervenor status on behalf of prostitutes in either case. What does it mean when mainstream feminism finds itself unable to listen to the demands of prostitutes' rights groups and to help them get rid of the laws that make their work more difficult and dangerous? What does it say about feminism as a true “women's movement” that we find ourselves unable to honor other women's assessment of their position in society and their desires for change.
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WITHAM, NICK. "US Feminists and Central America in the “Age of Reagan”: The Overlapping Contexts of Activism, Intellectual Culture and Documentary Filmmaking." Journal of American Studies 48, no. 1 (2014): 199–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875813002533.
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This paper examines the attitudes of feminist activists, intellectuals and filmmakers to US intervention in Central America during the 1980s. It traces the development of mutual intellectual and political sustenance between feminism and anti-interventionism, arguing that as feminist thinking bred new ways of approaching US involvement in Central America, so anti-interventionist struggles bred new ways of thinking about women's activism. In making this point, the paper complicates narratives of the “age of Reagan” that overlook the persistence of left-wing politics during the 1980s. Instead, it argues that a specific form of international feminism enabled a community of activists to contribute to a vibrant culture of dissent that criticized conservative approaches to women's rights and, at the same time, vigorously contested the interventionist foreign policy of the Reagan administration.
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Alfred, B. Heilbrun, and Mark R. Heilbrun. "The Treatment of Women Within The Criminal Justice System: An Inquiry Into the Social Impact of the Women's Rights Movement." Psychology of Women Quarterly 10, no. 3 (1986): 240–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1986.tb00750.x.
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Two studies considered the possible impact of the feminist movement upon criminal justice decisions relating to women. One body of data confirmed a trend away from indiscriminate leniency in the punishment of female criminals during the women's movement. Courtroom and parole board decisions determining length of imprisonment showed an improving alignment of punishment and criminal circumstances for women and men. The second set of data disclosed that an increased seriousness was accorded to the crime of rape as feminism became more influential. Rape, as a violation of the woman's right to bodily self-determination, was punished more harshly during the period of greater feminist influence, a fact that was not true of other male violent crimes. The women's movement appears to have brought about a more realistic balance of female and male responsibilities before the law as well as a greater respect for women's sexual rights.
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Molony, Barbara. "Women's Rights, Feminism, and Suffragism in Japan, 1870-1925." Pacific Historical Review 69, no. 4 (2000): 639–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3641228.
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Browning, Don. "Feminism, Family, and Women's Rights: A Hermeneutic Realist Perspective." Zygon? 38, no. 2 (2003): 317–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9744.00502.
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Stuart, Robert. "“Calm, with a Grave and Serious Temperament, rather Male”: French Marxism, Gender and Feminism, 1882–1905." International Review of Social History 41, no. 1 (1996): 57–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113690.
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SummaryThis article argues that historians have underestimated the importance and complexity of Marxists' engagement with feminism during the introduction of their doctrine into the French socialist movement before the First World War. It examines the ideological discourse of the Parti Ouvrier Français, the embodiment of Marxism in France from 1882 to 1905, in order to reveal the ambiguities and contradictions of the French Marxists' approach to the “woman question” – seeking to explicate the puzzling coincidence in the movement's rhetoric of a firmly feminist commitment to women's rights with an equally intransigent hostility to organized feminism.
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Vergès, Françoise. "On Women and their Wombs: Capitalism, Racialization, Feminism." Critical Times 1, no. 1 (2018): 263–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-1.1.263.
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Abstract This article draws from Françoise Vergès's book, Le ventre des femmes: Capitalisme, racialisation, féminisme,* which traces the history of the colonization of the wombs of Black women by the French state in the 1960s and 1970s through forced abortions and the forced sterilization of women in French foreign territories. Vergès retraces the long history of colonial state intervention in Black women's wombs during the slave trade and post-slavery imperialism, and after World War II, when international institutions and Western states blamed the poverty and underdevelopment of the Third World on women of color. Vergès looks at the feminist and Women's Liberation movements in France in the 1960s and 1970s and asks why, at a time of French consciousness about colonialism brought about by Algerian independence and the social transformations of 1968, these movements chose to ignore the history of the racialization of women's wombs in state politics. In making the liberalization of contraception and abortion their primary aim, she argues, French feminists inevitably ended up defending the rights of white women at the expense of women of color, in a shift from women's liberation to women's rights.
