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Journal articles on the topic 'Feminism Morocco'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 8 February 2022

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1

Alaoui, Fatima Zahrae Chrifi. "Morocco from a Colonial to a Postcolonial Era." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 13, no. 3 (2020): 276–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-01303002.

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Abstract Women of color have long used the transformative power of writing and theorizing through their bodies to speak back to the pervasive racist and sexist hierarchies in hegemonic cultures. I extend this argument in the specific context of Muslim feminism that is theorized outside orientalist and patriarchal frames of reference. In this article, I turn to a performative autoethnographic approach to look at the Moroccan era, ‘Now and Then,’ through my grandmother’s lens, that of a Moroccan woman erased from the written history of Morocco. Drawing on ‘theories of the flesh,’ I privilege my grandmother’s voice and her embodied experience that transmits her story of resistance and survival under French colonization. Through ‘fleshing,’ my Moroccan grandmother reclaims her lived experiences and deconstructs the hegemonic universalist knowledge of feminism and struggle. It is important to foreground the political urgency of surveying the theoretical frameworks of Arab and Muslim scholars in order to create new ways of understanding communication in postcolonial/neocolonial settings.

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2

Lindsay-Perez, Monica. "Anticolonial Colonialism." Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 15, no. 3 (2019): 330–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15525864-7720669.

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Abstract Between 1931 and 1936 the democratic Spanish government overthrew the monarchy and established the Second Spanish Republic. It was a volatile period for Spanish-Moroccan relations. Fascists were in favor of the Spanish Protectorate of Morocco, whereas Republicans were typically against it. Aurora Bertrana (1892–1974) was a Republican Catalan writer who moved to Morocco in 1935 to write about Muslim women living under the Spanish Protectorate. A close examination of her novel El Marroc sensual i fanàtic (1935) reveals an anticolonialism based on her preoccupation with Spanish nationalist dignity rather than with Moroccan independence. Instead of concluding that Spain’s colonization of Morocco is not good, Bertrana concludes that it is not good enough. Her writing perpetuates centuries-old Spanish Orientalist stereotypes, thus complicating the glorified history of Spanish Republican anticolonialism and feminism in the 1930s.

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3

Meriem El Haitami. "Islamist Feminism in Morocco: (Re)defining the Political Sphere." Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 37, no. 3 (2016): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5250/fronjwomestud.37.3.0074.

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4

Eddouada, Souad. "Land Rights and Women’s Rights in Morocco." History of the Present 11, no. 1 (2021): 23–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21599785-8772445.

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Abstract Over the last two decades, women leaders known as sulāliyāt from various parts of rural and semiurban Morocco, have been in the vanguard of local contestations over the privatization of communally held land. The stand taken by these rural women against neoliberal privatization policies sometimes puts them in direct confrontation with urban women reformers, whose claims in favor of a universal feminism reveal a value system outside local customary understandings of morality, gender, and land. This article aims to account for the emerging female leadership of the sulāliyāt that operates outside urban centers, but also beyond the universalist language of feminism related to abstract notions of female autonomy and gender equality. Deeply rooted in socioeconomic issues, including land expropriation and the displacement of local peasant populations in the name of reform, development, and a public common good, sulāliyāt tie gender dynamics to the intersectional structural inequalities produced and reproduced by land privatization and by the alliance between the open-market economy and patriarchal political authoritarianism. This article explores the subaltern agency of the sulāliyāt through an interdisciplinary examination of their leadership. The sulāliyāt challenge to official narratives of development and universalist human rights signals their capacity to formulate alternative local meanings of land ownership.

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5

Khannous, Touria. "Virtual Gender: Moroccan and Saudi Women’s Cyberspace." Hawwa 9, no. 3 (2011): 358–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920811x599121.

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Abstract This paper looks at how Arab Muslim feminists have deployed Facebook and blogging in recent years as a tool for networking with other feminists and forming different groups. It offers an analysis of the ways Muslim women in Morocco and Saudi Arabia converse online about issues of gender and Islam in the present globalized context. Their topics of discussion include their personal legal status, discourses on feminism, redefining gender roles, sexuality, and a range of other issues. Facebook and blogging allow these women to speak freely to one another and encourage them to form groups. These platforms are useful not only for coalescing around key social and political issues pertaining to women, but also for initiating social change. Women utilizing online social networking are using new forms of feminist discourse—and the technology to fuel such discourse—to promote change from within. What is also happening is a revolution in the way these women are approaching Islam. They are turning to Facebook and blogging not only to debate, discuss, and explain their religion to people who do not understand the concept of Islam, but also to learn about the rights of women elsewhere.

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6

Zafra Aparici, Eva, Cristina Garcia-Moreno, and Egbe Manfred Egbe. "Young women in Morocco: Perceptions about participation in the public sphere and gender equality." Multidisciplinary Journal of Gender Studies 10, no. 2 (2021): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/generos.2021.6244.

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From a qualitative research in the cities of Fez and Meknes, this article analyses young women’s participation in the public sphere in Morocco. Specifically, we have had as reference the changes that have occurred since the so-called Arab Spring of 2011 where youths and feminism played an obvious role. Findings show that nine years after the Arab Spring, there has been no substantial improvements in the lives of Moroccan women in terms of gender equality. However, it is striking that they are very much present in participating in the public sphere from ‘grassroots’ (civic society, trade unions, etc.) levels where they find resources and spaces to get-together, create opportunities and make further progress in the fight for their rights.

