Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Feminismu'

Para deconstruir categorías que estigmatizan a las trabajadoras sexuales y hacer inteligibles sus prácticas, nos propusimos como objetivo de la investigación reivindicar el trabajo sexual a partir de las prácticas discursivas del Estado de Chile sobre prostitución, comercio sexual y trabajo sexual y el conocimiento de las trabajadoras sexuales en Iquique, norte de Chile. Para ello, realizamos una investigación de tipo etnográfico sobre la vida cotidiana de las profesionales del sexo y sus escenarios laborales. En primer lugar, sostenemos que el Estado al establecer la prostitución, el comercio sexual y el trabajo sexual como un problema, promueve una performatividad de sexo/género que naturaliza las fronteras de las prácticas sexuales, los cuerpos y el deseo, pero no solo de estas mujeres, sino de todas las mujeres. Cuando no es más que un efecto de sus prácticas discursivas y materialidades sedimentadas. En segundo lugar, visibilizamos su vida cotidiana. Un hacer desapercibido porque es rutinario y mundano. Una acción localizada y contingente, compuesta por racionalizaciones del sentido común y métodos utilizados por las trabajadoras sexuales para producir y mantener el orden social y moral de sus escenarios de trabajo. Donde la performatividad de sexo/género actúa de manera aguda. Evidenciamos a través de su agencia, cómo las trabajadoras sexuales generan, promueven y resisten dinámicamente, en lugar de ubicarlas como víctimas predefinidas del sistema heteropatriarcal
In order to deconstruct categories that stigmatize sex workers and make their practices intelligible, we set ourselves the objective of researching to vindicate sex work from the discursive practices of the State of Chile on prostitution, commercial trade and sex work and the knowledge of women workers sex in Iquique, northern Chile. To do this, we conducted an ethnographic research on the daily life of sex workers and their work scenarios. First, we argue that the State in establishing prostitution, sex trade and sex work as a problem, promotes a gender performativity that naturalizes the boundaries of sexual practices, bodies and desire, but not only these women, but of all women. When it is merely an effect of their discursive practices and sedimented materialities. Second, we make visible your daily life. A make unnoticed because it is routine and mundane. A localized and contingent action composed of rationalizations of common sense and methods used by sex workers to produce and maintain the social and moral order of their work scenarios. Where the performativity of gender acts acutely. We demonstrate through your agency, how sex workers generate, promote and resist dynamically, instead of locating them as predefined victims of the heteropatriarchal system

Esta dissertação discute os desdobramentos do projeto do movimento feminista brasileiro na imprensa feminista do País. Apoiada na literatura especializada em feminismo brasileiro e na pesquisa de campo, afirmo que a imprensa feminista pós-1974 pode ser dividida em duas fases distintas: primeira e segunda geração. A primeira preocupada com as questões de classe e com as diferenças sociais, e a segunda pautada pela questão de gênero. Dois acontecimentos históricos marcam a divisão entre a primeira e segunda geração de periódicos feministas: o II e o III Congresso da Mulher Paulista, realizados em 1980 e 1981, respectivamente.
This work discusses the consequences of the Brazilian feminist movement in the Brazilian feminist press. Based on specialized literature in Brazilian feminism and on field research, it shows that the feminist press after-1974 can be divided in two different moments: first and second generations. The first is mainly worried with social class questions and social differences, and the second is mainly focused on genre questions. Two historical events mark the division between the first and the second generation of feminist periodicals: the II and the III São Paulo State Woman Congress, that happened, respectively, in 1980 and 1981.

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Esta dissertação de mestrado tem como objetivo analisar as condições materiais e simbólicas que levaram grupos organizados de mulheres feministas à institucionalização no âmbito do Estado e/ou governo no Brasil nas décadas de 1970 e 1980. Adotamos como base o entendimento do feminismo como uma prática e pensamento crítico – é uma prática política e um pensamento com suas ideias, teorias e posições políticas – que critica a ordem como o mundo está organizado (ÁVILA, 2013). Argumentamos que o movimento feminista brasileiro não somente propôs, criou, idealizou organismos, serviços e equipamentos públicos. Ele foi, paulatinamente, para dentro dos três níveis de governo, a partir dos anos oitenta, passando a partícipe e a executar, ele mesmo, as políticas públicas. Metodologia - Trata-se de um estudo de base qualitativa, no qual foram realizadas seis entrevistas semi-estruturadas com mulheres feministas: a) Que vivenciaram os primeiros momentos de institucionalização nos governos; b) Que entraram nos governos (ou defenderam que as feministas tomassem parte nos governos); feministas que estiveram contra por um determinado período e depois entraram nos governos. A caracterização inicial do problema é feita a partir do marco conceitual de gênero que dialoga com teóricas feministas e se organiza em três eixos, a saber: 1) o conceito de patriarcado; 2) o sistema sexo-gênero e, 3) o conceito de feminismo de Estado. Como metodologia de análise nos inspiramos na técnica de análise de conteúdo temático-categorial de Laurence Bardin (2000). Resultados - Em linhas gerais, as análises do material apontam que o que inaugura a relação institucionalizada do movimento feminista com o Estado é a criação dos conselhos de direitos para as mulheres; que o feminismo está influenciando transformações no aparelho do Estado, ainda que seja no contexto de um Estado patriarcal.
This mastership dissertation aims to analyse the material and symbolic contidions that lead organized groups of feminist women to institutionalisation in the scope of the State and/or governments in 1970´s and 1980´s Brazil. We adopted as basis the understanding of feminism as a praxis and a critical thinking - it is a political praxis and a thought with its ideas, theories and political positions - which criticizes the disposition the world is organized (ÁVILA, 2013). We maintain that the brazilian feminist movement not only proposed, created, idealized organisms, services and public equipament. It went slowly within the three levels of government, from the 1980´s on, becoming a main participant and executing, the movement itself, the public policies. Methodology - this is a study of qualitative basis, in which six semi-structured interviews have been carried through with feminist women: a) That have experienced the first moments of government institutionalisation; b) That took part in governments (or that deffended that feminists should take part on the governments); feminists that were against their participation but later took part in governments. The initial characterization of the problem is held on the conceptual mark of gender that dialogues with feminists theorists and that is organized in three axis, namely: 1) the concept of patriarchate; 2) the system sex-gender and, 3) the concept of State feminism. As methodology of analysis we were inspired by Laurence Bardin´s (2000) technique of analysis of the thematic-categorial content. Results - Conscisely, the analysis of the material indicates that the creation of the council for women´s rights has inaugurated the institutionalised relationship between the feminist movement and the State; that feminism is influencing transformations in the State institutions, although it is still the context of a patriarchal State.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
This work aims to think about the potentialities of transnational feminist political coalitions based on ethnographic experience that focused on Slutwalk of the city of Goiânia / GO ("Marcha das Vadias" - MdV / GO) in the years 2014, 2015 and 2016. For this, I interpret that this March would be a contemporary "young" feminist expression. The analysis proposes intersectionality, taking into account the different social markers of difference that have emerged in the field, such as gender, "race" / color, class, sexuality and age / "generation". Thus, three major axes of analysis are thought: 1) Transnational flows of feminisms; 2) Intersectionality and ethnic-racial issues; 3) Generational differences and different feminisms in play. As an analytical possibility, I propose the idea of ​​intersectional feminist whiteness, thought from the racialization of white social experience on the March.
Este trabalho se propõe a pensar potencialidades de coalizões políticas feministas transnacionais a partir de experiência etnográfica realizada com enfoque na Marcha das Vadias da cidade de Goiânia/GO (MdV/GO) nos anos de 2014, 2015 e 2016. Para isto, parto da interpretação de que esta Marcha seria uma expressão “jovem” feminista contemporânea. As análises têm como proposta a interseccionalidade, ao levar em consideração os diferentes marcadores sociais da diferença que surgiram em campo, a exemplo de gênero, “raça”/cor, classe, sexualidade e idade/“geração”. Sendo assim, três grandes eixos de análise são pensados: 1) Fluxos transnacionais dos feminismos; 2) Interseccionalidade e questões étnico-raciais; 3) Diferenças geracionais e diferentes feminismos em jogo. Como possibilidade analítica, proponho a ideia de branquitude interseccional feminista, pensada a partir da racialização da experiência social branca em Marcha.