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DELAP, LUCY. "THE SUPERWOMAN: THEORIES OF GENDER AND GENIUS IN EDWARDIAN BRITAIN." Historical Journal 47, no. 1 (2004): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03003534.
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This article examines the development of the idea of the ‘superwoman’ among British Edwardian feminists and contextualizes it within the aristocratic political thought of the day. I examine the idea of the ‘genius’ and the ‘superman’ in order to shed light on why, for some Edwardian feminists, the ideal feminist agent was to be an elite, discerning, remote figure. I argue that Edwardian feminism witnessed an ‘introspective turn’, marked by an interest in character, will, and personality as the key components of emancipation. The focus of political change was firmly located within women themselves. This belief was widespread, even though only a minority chose the language of the ‘superwoman’ to elaborate it. References to the ‘superwoman’ indicates the impact of Nietzschean and egoist ideas upon the women's movement. The ‘superwoman’ was used to position feminism as a movement not just for political rights but for wider social regeneration, and represents a characteristically Edwardian belief in the power of the ‘exceptional individual’ to promote social change.
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Coşar, Simten, and Funda Gençoğlu Onbaşi. "Women's Movement in Turkey at a Crossroads: From Women's Rights Advocacy to Feminism." South European Society and Politics 13, no. 3 (2008): 325–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608740802346585.
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Sarvasy, Wendy. "Social Citizenship From a Feminist Perspective." Hypatia 12, no. 4 (1997): 54–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1997.tb00298.x.
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In this article I construct a feminist notion of social citizenship from early twentieth-century feminism in the United States. Arguing that there are four aspects to the interconnection between women's citizenship and social democracy—new modes of citizenship, a socialized view of rights, new spaces for participation, and a female-privikged definition of gender equality—I suggest that such a concept could help us move from a welfare state to a feminist social democracy.
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Jawad, Haifaa. "Islamic Feminism: Leadership Roles and Public Representation." Hawwa 7, no. 1 (2009): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920809x449517.
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AbstractIslamic feminism is a worldwide movement housed within the broader, contemporary reform movement operating in the Muslim world. This feminist subdivision consists of scholars and activists who are working to achieve gender equality and social justice within an explicitly religious, Islamic framework. Although a relatively recent phenomenon, the roots of this trend can be traced back to the mid-nineteenth century, when women in several Muslim countries voiced concerns regarding patriarchal traditions and practices in their societies and formulated principles about women's rights in explicitly Islamic terms. Yet these early feminist expressions were kept at the periphery and were not allowed to influence mainstream Islamic thought or to be implemented into political, social, legal and other rights. They remained marginal and isolated, chiefly due to hostile political and religious establishments.
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Sari Artha, Karyn, Afifatul Fadlilah, Olvira Romadhona, and Riko Nakajima. "MYANMAR1962: FEMINISM IN THE POST MILITARY JUNTA ERA." Sociae Polites 20, no. 2 (2019): 179–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v20i2.2421.
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Aung San Suu Kyi is a feminist activist who opposes the Military Junta government. She highly upholds gender equality and strives for all people to have the right to live. However, she ended up in prison for years because of his bold actions. After being released from the detention center, Aung San Suu Kyi campaigned on Feminism, which has influenced many women to fight for their rights. Because of Aung San Suu Kyi, more and more women, both students, workers, and business people, also voiced their goals, especially women's participation in various sectors and women's freedom in leading the country. The participation of women they strive for participates in the media, public administration, politics, and the student movement. This movement was implementing because women can also contribute to advancing the country's economy and politics. The U.N role is also very influential in this case through its campaigns that include men to voice gender equality. Because gender equality is not only for women, but everyone has the right to gender equality. Due to, to achieve the same goal, namely peace between humans
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Bereni, Laure, and Anne Revillard. "Movement Institutions: The Bureaucratic Sources of Feminist Protest." Politics & Gender 14, no. 3 (2018): 407–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000399.