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7

Moghadam, Valentine M. "Between Feminism and Islam: Human Rights and Sharia Law in Morocco." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 43, no. 2 (2014): 257–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306114522415nn.

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8

Roded, Ruth. "Between feminism and Islam: human rights and Sharia Law in Morocco." Gender, Place & Culture 20, no. 2 (2013): 261–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0966369x.2013.772373.

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9

El Haitami, Meriem. "Women in Morocco." American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no. 4 (2013): 146–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i4.1096.

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The recent political upheavals in the Arab world were marked by women’s significant presence in struggling for democracy alongside men. Muslim women activists in Morocco have particularly gained legitimacy in the context of the Arab Spring, which has brought the Justice and Development conservative political party to power. This has contributed to a shift from the elite liberal state feminism to a more legitimate religious activism. This introduces new spaces for contention, taking into consideration that following the 2003 Casablanca bombings, Morocco has taken a series of measures to absorb the growing momentum of political Islam. One such measure has been to restructure the religious field by means of reforming and controlling the dynamics of religion in Morocco; this was primarily marked by the significant entry and deployment of women in the religious field as religious leaders and scholars. These statetrained female religious authorities offer spiritual counseling and religious instruction to different social segments. Therefore, they redefine parameters of religious authority and define a new model of activism that seeks to cultivate collective pious conduct within society and thus contribute to a comprehensive social reform. Therefore, this article explores the dynamics of female religious authority in Morocco in light of the current social and political changes. I examine how these women construct authority as religious leaders and how they endorse the state’s authority to control the dynamics of religion in Morocco and curb the voices of individuals or groups that operate outside of official Islam. I argue that despite the fact that these female religious authorities are viewed as instruments of state propaganda, they are gaining wider legitimacy and contributing greatly to the social welfare of their communities, which makes their “official” entry into the religious domain a serious step toward democracy and positive change.

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10

Bylander, Maryann. "Salime, Zakia: Between Feminism and Islam. Human Rights and Sharia Law in Morocco." Anthropos 107, no. 2 (2012): 664–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2012-2-664.

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11

Akalay, Yahya. "Re-reading the Relationship between Secular and Islamic Feminism(s) in Morocco: The Third Way as an Alternative Feminist Paradigm." Feministische Studien 39, no. 1 (2021): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fs-2021-0002.

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12

Setiawan, Eko. "Studi Pemikiran Fatima Mernissi Tentang Kesetaraan Gender." Yinyang: Jurnal Studi Islam Gender dan Anak 14, no. 2 (2019): 221–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/yinyang.v14i2.3224.

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Fatima Mernissi is a figure of modern Muslim feminism. He was an Arab Muslim woman sociologis who care gender issues in the lives of Muslims. Gender issues, especially he observed and he is paying special attention to gender issues in her native Morocco. Much of his talk about the problems of sexuality in the dynamics of social life which can not be separated from the Morocco Islam as a religious belief. It is universally thought of Fatima Mernissi actually want to show partiality Islam on gender equality. Substantively Islam does not forbid women to politics, career, and obtain higher education. Fatima Mernissi further want to show that Islam recognizes the rights, status and role of women in almost all dimensions of life. Keywords: Fatima Mernissi, Gender Equalit, Islam Abstrak Fatima Mernissi merupakan tokoh feminisme muslim modern. Ia adalah seorang wanita muslim Arab pakar sosiologi yang peduli masalah gender dalam kehidupan umat Islam. Masalah gender yang terutama ia amati dan ia beri perhatian khusus adalah masalah gender di negara kelahirannya Maroko. Banyak karyanya berbicara tentang problem seksualitas dalam dinamika kehidupan sosial Maroko yang tidak terlepas dari Islam sebagai agama keyakinannya. Secara universal pemikiran Fatima Mernissi sebenarnya ingin menampilkan keberpihakan Islam pada kesetaraan gender. Islam secara substantif tidak melarang wanita untuk berpolitik, berkarir, dan memperoleh pendidikan yang tinggi. Fatima Mernissi lebih lanjut ingin menunjukkan bahwa Islam mengakui hak-hak, status, dan peran wanita dalam hampir semua dimensi kehidupan.

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13

Glacier, Osire. "Between Feminism and Islam, human rights and Sharia law in Morocco, social movements, protest, and contention series." Journal of North African Studies 18, no. 3 (2013): 514–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2013.771895.

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14

Jeyathurai, Dashini. "Between Feminism and Islam: Human Rights and Sharia Law in Morocco by Zakia Salime, and: South Asian Feminisms ed. by Ania Loomba and Ritty A. Lukose (review)." Feminist Formations 25, no. 1 (2013): 211–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ff.2013.0001.

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15

Feather, Ginger. "Proactive versus Reactive Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights: A Comparative Case Study Analysis of Morocco and Tunisia." FEMINA POLITICA - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft 29, no. 2-2020 (2020): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v29i2.07.