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O presente trabalho visa conhecer o que registraram as feministas brasileiras acerca do vestuário e como se davam suas relações com o vestir feminino. Traçando esse processo, procura-se perceber as associações do tema escolhido com os seus ideais e reconhecer as divergências e congruências desses discursos. Considerando o vestuário como engrenagem fundamental na construção de noções de feminilidade hegemônica, é importante ampliar o campo de estudos englobando também as relações das militantes para com a aparência feminina e a categoria feminilidade que ainda hoje é alvo de debates dentro dos movimentos feministas. Para essa dissertação, definiu-se o enfoque na Década da Mulher fundada pela ONU – Organização das Nações Unidas - período compreendido entre os anos 1975-85, a fim de reconhecer as ideias das militantes brasileiras nesse momento, visto a importância dessa data para a promoção de debates acerca da categoria feminina no país. Para conhecer os pensamentos que perpassavam o feminismo brasileiro, recorre-se aqui à imprensa alternativa feminista brasileira, mais especificamente aos jornais Brasil Mulher (1975-80), Nós Mulheres (1976-78) e Mulherio (1981-88) buscando dissecar as mensagens e imagens dos veículos entre os anos de 1975-85. A imprensa feminista alternativa foi deveras responsável por propagar os ideais de algumas vertentes do feminismo brasileiro, além de contribuir efetivamente nos debates acerca da condição feminina.
The present work aims to know what Brazilian feminists registered about clothing and how their relationships with women dressing. By tracing this process, one tries to perceive the associations of the chosen theme with its ideals and to recognize the divergences and congruences of these discourses. Considering clothing as a fundamental cog in the construction of notions of hegemonic femininity, it is important to broaden the field of study, encompassing also the relations of the militants towards the feminine appearance and the femininity category that still today is the subject of debates within the feminist movements. For this dissertation, the focus was defined in the Decade of Women founded by the United Nations - a period between 1975-85, in order to recognize the ideas of the Brazilian militants at that moment, given the importance of this date for the debate on the female category in the country. In order to know the thoughts that pervaded Brazilian feminism, the Brazilian feminist alternative press is used here, more specifically the Brasil Mulher (1975-80), Nós Mulheres (1976-78) and Mulherio (1981-88), seeking to dissect the messages and images of the vehicles between the years of 1975-85. The alternative feminist press was indeed responsible for propagating the ideals of some strands of Brazilian feminism, as well as contributing effectively to the debates about the feminine condition.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
The feminist movement has generated feminist and gender studies undertaken by academic women in the universities of the western world from the decade of 1970. The objective of this research is to analyze, through the life stories of three academic, the relationship between "the personal" and "the institutional" in their narratives, highlighting their contributions to the institutionalization of gender studies. Narrative interviews were conducted (autobiographical) with three lecturer of the Federal University of Maranhão and built their biographies. They were used as analysis categories: Institution (Cornelius Castoriadis), feminist identity based on ManuelCastells, narrative (Sandra Jovchelovitch and Martin Bauer) and gender (Ana Coling). The analysis shows that even though they have won recognition from the academic community and society, the issue still remains in the ghetto in UFMA although institutionalized in the research groups.
O movimento feminista gerou os estudos feministas e de gênero empreendidos por mulheres acadêmicas, nas universidades do mundo ocidental a partir da década de 1970. O objetivo desta pesquisa consiste em analisar, através das histórias de vida de três acadêmicas, a articulação entre “o pessoal” e “o institucional” em suas narrativas, destacando suas contribuições para a institucionalização dos estudos de gênero. Foram realizadas entrevistas narrativas (auto-biográficas) com três professoras da Universidade Federal do Maranhão e construídas suas biografias. Utilizaram-se como categorias de análise: Instituição (Cornelius Castoriadis), identidade feminista com base em Manuel Castells, narrativa (Sandra Jovchelovitch e Martin Bauer) e gênero (Ana Coling). A análise evidencia que ainda que elas tenham conquistado reconhecimento da comunidade acadêmica e da sociedade, a temática ainda permanece no gueto na UFMA, embora institucionalizada nos grupos de pesquisa.