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AbstractOver the past several decades, scholarship on women's movements, feminism, and the state has brought renewed attention to the study of protest politics by questioning its frontier with dominant institutions. This article takes this critique a step further by considering the institutional dimension of the state-movement intersection. Drawing on the French case, we argue that institutions that are formally devoted to women's rights inside the state (women's policy agencies) can operate asmovement institutions—that is, as bureaucratic instances routinely engrained with a protest dimension—rather than being only a shelter for a network of insider activists. As such, they can provide a specific, institutional feminist socialization to their members; they can purvey, rather than only relay, feminist protest, and they can deploy institutional repertoires of protest, combining bureaucratic and movement dimensions. We conclude that the definition and boundaries of the women's movement need to be broadened to include bureaucratic sources of feminist protest.
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Moghadam, Valentine M. "A Bold Call for Middle Eastern Feminism." Current History 114, no. 776 (2015): 364–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2015.114.776.364.
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In her new book, Mona Eltahawy argues that a sexual revolution is needed in the region to overcome religious ideologies that oppress women's rights. Without progress toward gender equality, broader political reforms are bound to fail.
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Bertrand, Marie-Andrée. "Incarceration as a Gendering Strategy." Canadian journal of law and society 14, no. 01 (1999): 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0829320100005925.
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AbstractThe State's resistance to making prison law agree with the Charter of Rights and bring women's carceral conditions closer to the male norm is illustrated in a recent comparative research on 24 prisons for women in eight advanced countries. If that conclusion was not unexpected, despite the fact that the countries and establishments had been selected for being progressive and very ‘humane’ ones, and notwithstanding the relentless claims presented by feminist groups and human rights advocates, what came as a surprise was that avant-garde initiatives like mixed prisons, mother-and-child units, well-equipped modern programs in women's prisons proved to be, if possible, more gendering in their actual effect than old traditional male arrangements. Using materialist feminism and discourse analysis to interpret her data, the author concludes that women's incarceration is a powerful gendering strategy and a form of appropriation of women by State's apparatuses to men's advantage.
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Keinz, Anika. "Negotiating democracy's gender between Europe and the nation." Focaal 2009, no. 53 (2009): 38–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2009.530103.
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Soon after the collapse of communism, women's rights and gender equality became hotly debated issues in Poland, particularly as they were linked to different interpretations of what the transition to democracy ought to mean. In the context of conservative arguments linking Poland's “return to normalcy” with a return to traditional gender roles and relating feminism to the “foreign” socialist order, women's NGOs and networks in Warsaw started to creatively re-frame their arguments within the terms of Polish tradition. At the same time EUropeanization of gender discourses provided another contested register in which women's rights activists had to negotiate their claims. This article explores how concepts of gender and feminism in Poland have become objects, as much as effects, of powerful political debates, describing a discursive field where national self-understandings and values are negotiated in the context of transition and EU accession. It provides an ethnographic account of the central role played by notions of gender and feminism in imaging democratic citizenship and in producing new subject positions in postsocialist Poland.
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Saharso, Sawitri. "Culture, Tolerance and Gender." European Journal of Women's Studies 10, no. 1 (2003): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506803010001786.
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Defenders of multiculturalism have been recently criticized for failing to address gender inequality in minority cultures. Multiculturalism would seem incompatible with a commitment to feminism. This article discusses two empirical cases that pose a problem for public policy in the Netherlands: a conflict over wearing headscarves (hijab) and requests for surgical hymen repair. These cases evoke widespread public controversy, in part because they are presumed to express or accommodate traditions in violation of women's rights and thus raise the question of tolerance. While recognizing the potential discrepancies between feminism and multiculturalism, the author argues that committed feminists can be multiculturalists as well, and that good feminism might well require acts of multiculturalism. In addition, she advocates a contextual approach to tolerance. Her argument is that general justice arguments are too indeterminate to make for good judgement in concrete cases. The national political culture and institutional setting in which multicultural conflicts take place should be considered as morally relevant factors and co-determine our moral considerations. The dispute over feminism and multiculturalism cannot be settled in abstracto. Using a contextual approach, the author argues that wearing a headscarf and hymen repair are justifiable and consonant with feminist concerns in the Dutch educational and medical contexts.
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Mishra, Indira Acharya. "Voice of Protest in Nepali Poetry by Women." Molung Educational Frontier 10 (December 31, 2020): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/mef.v10i0.34057.