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Morocco and Tunisia, two progressive Muslim-majority countries, took vastly different approaches to women’s sexual and reproductive health rights (SRHR). Sharing a French colonial past and Maliki Islamic tradition, Tunisia is an emerging democracy with a long history of top-down women’s rights advances and state-promoted SRHR. Tunisian women have benefitted from SRH education, access to contraception, emergency contraception, and state-funded first trimester abortion. Tunisia targets vulnerable populations, including unmarried, minor, rural, and poor women, with special clinics and subsidies. Finally, Tunisia holds men responsible for children they father outside of wedlock. In contrast, Morocco’s bottom-up feminist-driven approach to SRHR, including access to contraception, emergency contraception, and abortion, is circumscribed and exclusionary, targeting married couples. The criminalization of extramarital sexual relations and most abortions force single women with unwanted pregnancies to resort to unsafe abortion. Moroccan men who father children outside of marriage enjoy legal impunity from paternal responsibilities. Nevertheless, the recent rise of Islamic parties in both countries poses a potential threat to Tunisia’s proactive laws and policies governing SRHR, while adding another obstacle to adequate SRHR provision in Morocco.

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16

Badran, Margot. "Salime, Zakia Between Feminism and Islam: Human Rights and Sharia Law in Morocco University of Minnesota Press 2011 195 pp. (paperback $67.50 (hardback) $22.50 (paperback)." British Journal of Sociology 64, no. 2 (2013): 372–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-4446.12022_8.

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17

Steiner, Tina. "Scheherazade’s Achievement(s): Practices of Care in Fatema Mernissi’s Memoir, Dreams of Trespass: Tales of a Harem Girlhood, and her Creative Non-Fiction, Scheherazade Goes West." English in Africa 47, no. 3 (2021): 121–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/eia.v47i3.7s.

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The Moroccan feminist sociologist Fatema Mernissi (1940–2015) is probably best known for her pioneering scholarly work on gender equality in Islam. This paper, however focuses on her life writing: her memoir, Dreams of Trespass: Tales of a Harem Girlhood, published in 1994 and her reflections on its Eurocentric reception, which culminated in the publication of her work of creative non-fiction Scheherazade Goes West: Different Cultures, Different Harems in 2001. Written in popular genres in accessible registers, Mernissi’s texts translate her scholarly feminism into stories of the everyday in order to encourage her readers to see possibilities of feminist practices within and against oppressive social structures. Both texts deal with the way in which women’s agency is circumscribed by particular horizons of constraint determined by their social contexts and thus the texts contrast local, particular forms of constraint with more diffuse forms of oppression that characterise western modernity. This paper offers a reading of her harem childhood to trace some of the alternative modes of enacting small freedoms that the memoir documents. As becomes apparent in Mernissi’s reflections on the memoir’s reception, these achievements seem to be largely illegible within meritocratic scripts of success. In contrast, Mernissi asserts that care for self and other – via modes of storytelling, performance, artistic production and looking after one’s physical wellbeing – mark direct, albeit subtle, forms of resistance even if they are not recognised as such. Drawing on a popular cultural repertoire, the well-known figure of Scheherazade emerges in Mernissi’s texts as a central role model for women crafting pockets of resistance and webs of care. In this way, Mernissi’s texts offers a Moroccan perspective on the debate of the conditions of possibility of ordinary feminist practices inspired by popular artistic forms. Keywords: Fatema Mernissi, life writing, Scheherazade, ethics of care, storytelling, Moroccan feminism

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18

Mincheva, Dilyana. "Review of Zakia Salime, Between Feminism and Islam: Human Rights and Sharia Law in Morocco, MN: The University of Minnesota Press 2012, xxx + 195 pp., ISBN 978-0-8166-5334-4." Religion and Gender 5, no. 1 (2015): 108–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/rg.10100.

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19

Moghadam, Valentine, and Elham Gheytanchi. "Political Opportunities and Strategic Choices: Comparing Feminist Campaigns in Morocco and Iran." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, no. 3 (2010): 267–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.3.n248564371645v14.

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How do women's rights activists mobilize in nondemocratic and culturally conservative contexts? Why do some women's movements succeed in securing the policy outcomes they seek while others fail to realize their objectives? Comparing two recent cases of feminist activism in the Middle East/North Africa region—the Moroccan and Iranian campaigns for family law reform—the article demonstrates the way that political opportunity structures shape the strategic options available to activists and influence movement frames. While a political opening is conducive to movement growth and success, including cooperation for legal and policy reform (Morocco), the closing of political space compels extrainstitutional feminist contention and transnational links (Iran). In examining the structure of political opportunity in addition to strategic choices, the paper addresses the interplay of structure and agency in mobilization processes and finds that—to paraphrase Marx—women and men make history, but not under conditions of their own choosing.

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20

Souaiaia, Ahmed E. "Zakia Salime. Between Feminism and Islam: Human Rights and Sharia Law in Morocco. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011. 248 pages, glossary, bibliography, index. Paper US$22.50 ISBN 978-0-8166-5134-4." Review of Middle East Studies 46, no. 1 (2012): 141–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s215134810000330x.

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21

Halverson, Jeffry R., and Amy K. Way. "Islamist Feminism: Constructing Gender Identities in Postcolonial Muslim Societies." Politics and Religion 4, no. 3 (2011): 503–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048311000435.