La siguiente investigación tiene como objetivo estudiar la función del cartel digital como medio de artivismo en la lucha feminista peruana del 2016 al 2020. En consecuencia, la hipótesis sostiene que el cartel digital feminista tiene la responsabilidad social de informar y denunciar a través del diseño artivista que utiliza ciertos códigos y características como ilustración, color, tipografía, entre otros elementos gráficos representativos del movimiento.   La investigación se centró en el estudio cualitativo de catorce carteles oficiales escogidos en asambleas por colectivos feministas peruanos, utilizados en tres fechas representativas del movimiento feminista que se reiteran cada año; el 8 de marzo, día Internacional de la Mujer, en el mes de agosto la marcha Ni Una Menos y el 25 de noviembre, día Internacional de la Eliminación de la Violencia Contra la Mujer. Asimismo, los resultados obtenidos en el análisis visual fueron complementados con la realización de entrevistas a especialistas, y un cuestionario dirigido a mujeres segmentadas por ser el público objetivo de los colectivos feministas. Entre los principales resultados podemos encontrar que la representación de la mujer cumple un rol de suma importancia en el cartel, con el objetivo de conectar con las mujeres peruanas, además, existe una búsqueda consciente de representación sin importar la edad, etnia o sexualidad. También se logró evidenciar que el mensaje en los carteles tiene relación con el contexto político peruano que acontecen cerca de las fechas de las manifestaciones. Por último, se logró concluir que la función del cartel digital feminista no solo cumple con la responsabilidad social de informar y denunciar injusticias, sino también crear códigos visuales que consolidan y crean una identidad para el movimiento.
The following research aims to study the function of the digital poster as a means of artivism in the Peruvian feminist struggle from 2016 to 2020. Consequently, the hypothesis maintains that the feminist digital poster has the social responsibility to inform and denounce through artivist design that uses certain codes and characteristics such as illustration, color, typography, among other graphic elements representative of the movement. The research focused on the qualitative study of the category of official posters chosen in assemblies by Peruvian feminist collectives, used on three representative dates of the feminist movement that are repeated each year; on March 8, International Women's Day, in August the Ni Una Menos march and on November 25, International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women. Likewise, the results obtained in the visual analysis were complemented by conducting interviews with specialists, and a questionnaire directed at women who were segmented because they were the target audience of feminist groups. Among the main results we can find that the representation of women plays a very important role in the poster, with the aim of connecting with Peruvian women, in addition, there is a conscious search for representation regardless of age, ethnicity or sexuality. It was also possible to show that the message on the posters is related to the Peruvian political context that takes place near the dates of the demonstrations. Finally, it was concluded that the function of the feminist digital poster not only fulfills the social responsibility of informing and denouncing injustices, but also creating visual codes that consolidate and create an identity for the movement.
Trabajo de investigación

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Esta investigación es un estudio de caso sobre una experiencia de formación feminista basada en la metodología de la autorreflexión con el grupo FeminismoAgora!. El método de la autorreflexión surgió en la década de 1960, en el ámbito de los movimientos feministas y de mujeres, y consiste en el compartir en grupo reflexiones elaboradas a partir de las experiencias de vida de las participantes, siguiendo fundamentos como el respeto al momento de habla de cada una, el no juicio y el secreto sobre las experiencias compartidas, buscando la construcción de un espacio de confianza y la interpretación crítica sobre procesos de dominación y opresión. Este proceso educativo fue promovido por el SOS Corpo Instituto Feminista para la Democracia, de principios de 2013 a principios de 2015, y el grupo siguió de forma autónoma por un año más. La investigación tiene un carácter autobiográfico, una vez que he sido integrante del FA!, además, busca investigar la concepción políticopedagógica de la formación, los aprendizajes construidos, y su influencia en el sentido de compromiso de las educandas en el movimiento feminista, atentando hacia las relaciones poder existentes en el proceso. La investigación fue realizada a través de una entrevista con la educadora del SOS Corpo y de tres grupos focales con ex integrantes del FA!. El análisis de los datos se centra en: la construcción de las identidades feministas, el entendimiento político sobre cuestiones personales y cotidianas, los intercambios de conocimientos sobre pautas feministas, el aprendizaje de la escucha y de la expresión, la vivencia de otras lógicas en el movimiento, el autoconocimiento sobre cuerpo y sexualidad, el contacto con un feminismo mayor y las posibilidades de compromiso. En lo que se refiere a las relaciones de poder, pude identificar varios factores que influenciaron en el habla o el silenciamiento de las integrantes, como las desigualdades de raza, clase, estudios y trayectoria política. Además, se identificaron en las relaciones de poder el vínculo con la institución promotora de la formación, el SOS Corpo Instituto Feminista para a Democracia, y la invisibilización de la identidad transgénera.
Esta pesquisa é um estudo de caso sobre uma experiência de formação feminista baseada na metodologia da autorreflexão com o grupo FeminismoAgora! O método da autorreflexão surgiu na década de 1960, no âmbito dos movimentos feministas e de mulheres, e consiste no compartilhamento em grupo de reflexões elaboradas a partir das experiências de vida das participantes, seguindo fundamentos como o respeito ao momento de fala de cada uma, o não julgamento e o sigilo sobre as experiências compartilhadas, visando a construção de um espaço de confiança e a interpretação crítica sobre processos de dominação e opressão. Esse processo educativo foi promovido pelo SOS Corpo Instituto Feminista para a Democracia, do início de 2013 ao início de 2015, e o grupo seguiu de forma autônoma por mais um ano. A pesquisa possui um caráter autobiográfico, uma vez que eu fui integrante do FA!, assim como, busca investigar a concepção político-pedagógica da formação, os aprendizados construídos, e sua influência no sentido de engajamento das educandas no movimento feminista, atentando para as relações de poder existentes no processo. A investigação foi realizada através de entrevista com a educadora do SOS Corpo e de três grupos focais com ex-integrantes do FA!. A análise dos dados se debruça sobre: a construção das identidades feministas, o entendimento político sobre questões pessoais e cotidianas, as trocas de conhecimentos sobre pautas feministas, o aprendizado da escuta e da expressão, a vivência de outras lógicas no movimento, o autoconhecimento sobre corpo e sexualidade, o contato com um feminismo maior e das possibilidades de engajamento. No que diz respeito às relações de poder, pude identificar vários fatores que influenciaram na fala ou o silenciamento das integrantes, como as desigualdades de raça, classe, estudos e trajetória política. Além disso, foram identificadas nas relações de poder a ligação com a instituição promotora da formação, o SOS Corpo Instituto Feminista para a Democracia, e a invisibilização da identidade transgênera.