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This article explores feminist voice in selected poems of four Nepali female poets. They are: "Ma Eutā Chyātieko Poshtar" ["I, a Frayed Poster"] by Banira Giri, "Pothī Bāsnu Hudaina" ["A Hen Must not Crow"] by Kunta Sharma,"Ma Strī Arthāt Āimai"["I am a Female or a Woman"] by Seema Aavas and "Tuhāu Tyo Garvalai" ["Abort the Female Foetus"] by Pranika Koyu. In the selected poems they protest patriarchy and subvert patriarchal norms and values that trivialize women. The tone of their poems is sarcastic towards male chauvinism that treats women as a second-class citizen. The poets question and ridicule the restrictive feminine gender roles that limit women's opportunity. To examine the voice of protest against patriarchy in the selected poems, the article takes theoretical support from French feminism, though not limited to it. The finding of the article suggests that Nepali women have used the genre to the political end, as a medium to advocate women's rights.
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Hidayah, Sa'adatun Nuril, Slamet Subiyantoro, and Nugraheni Eko Wardani. "PERJUANGAN KESETARAAN GENDER TOKOH INTAN DALAM NOVEL ALUN SAMUDRA RASA KARYA ARDINI PANGASTUTI BN (Struggle of Intan Character for Gender Equality in Novel Alun Samudra Rasa by Ardini Pangastuti Bn)." Kandai 15, no. 2 (2019): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.26499/jk.v15i2.1364.
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Permasalahan kaum perempuan disebabkan oleh berbagai hal seperti hak dalam pengambilan keputusan, menunjukkan eksistensinya di ruang publik, hak memperoleh kesempatan bekerja, hak memperoleh pendidikan, serta masih banyak hal-hal yang membatasi ruang gerak perempuan untuk menunjukkan eksistensi dirinya. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan Perjuangan kesetaraan gender yang dialami oleh perempuan tergambar dalam karya sastra, Novel Alun Samudra Rasa mengangkat tentang perjuangan kesetaraan gender antara tokoh perempuan dan laki-laki. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori Feminisme. Teori Feminisme digunakan untuk mengkaji bagaimana bentuk perjuangan kesetaraan gender tokoh utama perempuan dalam novel tersebut. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kualitatif deskriptif analisis. Sumber data penelitain berupa novel Alun Samudra Rasa karya Ardini Pangastuti Bn. Data penelitian berupa kata, frasa, kalimat dan wacana. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa bentuk perjuangan kesetaraan gender yang ditemukan dalam novel yaitu peran publik dan produktif, kebebasan bagi perempuan dalam menentukan pilihan, ketegaran dalam menghadapi permasalahan hidup, dan perjuangan dalam menuntut keadilan hak-hak perempuan.(Women's problems are caused by various things such as rights in decision making, showing their existence in the public sphere, the right to get the opportunity to work, the right to education, and many things that limit women's movement to show their existence. This study aims to reveal the struggle for gender equality experienced by women illustrated in literary works, Novel Alun Samudra Rasa about the struggle for gender equality between female and male leaders. This research uses the theory of feminism. The theory of feminism is used to examine the form of the struggle for gender equality of the main female characters in the novel. The method used in this study is qualitative descriptive analysis. The research data source was Alun Samudra Rasa novel by Ardini Pangastuti Bn. Research data in the form of words, phrases, sentences and discourses. The results of this study indicate that the form of gender equality struggle found in the novel is the role of public and productive, freedom for women in making choices, determination in facing life problems, and struggle in demanding justice for women's rights.)
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Zwingel, Susanne. "Product Review: Global Feminism: Transnational Women's Activism, Organizing, and Human Rights." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 36, no. 5 (2007): 492–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610703600555.
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Goetz, Anne Marie. "The New Competition in Multilateral Norm-Setting: Transnational Feminists & the Illiberal Backlash." Daedalus 149, no. 1 (2020): 160–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01780.
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Global norm-setting to advance women's rights has historically been a fertile area for feminist activism. These efforts in multilateral institutions have also, however, attracted a transnationally coordinated backlash. Initially spearheaded by the Vatican, the right-wing backlash has consolidated into a curious coalition that now includes authoritarian and right-wing populist regimes and bridges significant differences of religious belief, regime type, and ideology. Hostility to feminism has proven to be a valuable point of connection between interests that otherwise have little in common. Some tensions between feminist groups have been exploited by right-wing interests, in particular over sex workers' rights and the use of technology to alter the interpretation and experience of sexuality, reproduction, and gender (transgender issues, surrogacy, sex-selective abortion, and sexuality and disability). This essay reviews a recent instance of right-wing coordination, seen in the nearly successful effort to derail the 2019 meeting of the UN Commission on the Status of Women. It examines the strategic responses of transnational feminist movements to this backlash in multilateral institutions, including their exploration of new transnational policy issues and experimentation with hybrid transnational spaces.