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AbstractThis article analyzes the emergence of female Islamist leaders in the Middle East and North Africa, and the glaring contradictions between their feminist views and their roles as political activists for the Islamic State. The two Islamist leaders who form the primary focus of this analysis are Zaynab al-Ghazali (d. 2005) of Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood and Nadia Yassine of Morocco's Justice and Charity Society. Our analysis reveals the existence of “Islamistfeminism,” distinguished from broader secular-oriented Islamic feminism, as a logical, albeit unique, extension, and expression of Muslim anti-colonial discourse rooted in the intellectual currents of twentieth century independence movements that still resonate today.

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22

Sola-Morales, Salomé, and Belén Zurbano-Berenguer. "Activismo digital y feminismo. Un análisis comparado de cibercampañas contra el acoso callejero en España, Marruecos y Chile." Comunicación Revista Internacional de Comunicación Audiovisual Publicidad y Literatura 1, no. 18 (2020): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/comunicacion.2020.i18.01.

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This paper reflects on feminist digital activism in the light of the analysis of three feminist cybercampaigns against street sexual harassment (ASC), in Spain, Morocco and Chile. A qualitative methodology has been developed to explore the main characteristics of the campaigns, the role of the Internet and the thematic and discoursive axes. The main conclusion is that cybercampaigns are based on a feminist conceptualization of the problem (harassment is a gender aggression) and not so much in the protection (what to?) or in the agency (how to generate a collective reaction against ASC)

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23

Babana-Hampton, Safoi. "Literary Representations of Female Identity." American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 4 (2002): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i4.1914.

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The essay examines the texts of the two women writers - Leila Abouzeid (from Morocco) and Nawal El Saadawi (from Egypt) - as offering two female perspectives within what is commonly referred to as "feminine" writing in the Arab Muslim world. My main interest is to explore the various discursive articulations of female identity that are challenged or foregrounded as a positive model. The essay points to the serious pitfalls of some feminist narratives in Arab-Muslim societies by dealing with a related problem: the author's setting up of convenient conceptual dichotomies, which account for the female experience, that reduce male-female relationships in the given social context to a fundamentally antagonistic one. Abouzeid's novel will be a case study of a more positive but also realistic and complex perspective on female experience ...

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24

El Ouedrhiri, Sara, and Hafsa El Mesbahi. "Resistance in the New Harem Era: Gendered Violence and the Power of Media in the Time of Covid-19 in Morocco." Feminist Research 4, no. 1 (2020): 28–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21523/gcj2.20010104.

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In a time of great uncertainties, the world witnesses, for the very first instance in its modern history a global lockdown spanning over all the vital spheres of economic and social life. At this point, when neither leaving home nor staying is an option, the surge to exponentially study the manner in which human life has evolved and been shaped under such circumstances gained valuable interest, especially within the circles of feminist and human rights-based academia. Respectively, researchers argue that the weight of the lockdown and movement restriction policies fall discriminately on men and women as they are interestingly leading such novel experiences in different ways. Men, by having no concern mounting to the priority of protecting themselves from being inflicted by this global pandemic and maintaining their economic roles as the traditional family providers, and women on the margin side of the picture, having to deal with the burden of surviving the dangers that the outside and the inside worlds akin dispose. Henceforth, this article is an attempt to probe the dynamics of the private sphere considering the intersections between oppression, seclusion and violence and the development of new dynamics of resistance by transposing from the early 20th century’s feminine experience of confinement and the 21st century’s global lockdown in the time of the Covid-19 pandemic. This research considers the stories presented by the renowned Moroccan sociologist and author “Fatima Mernissi”, who herself lived a different kind of seclusion behind the colossal and skillfully ostentatious walls of the harem of the city of Fez in the forties of the previous century and this shall be done mainly by reviewing the stories of resistance presented in her memoir Dreams of Trespass: Tales of a Harem Girlhood; and by considering the stories of five respondents who have shared with us their accounts through various social media outlets upon the surge of the pandemic in Morocco. The purpose here is to unravel the convergences between women’s experiences of gender-based violence (GBV) in both confinements and to foreground the value, significance and challenges these feminine insights being in them simple acts of everyday life constitute in establishing a discourse of resistance and feminine empowerment vis-à-vis patriarchy, seclusion and gender-based violence.

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Booley, Ashraf. "THE RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS OF MOROCCAN WOMEN: HAS THE 2004 REFORMS BENEFITED MOROCCAN WOMEN?" Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 19 (August 25, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2016/v19i0a824.

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Morocco has maintained its identity and adherence to the Islamic faith since before colonialism and after. As a result of such identity the Moroccan monarchy over the years developed the Code of Personal Status (referred to as the mudawana) which affected only the Muslim population. This type of family law was drawn mostly from Islamic doctrines with little or no participation of women. The mudawana has been criticised by many as being one-side and feminist groups have made numerous calls for a reformed mudawana that addressed the plight of women and to improve their status within the wider community. In 2004, the monarchy decided to reform the mudawana as a result of women’s groups pressuring the monarchy to do so. The 2004 reforms has the possibility of enhancing the rights of Moroccan women, for example, a wife is no longer legally obliged to obey her husband, contrary to a widely-held custom which regards obedience as an absolute duty of a Muslim wife, the minimum age for marriage for both parties eighteen years of age, including free and full consent. Polygyny has also been addressed. Although the 2004 version kept the concept of polygyny, there are severe restrictions to curtail this practice, for example, judicial authorisation is required as well as informing the current wife of the prospect. There are certain obstacles that seem to be hampering the full implementation of 2004 reforms which are discussed in this contribution.