Orientador: Maria Jose de R. F. Coracini
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas. Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: A tese, ancorada na perspectiva da Análise do Discurso, em interface com a Desconstrução, investiga e discute a presença de tradução de gênero no contexto brasileiro e as representações de tradução de gênero que emergem no dizer de tradutoras brasileiras. Recortes discursivos selecionados, a partir das respostas de 21 (vinte e uma) tradutoras brasileiras a um questionário de 5 (cinco) perguntas, enviado por e-mail para duas listas de tradução que circulam no Brasil, foram analisados, buscando na materialidade linguística e nas formações inconscientes que nela irrompem, indícios da constituição do imaginário dessas tradutoras sobre tradução de gênero. O pressuposto que sustenta a investigação defende que já há uma prática de tradução de gênero no contexto quebeco-canadense, desde a década de 1970, cuja relação vem sendo discutida e problematizada, sem conflitos. O estudo que empreendemos para compor a fundamentação teórica pautou-se, inicialmente, no interesse de problematizar o encontro entre o feminismo e a tradução, discutindo como a tradução de certos grupos feministas serviu de agenda política para, de alguma forma, subverter a inferioridade sofrida pelas mulheres na escrita tradutora. A análise aponta para os seguintes resultados: há ainda muita resistência quanto à relação gênero e tradução, pelo menos, no que se refere à discursivização sobre o assunto, no Brasil, já que a temática evocou relações com os múltiplos feminismos da história e tudo o que isso simbolicamente representa, incluindo as lutas nele travadas, as resistências aos radicalismos do feminismo inicial e aos rótulos e estereótipos a ele vinculados. Daí que as representações de tradução de gênero que emergem do dizer ou ressoam sentidos de luta social, ou se fixam no domínio técnico da língua ou são imaginarizadas como expressão de criatividade e autoria, mesclando-se para instituir momentos de identificação aliados à singularidade das tradutoras. As tradutoras, quando falam sobre o seu fazer tradutório, defendem o emprego de uma linguagem inclusiva de gênero, por meio de interferências nos textos considerados por elas "machistas", todavia tais interferências ainda parecem estar muito presas ao nível da linguagem. Considerando-se os limites dos registros do corpus da pesquisa, a hipótese de que há vestígios de tradução de gênero no dizer sobre/na prática tradutória de tradutoras brasileiras na atualidade mostrou-se válida, pois não só há vestígios de tradução de gênero no dizer sobre tradução, como também emergiram nos dizeres efeitos de sentido que apontam para uma constituição identitária das tradutoras já inseridas no contexto de um emprego de uma linguagem mais inclusiva nas traduções por elas praticadas.
Abstract: The research anchored in the perspective of Discourse Analysis in the interface with Deconstruction investigates and discusses the presence of gender translation in Brazilian context as well as the representations of gender translation which emerge from the utterances of Brazilian female translators1. The discursive events selected from twenty one female translators' answers to five question sent by e-mail to translator lists (Tradinfo and Litterati) were analyzed, trying to identify through linguistic materiality, elements involved in the constitution of the imaginary of those female translators about gender translation as well as fragments of their unconscious formations, which can reveal some aspects of their subjectivity. The basic assumption of this research is that there has been a gender translation practice in Quebec-Canada context since 1970's where translation and gender has been discussed and practiced normally. The readings and researches we made to support our theoretic foundation were ruled by the interest of problematizing the encounter between translation and feminism, in order to discuss how the translation of some feminist groups has served as a political agenda for subverting the female inferiority by means of translation writing. The results of the analysis points to the fact that there is still so much resistances about the relationship between gender and translation in Brazil, at least as regards to the discursivization process of the theme, since gender translation has evoked relationships with the different feminisms of history and with everything they symbolically have represented, including the struggles and the resistances against radicalisms of the initial feminisms besides the labels and stereotypes connected to them. Thus the representations of gender translation which emerge from the female translators' utterances remit either to the social struggles of feminisms, circulating around the technical dominion of language or they are represented as expression of creativity and authorship. So those representations interweave for constituting identification moments which relate to female translators' singularity. By speaking about their translation itself, the female translators defend the use of a gender inclusive language through interferences on the texts considered by them as "machist text". Considering the limits of the corpus the hypothesis that there are vestiges of gender translation in the Brazilian female translators' utterances is confirmed, since there are no only vestiges as well as the meaning effects which emerged from the utterances point to a female translator who has already been using a more inclusive language in her translations.
Doutorado
Teoria, Pratica e Ensino da Tradução
Mestre em Linguística Aplicada

In this study, possibility of establishing feminist solidarity, sustained and based on feminist politics in Turkey is examined. Commonality discourse, the notion of sisterhood and identity politics, creating illusionary homogeneity are criticized of being exclusionary and limiting. Contemporary accounts of feminist solidarity are investigated in order to find a way out for establishing solidarity across difference. However, it is seen that these contemporary approaches are far from designating a driving force to stimulate feminists / activists to come together. It is argued that in order to achieve feminist solidarity respecting differences is a must. It is also argued that solidarity has to become a powerful relation among feminists and to do so internalized inequalities and power holding within activism has to be interrogated. Consciousness raising among activists is offered as a means to overcome challenges to activism and barriers to solidarity. Furthermore it is argued that feminism has to become the motto of activism and feminist politics as the basis for establishing feminist solidarity.

La historia del exilio literario republicano español de 1939 ha construido, a lo largo de estos casi ochenta años, un discurso con protagonistas destacados, con personajes en un segundo plano, y con otras figuras más escondidas. A las mujeres se las ha situado, de manera predominante, en este tercer espacio, prácticamente en la invisibilidad. Sin embargo, la crítica feminista se ha propuesto rescatar el papel de este colectivo con una serie de herramientas tomadas de otras corrientes críticas, como la Sociología de la Literatura. María Dolores Arana publicó su primer libro de poemas, Canciones en azul, en 1935, tenía un empleo como funcionaria del cuerpo auxiliar de aduanas, una prometedora carrera intelectual y un proyecto de vida en el que creía. La guerra civil la llevó a adquirir un compromiso con la República, que se traduciría en la participación como secretaria en el Segundo Congreso Internacional de Escritores para la Defensa de la Cultura, y a conocer a su compañero, José Ramón Arana (José Ruiz Borau). No obstante, la victoria de Franco en 1939 supuso el exilio para los Arana, primero unos meses en la República Dominicana y luego en México, donde se instalarían definitivamente. Las dificultades del exilio se agudizaron en el caso de Arana. Los apuros para conseguir un trabajo remunerado dignamente y el cuidado de su familia postergaron la continuación de una carrera truncada por el golpe militar de 1936. No obstante, en 1953 consiguió publicar su segundo libro de poesía, Árbol de sueños, antes había colaborado en revistas del exilio, como Aragón o Las Españas, y a partir de 1961 escribió para la revista española fundada por Camilo José Cela, Papeles de Son Armadans. A pesar de la complejidad de la vida cotidiana, agravada por la separación de José Ramón Arana, el anhelo intelectual no disminuyó en absoluto. Por el contrario, Arana persiguió siempre poder retomar su carrera como escritora, y por esta razón se mantuvo en constante contacto con intelectuales tanto mexicanos como españoles refugiados como ella, entre los cuales destacan, por el fuerte vínculo establecido, Guadalupe Dueñas y Fausto Vega, y Luis Cernuda y Concha Méndez. Todo ello desembocó, finalmente, en su aparición como crítica literaria de distintos periódicos y revistas mexicanos, en la publicación de dos libros divulgativos —Arrio y su querella (1966) y Zombies. El misterio de los muertos vivientes (1987)—, y en un empleo en la Secretaría de Gobernación de la República de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos. María Dolores Arana, por su trayectoria personal y literaria, constituye un ejemplo paradigmático de las mujeres españolas refugiadas en México a partir de 1939, y más concretamente las intelectuales. Poetas, dramaturgas, escritoras debieron invertir un esfuerzo mucho mayor que sus colegas hombres en retomar sus carreras profesionales, aunque no siempre les sería reconocido y sus obras valoradas en su justa medida. Sin embargo, la recuperación de estas mujeres y su producción literaria es fundamental para una mejor comprensión de la compleja y rica historia del exilio literario republicano español de 1939.
The history of the Spanish republican literary exile of 1939 has built, throughout these almost eighty years, a discourse with prominent protagonists, with characters in the background, and with other more hidden figures. Women have been placed, predominantly, in this third space, practically invisibility. However, the feminist critique has proposed to rescue the role of this collective with a series of tools taken from other critical currents, such as the Sociology of Literature. María Dolores Arana published her first book of poems, Canciones en azul, in 1935, had a job as an assistant customs officer, a promising intellectual career and a life project in which she believed. The civil war led her to acquire a commitment to the Republic, which would result in her participation as secretary in the Second International Conference of Writers for the Defense of Culture, and to meet her colleague, José Ramón Arana (José Ruiz Borau). However, the victory of Franco in 1939 meant exile for the Arana, first a few months in the Dominican Republic and then in Mexico, where they would definitely settle. The difficulties of exile were exacerbated in the case of Arana. The difficulties to get a decently paid job and the care of his family delayed the continuation of a career cut short by the military coup of 1936. However, in 1953 he managed to publish his second book of poetry, Árbol de sueños, before he had collaborated in magazines of exile, such as Aragón or Las Españas, and from 1961 he wrote for the Spanish magazine founded by Camilo José Cela, Papeles de Son Armadans. Despite the complexity of everyday life, aggravated by the separation of José Ramón Arana, the intellectual yearning did not diminish at all. On the contrary, Arana persecuted always to be able to resume her career as a writer, and for this reason she remained in constant contact with both Mexican and Spanish intellectuals like her, among whom, due to the strong bond established, Guadalupe Dueñas and Fausto Vega, and Luis Cernuda and Concha Méndez. All of this culminated, finally, in his appearance as a literary critic of various Mexican newspapers and magazines, in the publication of two informative books —Arrio y su querella (1966) and Zombies. El misterio de los muertos vivientes (1987)—, and in a job in the Ministry of the Interior of the Republic of the United Mexican States. María Dolores Arana, for her personal and literary career, is a paradigmatic example of Spanish women who have taken refuge in Mexico since 1939, and more specifically, intellectuals. Poets, playwrights, writers had to invest a much greater effort than their male colleagues to resume their professional careers, although they would not always be recognized and their works valued in their proper measure. However, the recovery of these women and their literary production is fundamental to a better understanding of the complex and rich history of the Spanish Republican literary exile of 1939.