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BOTTING, EILEEN HUNT, and SARAH L. HOUSER. "“Drawing the Line of Equality”: Hannah Mather Crocker on Women's Rights." American Political Science Review 100, no. 2 (2006): 265–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055406062150.
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Hannah Mather Crocker was the leading American political theorist between 1800 and 1820 to engage the controversial question of sex equality. In the wake of the postrevolutionary backlash against political radicalism, she became a subtle rhetorician of women's rights. She accepted how her cultural context placed limits on the realization of women's rights, yet she did not analytically conflate these temporal limits with women's capacities to contribute to their polity. She sought to normatively defend and gently extend American women's ongoing informal political participation in the postrevolutionary era and challenged the separate spheres discourse that aimed to restrict it. Through the first comprehensive study of Crocker'soeuvre, this article provides new insight into the political role and rhetorical style of women's rights discourse and women's activism in the early republic and uncovers Crocker's philosophical legacies for scholars who seek to reconcile the standpoints of equality and difference feminism.
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Hrycak, Alexandra. "Foundation Feminism and the Articulation of Hybrid Feminisms in Post-Socialist Ukraine." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 20, no. 1 (2006): 69–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325405284249.
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Drawing on research conducted in Ukraine and Washington, D.C., the author illustrates how U.S. programs to develop nongovernmental organizations in the former Soviet Union have led to the creation in Ukraine of a nonprofit sector that is dominated by “hybrid organizations.” These organizations cannot be easily categorized using the conventional dualistic labels that social scientists and policy makers adopt. They are neither strictly state-run nor based in civil society, neither free market nor state enterprise, neither elite nor grassroots. The author examines the main types of “hybrid feminist” organizations that have been established in Ukraine in response to foreign programs devoted to raising awareness of women's rights.
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Garcia, C., and M. A. Soriano. "Women, madness and psychiatry: Insane or persuaded?" European Psychiatry 33, S1 (2016): S622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2016.01.2330.
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During the nineteenth and early twentieth century, feminist movements proliferated in Europe and USA in order to vindicate the rights of women both in the workplace and political issues, such as women's suffrage and birth policies, among others. At the same time, psychiatry tried to gain a foothold as a medical specialty, which created a positivist discourse where it was important to measure and quantify mental disorders and their possible causes. As many feminist writers have argued (Chesler, Showalter, Jordanova, and others) this occurs at the same historical moment that a “feminization of madness” was taking place in several ways: madness begins to be described in feminine terms, Freud was developing his research on hysteria; diagnostics, such as puerperal and involution psychosis were taking hold; the interest about the influence of hormones in women's mood were raising, and gynaecology was thought as the organic etiology of female madness. The hegemonic psychiatric discourse appeared to have been a catalyst for logical social inclusion and exclusion, notably influencing the design of a new feminity, distant from the danger of feminism that began to gain prominence. The boundaries between insanity and mental health were really diffuse in case of women. The aim of my work is to highlight how attitudes and attributes of women were transformed into psychiatric symptoms, as the feminist theorist support. I will make a retrospective about clinical women reports of the public asylum of Malaga from the beginning of twenty century.Disclosure of interestThe authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.
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Kallander, Amy Aisen. "MINISKIRTS AND “BEATNIKS”: GENDER ROLES, NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT, AND MORALS IN 1960S TUNISIA." International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, no. 2 (2018): 291–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818000417.
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AbstractIn the decade following independence, the Tunisian state embraced secular feminism as part of the single-party monopoly on political life and economic development. Yet its celebration of new family laws as an aspect of modernization was marred by anxieties about the sexual and moral implications of modern womanhood. Tracing references to the miniskirt in presidential speeches and the women's press, I demonstrate how efforts to delineate the boundaries of proper appearance gave tangible form to the amorphous question of morality. Parallel concerns about long-haired youth further indicated the bourgeois basis of the modernizing visual aesthetic as it restrained young men. Through fashion, urban educated women utilized the press to negotiate the limits of the more politically sensitive topic of state feminism. Middle-class debates about dress reveal that nationalist secular feminists who benefitted from the state's definition of women's rights questioned hegemonic conceptions of womanhood and articulated alternate versions of masculinity.