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Moghadam, Valentine M. "Gender Regimes in the Middle East and North Africa: The Power of Feminist Movements." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 27, no. 3 (2020): 467–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxaa019.

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Abstract Applying Walby’s model of gender regime, with some modifications, to the Middle East and North Africa, I highlight the importance of the family as an institutional domain, replace the ideal types of social-democratic and neoliberal public gender regimes with neopatriarchal and conservative-corporatist, and elucidate feminist organizing and mobilizing as a key driver in the transition from one public gender regime to another in Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia. The article contributes to theory-building on (varieties of) gender regimes by underscoring (sub)regional specificities across the capitalist world-system’s economic zones and emphasizing the role of feminist activism.

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27

Mahfouz, Safi M. "Challenging Hegemonic Patriarchy." Critical Survey 32, no. 4 (2020): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cs.2020.320402.

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Drawing on feminist theory, this article offers a feminist reading of some Arab Hamlet appropriations to demonstrate whether or not such plays qualify as feminist Shakespeare re-visions. It shows how some female characters in these plays have been, unlike their Shakespearean counterparts, empowered to challenge the hegemonic patriarchal structures of their societies while others remain oppressed and submissive. The discussed Arab Shakespeare renditions constitute only illustrative samples of heroic and oppressed women in the Arab Shakespeare canon which has been known for producing political satires. The featured plays include Ahmad Shawqī’s Masra‘ Kileopatrā (The Fall of Cleopatra), Egypt, 1946; Nabyl Lahlou’s Ophelia Is Not Dead, Morocco, 1968; Mamdūh Al-ʻUdwān’s Hamlet Wakes Up Late, Syria, 1976; Yūsuf Al-Sāyyegh’s Desdemona, Iraq, 1989; Jawād Al-Assadī’s Forget Hamlet, Iraq, 1994; and A Midsummer Night’s Dream, Palestine, 2011.

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28

Sadiqi, Fatima. "The Impact of Islamization on Moroccan Feminisms." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 32, no. 1 (2006): 32–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/505277.

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29

Lehnert, Matt. "Moroccan Feminist Discourses, written by Fatima Sadiqi." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 14, no. 6 (2015): 663–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341367.

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30

Boittin, Jennifer Anne. "Feminist Mediations of the Exotic: French Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia, 1921-39." Gender & History 22, no. 1 (2010): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0424.2010.01582.x.

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31

Zeineldin, Al Habib Estati, and Saeed Chekak. "Mobilization of Moroccan Women." Contemporary Arab Affairs 12, no. 4 (2019): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2019.12.4.61.

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This article draws on the experience gained and the lessons learned during and after the Arab Spring protest movements that called for economic, social, and political change. It raises the issue of the role Moroccan women played in these movements. In attempting to address this issue, the article relies essentially on bibliographical information and data derived from studies and writings that dealt with the feminist struggle in Morocco as a whole. It suffers from the lack of openness to a sociological approach or a political viewpoint in Arab and foreign scientific productions concerned with the struggles of women in Arab or Maghreb countries. In parallel, the study uses ethnographic research discerningly, since accurate and sufficient information available on the local protest movements has not received the necessary follow-up and definition. The article first monitors the shift in the dynamics of women’s protests and focuses on the persistent manifestations within them; it also considers the motives that contribute to the growth of this dynamic while stressing the extent of women’s participation in the February 20 Movement and in rural areas. It then identifies the results and extensions of this participation in relation to the requirements of empowerment. Finally, it discusses the problem of development and democracy that prevent women from achieving the desired change in the short term.

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32

Raissouni, Iman. "Authoritative Structures of British Feminist Colonial Discourse: Emily Keen’s Travel Narrative My Life Story as a Case Study." International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Translation 4, no. 6 (2021): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijllt.2021.4.6.4.

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This paper analyses the representation of Morocco by a British female traveller during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Emily Keen’s My Life Story attempts to set out the conditions in which women travelled and translated the reception of their experiences into autobiographies in their native countries, breaking down the boundaries of space and time to discover and interpret the discourse that traverses the writer’s narrative. The endeavour is to show how what was imagined about the country, what was a fantastic legend about Morocco, what started as an innocent story and literary entertainment for British readers, built up to make an authoritative discourse of colonisation. My intention and method go so far as to broaden the range of issues connected to travel writing. These issues include gender, race, identity, and personal experience, etc. Through this lens, I argue that such writers were conscious and unconscious informants preparing the way for the European colonisation of the country; they are the living witnesses of an evolution through which a culture was forced to open itself to foreign powers.

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Belbachir, S., A. Houmiri, and A. Ouanas. "WOMAN SEXUALITYMOROCCANS WOMAN KNOWLEDGE." International Journal of Advanced Research 9, no. 02 (2021): 779–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/12512.