Aquesta investigació aborda la paradoxa entre la (in)visibilitat de l’homosexualitat femenina al cinema comercial contemporani i la presència de personatges que protagonitzen explícites escenes lèsbiques en el cinema mainstream. Les protagonistes d’aquestes imatges són generalment figures femenines de força que exerceixen la violència i l’assassinat. Es detecta així l’arquetip de la lesbiana assassina, que cristal·litza durant l’auge del neo-noir al Hollywood dels anys 90. L’encarnen feminitats excessives, hereves de la dona fatal clàssica i properes a la recurrent figura de la vampira lesbiana, que sorgeixen sota una forta empremta de gènere (noir i terror). S’investiga la llavor de l’arquetip des dels orígens del cinema i s’observa també com ha transcendit el context en què es va definir i ha adquirit noves connotacions a la postmodernitat. Es teoritza sobre el significat d’aquest arquetip que neix marcat per la misogínia i l’homofòbia, però que amaga un inequívoc potencial subversiu.
This thesis aims to address a paradox that lies between the (in)visibility of female homosexuality in Hollywood films and the presence of characters who play explicit lesbian scenes in contemporary mainstream cinema. The protagonists of these images are generally powerful feminine figures that exercise violence and murder. The archetype of the lesbian killer crystallizes during the rise of neo-noir in Hollywood in the 1990s under a strong genre imprint (noir and horror). In these films, the lesbian killer often embodies an excessive femininity, heir of the classic femme fatale, referencing the recurring figure of the lesbian vampire. This thesis revolves around the meaning of this archetype which has been marked by misogyny and homophobia since its inception, but which also hides an unequivocal subversive potential.