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Zarrow, Peter. "He Zhen and Anarcho-Feminism in China." Journal of Asian Studies 47, no. 4 (1988): 796–813. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2057853.
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Anarchists publishing in small student journals in the years before the 1911 Revolution made a significant contribution to Chinese feminism. They linked feminism to their call for a complete social revolution; they understood the oppression of women in China to be linked to modern class divisions and economic exploitation as well as traditional culture. They discussed the relationships among feminism, individual rights, and political liberties. He Zhen in particular severed feminism from nationalism, proclaiming “women's liberation” not “for the sake of the nation” but out of moral necessity.
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Ghodsee, Kristen. "Pressuring the Politburo: The Committee of the Bulgarian Women's Movement and State Socialist Feminism." Slavic Review 73, no. 3 (2014): 538–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.73.3.538.
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National women's organizations were a ubiquitous feature of all of the eastern European communist nations. Although the specificities of these organizations varied from country to country, they were all state-run mass organizations variously charged with mobilizing domestic women and representing their nations at international forums concerning women's rights. In the west, these state women's organizations were treated with suspicion; they were often viewed as tools of authoritarian control, mobilizing women to fulfill party goals. It is rarely considered that eastern bloc women may have used their privileged relationship with the Communist Party to promote policies that actually helped women, or that they could push back at male patriarchal elites by appealing to higher communist principles regarding the woman question. This article is a case study of the Committee of the Bulgarian Women's Movement. It demonstrates that this organization, despite its entanglement with the state bureaucracy, was relatively successful in pressuring the Bulgarian Politburo into expanding rights and entitlements to women between 1968 and 1990.
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Syiva Fauzia, Naily, and Anik Cahyaning Rahayu. "Women's Struggle against Patriarchy: An Analysis of Radical Feminism Through Nadia Hashimi's A House Without Windows." ANAPHORA: Journal of Language, Literary and Cultural Studies 2, no. 1 (2019): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.30996/anaphora.v2i1.2726.
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Under twenty years of war, women in Afghanistan suffer from oppressive situations and rules resulting in inequality and injustice. Afghanistan women face difficulties at all levels of Afghanistan patriarchal society. Male domination is the root cause of damaging to women’s rights in Afghanistan that brings impact to inferiority of Afghanistan women. Using radical feminism by Kate Millet, this paper tries to describe the struggle of Afghanistan women in gaining opportunities to move forward in their society. The analysis is focused on the female characters who deal with problem solving to their unfair condition such as Zeba, Gulnaz, Latifa, , Mezghan, Bibi Shireen, the wife of judge Najeeb, Sitara, Meena, and Aneesa. They begin to build self-consciousness, to demand autonomy in decision making, to declare resistance to be controlled by the men, and to get their basic rights such as the right to speak, the right to get education, and the right to work to earn money. The strong self-awareness and determination as reflected from the female characters are the women’s primary step to get rid of male domination and to proceed in their lives as well as in their society. Through this literary evidence, radical feminism emphasizes that women’s efforts to protect their rights means approval that inequality and lack of opportunities for women still happen
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Sneider, Allison L., and Louise Michele Newman. "White Women's Rights: The Racial Origins of Feminism in the United States." Journal of Southern History 67, no. 4 (2001): 880. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3070289.
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Mattingly, Doreen J. "Jimmy Carter and women's rights: From the White House to Islamic feminism." Women's Studies International Forum 73 (March 2019): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2019.01.006.
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Marshall, Susan E., and Louise Michele Newman. "White Women's Rights: The Racial Origins of Feminism in the United States." American Historical Review 105, no. 4 (2000): 1327. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651483.
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Gustafson, Melanie, and Louise Michele Newman. "White Women's Rights: The Racial Origins of Feminism in the United States." Journal of American History 89, no. 3 (2002): 1058. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3092402.
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Caffrey, Margaret M. "White Women's Rights: The Racial Origins of Feminism in the United States." History: Reviews of New Books 27, no. 4 (1999): 151–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1999.10528463.
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