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The sexuality has an important impact on the mental health, the social functioning and the quality of life of the woman. A good knowledge of its own body and the importance of the preliminary allow an awareness of erogenous zones, and to know all the resources which lead to the pleasure, to reach a satisfaction of the emotional, psychological and physical needs Objectives: estimate the theoretical knowledge concerning the feminine sexuality in a population of Moroccan women, to emphasize their perception and their knowledge in this domain. Methodology: a investigation with 100 women of 20 and more years old, all socioeconomic and educational levels. Use of anheteroquestionnary containing items relative to the anatomy of the body of the woman, to the preliminary, to the attitude of the woman during the sexual intercourse, and to the feminine orgasm Results: in Morocco, country of Arab culture -berbero-Muslim- the sexuality is submitted toCultural, ethical, psychological and social, biological factor. In our study 88% of the women considered that the knowledge of the feminine genital anatomy is essential for the sexual self-fulfillment. Erogenous zones could be not genital parts of the body for 82%. In our study 48% of women know the role of the clitoris in the sexual pleasure, 20% have already heard about the G point, and only 8% were able to know how to placeit.Concerning the erogenous character of the G-spot, meadows of 87% of our investigated ignore this role. 46% think that the woman must be active during the sexual intercourse. In our study only 7% declared to know that there are 2 types of orgasms at the woman clitoral and vaginal. Conclusion: it is very clear that the taboo remains heavy, the lack of information, and a sex education focusing on the hashouma (mixture of shame and prohibition), however, the majority of the investigated are for a sex education while respecting the cultural and religious values of our country.

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Rddad, Sadik. "Moroccan feminists: between activism and “Muslima” theology." Culture & Society 9, no. 1 (2018): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7220/2335-8777.9.1.1.

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Qazi, Muhammad Salman, and Riaz Ahmad Saeed. "Challenging Grand Narrative through Little Narrative: An Analysis of Fatima Mernissi’s Perspectives." Journal of Religious and Social Studies 1, no. 02 (2021): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.53583/jrss05.0102.2021.

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In this post-modern world, intellectuals and visionary scholars putting together Little Narratives on a tactical basis for challenging the ‘Grand Narrative. Most recently, religious identification has taken the status of political grand narrative in post-colonial Arab Countries. Social, economic, military, and political failures have galvanized, progressive religious responses to western domination and globalization. Feminism and especially Islamic Feminism, playing its role as a little narrative for challenging the grand narrative of religious authoritarianism. This paper will focus on the work and ideas of Moroccan thinker, Fatima Mernissi in the theoretical framework of Carool Krestan’s Progressive Category. In this paper, the Analytical, critical and comparative research methodology will be adopted with the qualitative research paradigm.

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Moghadam, Valentine. "States and Social Rights: Women's Economic Citizenship in the Maghreb." Middle East Law and Governance 2, no. 2 (2010): 185–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633710x502782.

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AbstractHow has economic reform transformed states, societies, and state-society relations in the countries of the Maghreb (North Africa)? With a focus on Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia, the paper identifies new actors, opportunities, and challenges observed in the Maghreb. Specifically, it examines how—in an era of globalization characterized by neoliberal economic policy but also the worldwide diffusion of norms of women's rights—state strategies for integration into the global economy have been affecting women's economic participation and social rights and have, in turn, led to women's collective action for legal equality and social-economic rights. As such, state-society relations are being renegotiated in terms of both new social and new gender contracts. In examining recent reforms of family codes and labor laws, the paper elucidates the contradictory effects of globalization on women and the complicated relations between states and feminist organizations in the region. The argument is informed conceptually by world-systems theory, feminist political economy, theories of citizenship, and the social movements literature.

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Abouelnaga, Shereen. "Feminist Artivism: Curating Women’s Memory." Studi Magrebini 18, no. 2 (2020): 164–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2590034x-12340025.

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Abstract In an age controlled by silence, imposed by the far-right regimes, artivism has become one of the most efficient means of expression, committed to the pursuit of justice. This article deals with alternative artivistic spaces/archives that subvert the dominant, shake the solid and reveal different voices. They are attempts that have emanated from the systematic efforts to marginalize new voices and theories, not to mention histories. The three spaces/exhibitions that are explored in this paper represent new forms of archiving through artivism. Since the archive has long been a contesting arena of memory, the three exhibitions chronicle another memory, an alternative one. These three exhibitions, made and curated by women, are: Doing well, don’t worry, organized in Cairo by Women and Memory Forum (WMF) in May 2017, Harem Fantasies, New Shehrazades curated by the late Moroccan Fatima Mernissi (1940-2015) in Barcelona (2003); and Kurdish Women Warriors that was held in 2018 in the University of Goethe in Frankfurt. This article deals with these exhibitions as spaces of appearance where memory and archiving become the principal tools of resistance.

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Hamil, Mustapha. "Itineraries of Revival and Ambivalence in Postcolonial North African Cinema: From Benlyazid's Door to the Sky to Moknèche's Viva Laldgérie." African Studies Review 52, no. 3 (2009): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.0.0247.