«He dit». Aquest estudi hemerocrítico, que té la intencionalitat de reconstruir des de la praxi periodística la publicació pionera de l’feminisme dominicà, la revista Fémina, pren aquesta expressió amb la qual la seva directora, la mestra normal Peronella Angélica Gómez Brea, sol finalitzar els escrits que es rescaten a aquest treball i des dels que transcendeix el «discurs feminista» que li permet potenciar des de la seva identitat de dona en el més gran dels drets: el subjectiu. El 1922, quan aquesta dona pionera decideix començar la seva agència a la ciutat costanera de Sant Pere de Macorís, les dominicanes encara no tenen drets civils i polítics, i encara que des de 1881 poden accedir a l’Educació Superior, les condicions d’opressió les mantenen a l’marge de les accions polítiques, dels centres de producció econòmica i de les aules. Afortunades resulten aquelles que, com Gómez Brea, aconseguien presentar l’examen d’oposició per exercir el magisteri i, sabent aquest privilegi, decideix iniciar-se en la praxi periodística. Impulsades per la voluntat, alimentades d’optimisme, a aquesta taula de Redacció s’uneixen altres dones (un total de 76) i homes (es registren 31) que també tenen què dir i què aportar sobre les seves condicions i, sobretot, a la reconstrucció nacional. Advoquen per la Ciutadania de que en altres nacions de l’món impulsa el moviment sufragista, i la repercussió en els constructes legislatius de l’època permet que se li assenyali com l’impulsor de la «segona onada de l’feminisme». En 209 edicions, durant 17 anys, la difusió de les doctrines feministes es canalitzen a través de 325 textos fonamentats tant en els programes de reformes de les organitzacions que van embastar una xarxa de sabers i experiències, com en la introspecció de les capacitats pròpies i en la valoració dels accionessis de el poder que retarden el seu ascens i evolució. És així com la recopilació i registre d’aquestes narratives d’emancipació permet l’aproximació a un marc contextual de la història de les dones (Wallach Scott, 2008) que «van construir la ciutadania» a la República Dominicana, però les memòries, a 80 anys de l’última edició de Fémina, encara vaguen disperses, mentre es reforça l’imaginari de la inacció col·lectiva sobre aquestes -el que es pot anomenar «metàfora de el silenci» -, que el dret a vot els ha estat regalat i que en els anys durs, posteriors a la primera intervenció militar nord-americà, només fungen com a éssers sublims destinats a les tasques domèstiques. La reconstrucció de la identitat editorial, per al posterior registre històric de l’subjecte dona, abasta la redefinició dels eixos temàtics sobre els quals es fonamenta el «discurs feminista» (a través de la creació d’indicadors que constitueixen «marcadors discursius» amb què es pretén desvetllar l’evolució de l’agenda feminista); de les identitats de les dones que exerceixen el dret subjectiu de pensar, pensar i jutjar; i dels homes que a l’escriure sobre la seva condició i les marginacions socials, transfereixen per convicció humana i intel·lectual seus drets a les seves companyes. També, l’aproximació als feminismes coetanis i la projecció en les línies acadèmiques posteriors, el que comporta a la identificació de les genealogies que impulsen aquesta participació activa de les periodistes i la representació en aquestes de les paraaudiencias i proaudiencias. És a dir, la praxi periodística que es devela en la investigació es constitueix en un registre històric en si mateix, a el temps que, a l’catalogar mitjançant la classificació dels gèneres, la posada en pàgina, la forma de signar i de titular, ausculta «marques sexuades» (Irigaray, 1992).
«He dicho». Este estudio hemerocrítico, que tiene la intencionalidad de reconstruir desde la praxis periodística la publicación pionera del feminismo dominicano, la revista Fémina, toma esta expresión con la que su directora, la maestra normal Petronila Angélica Gómez Brea, suele finalizar los escritos que se rescatan en este trabajo y desde los que trasciende el «discurso feminista» que le permite potenciarse desde su identidad de mujer en el mayor de los derechos: el subjetivo. En 1922, cuando esta mujer pionera decide comenzar su agencia en la ciudad costera de San Pedro de Macorís, las dominicanas todavía carecen de derechos civiles y políticos, y aunque desde 1881 pueden acceder a la Educación Superior, las condiciones de opresión las mantienen al margen de las acciones políticas, de los centros de producción económica y de las aulas. Afortunadas resultan aquellas que, como Gómez Brea, lograban presentar el examen de oposición para ejercer el magisterio y, a sabiendas de este privilegio, decide iniciarse en la praxis periodística Impulsadas por la voluntad, alimentadas de optimismo, a esta mesa de Redacción se unen otras mujeres (un total de 76) y hombres (se registran 31) que también tienen qué decir y qué aportar sobre sus condiciones y, sobre todo, a la reconstrucción nacional. Abogan por la ciudanía que en otras naciones del mundo impulsa el movimiento sufragista, y cuya repercusión en los constructos legislativos de la época permite que se le señale como el impulsor de la «segunda ola del feminismo». En 209 ediciones, durante 17 años, la difusión de las doctrinas feministas se canalizan a través de 325 textos fundamentados tanto en los programas de reformas de las organizaciones que hilvanaron una red de saberes y experiencias, como en la introspección de las capacidades propias y en la valoración de los accionares del poder que retardan su ascenso y evolución. Es así como la recopilación y registro de estas narrativas de emancipación permite la aproximación a un marco contextual de la historia de las mujeres (Wallach Scott, 2008) que «construyeron la ciudadanía» en la República Dominicana, pero cuyas memorias, a 80 años de la última edición de Fémina, aún vagan dispersas, mientras se refuerza el imaginario de la inacción colectiva acerca de estas –lo que se puede llamar «métafora del silencio»-, de que el derecho al voto les ha sido regalado y de que en los años duros, posteriores a la primera intervención militar estadounidense, solo fungen como seres sublimes destinados a las labores domésticas. La reconstrucción de la identidad editorial, para el posterior registro histórico del sujeto mujer, abarca la redefinición de los ejes temáticos sobre los cuales se fundamenta el «discurso feminista» (a través de la creación de indicadores que constituyen «marcadores discursivos» con los que se pretende develar la evolución de la agenda feminista); de las identidades de las mujeres que ejercen el derecho subjetivo de pensar, opinar y enjuiciar; y de los hombres que al escribir sobre su condición y las marginaciones sociales, transfieren por convicción humana e intelectual sus derechos a sus compañeras. También, la aproximación a los feminismos coetáneos y la proyección en las líneas académicas posteriores, lo que conlleva a la identificación de las genealogías que impulsan esta participación activa de las periodistas y la representación en estas de las paraaudiencias y proaudiencias. Es decir, la praxis periodística que se devela en la investigación se constituye en un registro histórico en sí mismo, al tiempo que, al catalogarlo mediante la clasificación de los géneros, la puesta en página, la forma de firmar y de titular, ausculta «marcas sexuadas» (Irigaray, 1992).
«I said». This hemerocritical study, which intends to reconstruct from the journalistic practice the pioneer publication of Dominican feminism, the magazine Fémina, takes this expression with which its director, the normal teacher Petronila Angélica Gómez Brea, usually finalizes the writings that are rescued in this work and from those that transcend the «feminist discourse» that allows it to be empowered from its identity as a woman in the greatest of rights: the subjective. In 1922, when this pioneer woman decides to start her agency in the coastal city of San Pedro de Macorís, the Dominicans still lack civil and political rights, and although since 1881 they can access Higher Education, the conditions of oppression keep them out of political actions, economic production centers, and classrooms. Fortunate are those who, like Gómez Brea, was able to present the opposition exam to practice teaching and, knowing this privilege, decided to start in journalistic praxis. . Boosted by the will, fueled by optimism, other women (a total of 76) and men (31 are registered) join this Editorial Board who also have what to say and what to contribute about their conditions and, above all, to reconstruction national. They advocate for citizenship that in other nations of the world drives the suffrage movement, and whose impact on the legislative constructs of the time allows it to be pointed out as the driver of the «second wave of feminism». In 209 editions, for 17 years, the dissemination of feminist doctrines is channeled through 325 texts based both on the reform programs of the organizations that combined a network of knowledge and experiences, as well as on the introspection of one’s abilities and the valuation of the power shareholders that retard their rise and evolution. This is how the collection and registration of these emancipation narratives allows the approximation to a contextual framework of the history of women (Wallach Scott, 2008) who «built citizenship» in the Dominican Republic, but whose memories, 80 years after the last edition of Fémina, still wandering scattered, while reinforcing the imaginary of collective inaction about these - what can be called «metaphor of silence» - that the right to vote has been given to them and that in the hard years, after the first US military intervention, only serve as sublime beings destined for domestic work. The reconstruction of the editorial identity, for the subsequent historical registration of the woman subject, includes the redefinition of the thematic axes on which the «feminist discourse» is based (through the creation of indicators that constitute «discursive markers» with which it is intended to reveal the evolution of the feminist agenda); of the identities of women who exercise the subjective right to think, think and prosecute; and of the men who, when writing about their condition and social marginalization, transfer their rights to their partners by human and intellectual conviction. Also, the approach to contemporary feminisms and the projection in the later academic lines, which leads to the identification of the genealogies that drive this active participation of journalists and the representation in these of para-audiences and pro-audiences. That is the journalistic praxis that is revealed in the research «Journalism, feminism and agency. Hemerocritical study of the feminist discourse of the magazine Fémina (1922-1939) in the Dominican Republic. Case study: Editorials of the journalist and normal teacher Petronila Angélica Gómez Brea», is constituted in a historical record in itself, at the same time, when cataloging it using the classification of the genres, the putting in page, the way of signing and The incumbent, auscultate «sexualized brands» (Irigaray, 1992).