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Abstract:This article addresses the question of identity in contemporary North African cinema, situating the issue within the larger context of Arab discourse on tradition and modernity. It concentrates on two filmmakers, the Moroccan Farida Benlyazid and the Algerian Nadir Moknèche, and their different perspectives on the formation of postcolonial identity (especially for women). While Benlyazid opts for a new form of Islamic feminism—spiritual Islam—Moknèche portrays, in a provocative style, how Algerian women choose practices that subvert the retraditionalization of their country.

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Newman, Jessica. "Between Feminism and Islam: Human Rights and Sharia Law in Moroccoby Zakia Salime." Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 9, no. 1 (2013): 130–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jmiddeastwomstud.9.1.130.

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Sandberg, Eve. "Between Feminism and Islam: Human Rights and Sharia Law in Moroccoby Zakia Salime." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 35, no. 3 (2014): 274–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2014.921546.

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Hunter, Eva. "Feminism, Islam and the Modern Moroccan Woman in the Works of Leila Abouzeid." African Studies 65, no. 2 (2006): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020180601035567.

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Syarifuddin, Syarifuddin. "Perwatakan Tokoh Pergerakan Feminisme dalam Novel Ahlâm Al-Nisâ Al-Harem Karya Fatima Mernissi (Sebuah Kajian Strukturalisme Genetik)." Jurnal Adabiya 21, no. 2 (2020): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/adabiya.v21i2.6610.

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This article describes the figures of feminist movements in the novel Ahlâm Al-Nisâ Al-Harem by Fatima Mernissi, a Moroccan sociologist and writer, who has contributed and influenced the development of modern Arabic literature. Using Goldmann's genetic structuralism approach, the author is interested in researching this novel because it pictures women leaders who aggressively carried out feminist movements in order to break down the boundaries of custom that narrow women's movements. This research uses qualitative data in the form of facts, information, statements or images obtained from the primary source: Ahlâm Al-Nisâ Al-Harem by Fatima Mernissi. The data were analyzed using a descriptive qualitative method focusing on content analysis, which is an in-depth analysis of the content of written information.

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Guessous, Nadia. "Feminist Blind Spots and the Affect of Secularity: Disorienting the Discourse of the Veil in Contemporary Morocco." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 45, no. 3 (2020): 605–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/706551.

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Sadiqi, Fatima. "The Central Role of the Family Law in the Moroccan Feminist Movement." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 35, no. 3 (2008): 325–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530190802525098.

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Ribeiro, Arilda Ines Miranda, and Jéssica Kurak Ponciano. "O discurso patriarcal através da música popular brasileira." Revista do Instituto de Políticas Públicas de Marília 4, no. 1 (2018): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33027/2447-780x.2018.v4.n1.02.p9.

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O presente artigo pretende realizar uma discussão preliminar acerca das representações femininas contidas em canções brasileiras de diferentes gêneros musicais que popularizaram-se no país, em meados do século XX. Subsidiada pela teoria feminista, as reflexões pretendem analisar as seguintes músicas contidas no cancioneiro local popular: “Morocha”, de Mauro Ferreira e Roberto S. Ferreira; “Mulher Indigesta”, de Noel Rosa; “Cabocla Tereza”, de João Pacífico; “Me Lambe”, da banda Raimundos e “Mulheres Vulgares”, dos Racionais Mc’s explicitando os discursos patriarcais à elas relacionados, a fim de comprovar que a cultura patriarcal se naturaliza através da cultura musical no Brasil. Neste sentido, cada música eleita para a análise pertence a um gênero musical distinto, fato que corrobora com a prerrogativa de que a misoginia perpassa por todos os estilos musicais, que expressam culturas plurais e distintas. Cada uma das canções avaliadas trazem uma perspectiva diferente sobre a imagem feminina, entretanto, possuem em comum o fato de depreciarem a mulher, colocando-a em uma posição de inferioridade em relação ao homem. A visão androcêntrica reiterada e propalada através do cancioneiro popular, perpetua uma cultura de exclusão e violência contra as mulheres, neste sentido, propõem-se através destas discussões, contribuir para a desconstrução de uma visão estereotipada e convencionalista dos papéis de gênero.

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Sadiqi, Fatima. "Facing Challenges and Pioneering Feminist and Gender Studies: Women in Post-colonial and Today's Maghrib." African and Asian Studies 7, no. 4 (2008): 447–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921008x359614.

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Abstract Starting from the premise that the nature and impact of women's agency can be understood only within specific historical and socio-cultural environments (Sadiqi, 2003), the major aim of this paper is to highlight the multi-faceted agency of women in post-colonial and today's Maghrib. The Maghrib is a North African region that includes Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya and Mauritania, but I chose to focus on the first three countries given their common historical and socio-cultural background. Not only have women in this region faced challenges, but they have also pioneered feminist and gender studies and raised new issues for these disciplines in the global South as well as the North. Four major interrelated domains where these achievements are significant are considered: women's reproductive rights, women's movements, women's legal rights, and women's knowledge production. Issues related to these domains are analyzed from a broad comparative perspective which involves an overall political and economic contextualization. The paper reveals the positive role that Maghribi women have been playing in the overall development of their countries and the main outcomes show that the future of the Maghrib is significantly linked to the fate of these gains.