Neste estudo busquei pensar que psicologias se mesclaram com vertentes do feminismo dentro de uma perspectiva histórica para refletir sobre o que algumas autoras têm denominado psicologia feminista, bem como, psicoterapia feminista. Ajustei o foco sobre os conhecimentos produzidos no encontro dos saberes, psicologia e feminismo. Para me apropriar do campo problemático brasileiro tomei dois caminhos iniciais. O primeiro mais descritivo constituiu-se num percurso histórico para me situar sobre as ações dos movimentos feministas na relação com os centros de referência para mulheres em situação de violência e sobre os embasamentos teóricos das práticas psicológicas nestas políticas públicas. O segundo caminho foi um estudo exploratório que se baseou numa revisão não-sistemática em revistas feministas, revistas de psicologia e nas bases de dados Web of Science e Scopus para identificar se no campo acadêmico estava se produzindo artigos sobre psicologias feministas. A reflexividade que foi sendo construída até aqui conduziu à experiência do estágio doutoral no Núcleo de Pesquisa em Gênero, Diversidade e Sexualidade na Universidade do Porto. Com a imersão na realidade acadêmica portuguesa desenvolvi outro estudo exploratório sobre a posição das psicologias feministas no campo acadêmico português e das psicoterapias feministas por meio do contato com quatro pesquisadoras envolvidas com a temática. Deste modo, para poder produzir reflexões sobre o contexto brasileiro, três pesquisadoras envolvidas com psicologia feminista no Brasil também foram entrevistadas. Esta pesquisa não se constituiu num estudo comparativo e sim numa análise deste circuito, desta rede enunciativa luso-brasileira e o que dá sentido para a afirmação e/ou identificação com uma psicologia feminista respeitando as lógicas diferenciadas da Psicologia, assim como, o campo da psicologia social e da psicoterapia de cada país que são distintas. No que tange à metodologia, me apoiei na análise arquegenealógica de Michel Foucault para tomar os discursos na sua exterioridade e buscar as condições de possibilidade para a emergência de psicologias/psicoterapias feministas nos países estudados. Sem buscar verdades, psicologias ou psicoterapias mais verdadeiras que outras busquei me referir aos discursos constitutivos destas práticas enquanto produções históricas.
In this study I tried to think which psychologies have merged with feminist strands within a historical perspective to reflect on what some authors have called feminist psychology as well as feminist psychotherapy. I focused on the knowledge produced in the meeting of knowledge, psychology and feminism. To take ownership of the problematic Brazilian field I took two initial paths. The first was a more descriptive historical route to situate me about the actions of the feminist movements in the relation with the centers of reference for women in situation of violence and on the theoretical bases of the psychological practices in these public policies. The second path was an exploratory study that relied on a non-systematic review in feminist journals, psychology journals, and the Web of Science and Scopus databases to identify whether articles on feminist psychologies were being produced in the academic field. The reflexivity that has been built so far has led to the experience of the doctoral stage in the research group on Gender, Diversity and Sexuality at the University of Porto. With the immersion in Portuguese academic reality I developed another exploratory study on the position of feminist psychologies in the Portuguese academic field and feminist psychotherapies through the contact with four researchers involved with the subject. Thus, in order to produce reflections on the Brazilian context, three researchers involved with feminist psychology in Brazil were also interviewed. This research was not constituted in a comparative study but in an analysis of this circuit, of this enunciative Luso-Brazilian network and what gives meaning to the affirmation and / or identification with a feminist psychology respecting the differentiated logics of Psychology, as well as, the field of social psychology and psychotherapy of each country that are distinct. With regard to methodology, I relied on the archegenealogical analysis of Michel Foucault to take the discourses in their exteriority and seek the conditions of possibility for the emergence of feminist psychologies / psychotherapies in the countries studied. Without seeking truths, psychologies or psychotherapies more truthful than others, I have tried to refer to the discourses constituting these practices as historical productions.

El cine asiático, puede tomarse como un tipo de paradigma que se ha tratado de alejar del establecido por la casi monopólica industria del cine hollywoodense. Este cine se ha etiquetado eurocéntricamente como “cine periférico”, todo esto a causa de la simplificación a la que a veces se somete a estas cinematografías, desdibujando su rica diversidad. A veces un cine cargado de sensualidad cinematográfica pero no explícita necesariamente, sino más bien sutil. Desarrollan tramas no tan complejas, o en ocasiones si, pero que emplean un ritmo cinematográfico lánguido con elementos visuales y auditivos que atraen al público a comprometerse con el encuentro en la sala de cine. Expresando la figura de la mujer alejada de la idea falocentrista y del constructo estereotipado de: la buena (la virgen y la madre) y la mala (la prostituta y la femme fatal), la virtuosa (la acompañante fiel) y la viciosa (quien aparece como presa fácil de cualquier hombre). Todo lo que en occidente ha sido tratado desde la perspectiva del hombre, en su papel de guionista, director de cine, productor o crítico.
Asian cinema can be taken as a type of paradigm that has tried to move away from the one established by the almost monopolistic Hollywood film industry. This cinema has been labeled Eurocentrically as "peripheral cinema", because of the simplification that these cinematography’s are sometimes subjected to, deleting their rich diversity. Sometimes this type of cinema is loaded with cinematographic sensuality not necessarily explicit, but rather subtle. They develop plots that are not so complex, or sometimes they are, but totally inversed in a languid cinematographic rhythm that uses visuals and sounds elements that try to make the public committed with the experience of their movies. This cinema also, show us the figure of a woman far away from the phallocentric idea and the stereotypical construct of: the good woman (the virgin and the mother) and the bad woman (the prostitute and the femme fatal), the virtuous (the faithful partner) and the vicious (who appears as easy prey to any man). Everything that in the West has been telled from the perspective of man, in his role as screenwriter, film director, producer or critic.
Trabajo de investigación