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Finden, Alice. "Active Women and Ideal Refugees: Dissecting Gender, Identity and Discourse in the Sahrawi Refugee Camps." Feminist Review 120, no. 1 (2018): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41305-018-0139-2.

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Since the Moroccan invasion in 1975, official reports on visits to Sahrawi refugee camps by international aid agencies and faith-based groups consistently reflect an overwhelming impression of gender equality in Sahrawi society. As a result, the space of the Sahrawi refugee camps in Algeria and, by external association, Sahrawi society and Western Sahara as a nation-in-exile is constructed as ‘ideal’ (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, 2010, p. 67). I suggest that the ‘feminist nationalism’ of the Sahrawi nation-in-exile is one that is employed strategically by internal representatives of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Río de Oro (POLISARIO), the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) and the National Union of Sahrawi Women (NUSW), and by external actors from international aid agencies and also the colonial Moroccan state. The international attention paid to the active role of certain women in Sahrawi refugee camps makes ‘Other’ Sahrawi invisible, such as children, young women, mothers, men, people of lower socio-economic statuses, (‘liberated’) slave classes and refugees who are not of Sahrawi background. According to Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh ( ibid.), it also creates a discourse of ‘good’, ‘ideal’ refugees who are reluctant to complain, in contrast to ‘Other refugees’. This feminisation allows the international community not to take the Sahrawi call for independence seriously and reproduces the myth of Sahrawi refugees as naturally non-violent (read feminine) and therefore ‘ideal’. The myth of non-violence accompanied by claims of Sahrawi secularity is also used to distance Western Sahara from ‘African’, ‘Arab’ and ‘Islamic’, to reaffirm racialised and gendered discourses that associate Islam with terrorism and situate both in the Arab/Muslim East. These binaries make invisible the violence that Sahrawis experience as a result of the gendered constructions of both internal and external actors, and silence voices of dissent and frustration with the more than forty years of waiting to return home.

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Herouach, Sofian. "Liberal Feminism Impact on Moroccan Educated Women: Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences, FLDM, as a Field Study." Open Political Science 2, no. 1 (2019): 128–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2019-0014.

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AbstractThe present study is an attempt to investigate students’ attitudes towards the social status of Moroccan women and the variables that may influence the cause of women’s liberation. These variables may include feminism, female activism and international human rights on the one hand. On the other hand, factors such as religion, patriarchy and marriage legislation could stand against the cause of female emancipation. The paper uses a theoretical and practical part. The review of literature is broad and inclusive that it trespasses the national intellectual framework on the issue of women’s liberation to referring to western major feministic movements for women’s emancipation worldwide such as liberal feminism. The field work is conducted through distributing a representative number of questionnaires, 350 questionnaires. Briefly, the findings proved that the majority of respondents, 55% hold the view that religion stands as a primary factor behind conservative gender perception, whereas 49% of the respondents believe that education is the factor behind such perceptions. Furthermore, 40% believed that the patriarchal system is the element behind traditional treatment of gender. Concerning marriage legislation, 55% agree with the reforms in Al Mudawana in 2004. For female activism, 72% believe that women largely contributed in bringing about the changes in the Al Mudawana reforms of 2004. This helped to generate an increasing female participation in politics as proved by 58% of the respondents. Finally, 65% hold the view that women’s social status nowadays is semi-liberal and improving.

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Mohamed, Mliless, Mohammed Larouz, and Mohammed Yachoulti. "Language and Visuals in Contradiction: A Semiotic and Discourse Analysis of a Moroccan Public Service Announcement for Forest Protection." Jurnal Pengajian Media Malaysia 21, no. 2 (2019): 21–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jpmm.vol21no2.2.

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In Morocco, public service announcement is a complex field in which various linguistic practices and semiotic representations collide. Hence, the aim of the present work is to demystify the misalignment between language and visuals in the public service announcement in a video on the protection of the environment, namely towards forests. This study adopts a discourse and a visual analysis to clarify the extent to which the interpretation of the announcement leas to misunderstanding and causes a lot of ambiguity. The study also shows that the trees and forests are linguistically reported as feminine constructs while the visuals portrayed them as masculine constructs. This article has a lot of implications for public institutions, advertising companies, and future researchers whose efforts are required to reconsider the pendulum between the linguistic and the visual in public announcements so as to effectively raise people’s awareness towards environmental issues.

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El-Hajjami, Mouhcine, and Souad Slaoui. "Diasporic and Gendered Identities in Moroccan Transnational Cinema: Mohammed Ismail’s Ici et là (Here and There)." Feminist Research 2, no. 1 (2018): 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21523/gcj2.18020104.

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The present paper aims at examining the extent to which Moroccan cinema could establish a diasporic visual discourse that cements national identity and contests the impact of westernization on migrants. Moreover, through the analysis the way in which independent identities are constructed in the host land, the article tries to incorporate a feminist discourse to highlight the role of the female subject in retrieving its own agency by challenging patriarchal oppression. Therefore, we argue that Mohammed Ismail’s feature-length film Ici et là (Here and There) has partially succeeded in creating a space for its diasporic subjects to build up their own independent identities beyond the scope of westernization and patriarchy.

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