L'arribada a l'estat espanyol de població immigrant ha plantejat unasèrie de qüestions al voltant de la titularitat i el subjecte de drets. Si béla vinculació entre els drets dels estrangers i els dels ciutadans es posade manifest, quan es parla de les dones els problemes dels dretsdesapareixen: parlar de dones immigrades sembla implicar parlar del'estatut de la dona a les diferents cultures, però no a la nostra.L'anàlisi jurídica i política de les implicacions de la llei d'estrangeria desd'una perspectiva feminista crítica està poc desenvolupada, per més queles qüestions que aquest tipus d'anàlisi revela són importants, tant pera les persones estrangeres com per als ciutadans i ciutadanes.L'estrangeria és un espill de la societat: els models d'home i dona quereflecteix la llei no són importats pels immigrants sinó imposats pernosaltres.Les qüestions i crítiques suscitades pels diferents feminismes sóncentrals per a aquest debat des de la filosofia política i jurídica: ladiscussió és el subjecte de drets, de quina manera es defineix i quinmarc d'actuació dissenyem en funció d'aqueixa manera d'entendre elsubjecte particular. He volgut examinar què pot significar fer unaanàlisi feminista crítica del dret i el sistema polític i en quina mesura eldret construeix a la dona immigrada com a subjecte subordinat;presentant aquesta construcció com la punta de l'iceberg del nostrecontracte social.La tesi consta de tres parts. La primera, dedicada a la teoria feministadesenvolupada les darreres dècades, assenyala dues grans etapes: elprojecte antisexista i el projecte de reconstrucció teòrica i social. Lateoria feminista crítica recull tots dos i és el punt de partida ja quereformula el projecte i el subjecte del feminisme en institucionalitzar ladiferència entre dones. Aquesta reformulació permet incloure les donesimmigrades a l'anàlisi a partir del desplaçament del sistemasexe/gènere i creuar-lo amb l'estrangeria (un altre sistema de creació jurídica de la diferència).La segona part analitza els instruments d'anàlisi amb què podemcomptar des d'una perspectiva feminista per apropar-nos al dretd'estrangeria. Per tal de minar i modificar els espais de poder, lesestratègies i discursos que conformen les relacions socials excloents calconéixer els instruments (conceptes i categories) que s'utilitzen o queimpedeixen que les relacions es produesquen en un marc d'igualtat illibertat. En el cas de les dones immigrants, em sembla especialmentimportant analitzar dos aspectes o desenvolupar dos perspectives queen faciliten la interpretació: la divisió públic/privat i la masculinitat deldret.La tercera part és una crítica feminista del dret d'estrangeria. Ambl'estrangeria ens posem davant dels problemes del nostre sistema idavant les raons de l'exclusió. La clau de lectura de la llei ha estat elsistema d'accés als drets: el contracte de treball, el reagrupamentfamiliar, l'empadronament i el permís especial de col·laboració amb lajustícia. L'objectiu és posar de manifest com el sistema sexe/gèneretravessa l'estrangeria a partir de tres situacions protagonitzades perdones immigrants: l'accés desigual als drets per la via del treball alinserir-se en treballs feminitzats; l'accés subordinat als dretsmitjançant el reagrupament familiar amb la qual es renova la ideologiade l'espai de la dona, i la necessitat de negar-se dues vegades lestreballadores del sexe per poder accedir als drets. Així, els criteris quefem servir per reconéixer una persona subjecte de drets han estatconstruïts sobre la base de l'exclusió de les dones. Si el dret ésinstrument d'exclusió i construeix subjectes exclosos; si la donaimmigrada és un no-subjecte de drets, això ens afecta a tots i no sols aelles.
The thesis considers two subjects: (1) the significance of a critical feministanalysis of law and the political system, and the possible liberatingconsequences derived from reflecting on matters such as citizenship, therecognition of rights and the end of systems of oppression and (2) theevaluation of the degree to which the law constructs the immigrant womanas a subordinate subject, presenting this exclusionary construction as thetip of the iceberg of our social contract, our juridical and political system,which permits the reinforced exclusion of immigrant women and itssilencing. The study, thus, politicizes the situation of immigrant womenand tries to explain the reasons for their exclusion, and, in addition,includes a revision of the limitations surrounding gender and citizenship.The work consists of three parts: the starting point is a review of the"stages" of feminist thought, not only does this aim to clarify debates andpositions later considered, but it also acts as a revision of how and fromwhich point immigrant women can be considered in the intended method.The second part presents the instruments of analysis developed by feministtheory with regard to politics and law. The third part applies theseinstruments to the analysis of the legislation relating to foreigners, showingthat the different levels of access to rights by immigrant women is evidenceof an incomplete (gendered) citizenship, unequal for women. The analysisproves that law is one of the structures responsible for creating genderdifference resulting in a significant difference in the establishment ofhierarchies with regards to the enjoyment of rights. This is this can bewitnessed in three different situations in which women have a leading role:family reunification, domestic service and prostitution (sex work).

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
A formação da consciência na sociedade capitalista é atravessada por relações de alienação e pela ideologia dominante que dificultam o desenvolvimento da consciência revolucionária, desenvolvida na militância coletiva voltada para a transformação social. Na particularidade das mulheres, esse processo é mais difícil por estarem envolvidas em relações patriarcais de dominação, apropriação e exploração advindas, fundamentalmente, da divisão sexual do trabalho que, associadas a uma ideologia de uma suposta natureza feminina, as constitui como submissas, subservientes, passivas e apolíticas. Por isso, partimos da pergunta: como ocorre o processo de formação da consciência militante feminista em uma sociedade patriarcal e capitalista? O sentido geral desta tese é compreender a formação da consciência militante feminista e seus principais desdobramentos na luta de classes no Governo Lula. A delimitação do estudo no Governo Lula é motivada pela necessidade de compreensão do feminismo na contemporaneidade, mas, também, pela inquietação de analisar a capacidade de envolvimento político desse governo no campo dos movimentos feministas. A apreensão da lógica transformista que preside esse governo é fundamental para análise das lutas feministas, pois, se por um lado o Brasil presenciou a institucionalização de políticas sociais para as mulheres; por outro, muitos entraves ocorreram para a efetivação das mesmas, desde a falta de orçamento até a dificuldade da incorporação de uma perspectiva verdadeiramente feminista por parte do projeto de governo petista. A tese busca apreender a consciência militante feminista e a sua relação com a luta de classes no governo Lula, em uma perspectiva de totalidade, com o esforço de ir além da sua aparência fenomênica, mas, no seio das relações sociais de classe, raça e sexo inseridas na dinâmica dos projetos societários em disputa: o patriarcal-capitalista e o feminista-socialista. Realizamos uma pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e de campo. Essa última foi desenvolvida por meio de entrevistas com 7 militantes orgânicas de cada um dos seguintes movimentos feministas: Articulação de Mulheres Brasileiras; Marcha Mundial de Mulheres e o Movimento de Mulheres Camponesas. Totalizamos, portanto, 21 entrevistas que articuladas à pesquisa documental de materiais produzidos por esses movimentos, bem como com a base teórica adquirida na pesquisa bibliográfica, obtivemos como principais conclusões: 1. O processo de formação da consciência militante feminista envolve como elementos indispensáveis às mulheres: (a) a apropriação de si e a ruptura com a naturalização do sexo; (b) o sair de casa; (c) a identificação na outra da sua condição de mulher; (d) a importância do grupo e da militância política em um movimento social; (e) a formação política associada às lutas concretas de reivindicação e de enfrentamento; 2. O feminismo contribui com a radicalização da democracia e com o tensionamento das relações de hierarquia presentes, inclusive, no interior de organizações de esquerda; 3. As políticas públicas para as mulheres no governo Lula, não corresponderam a uma perspectiva feminista, pois, não romperam com a responsabilização da mulher pela reprodução social antroponômica, tendo em vista o caráter familista das mesmas; 4. A autonomia política e financeira é o principal desafio para os movimentos feministas no Brasil.
The conscience formation of the capitalist society is made by relations of alienation and by the dominant ideology that difficult the development of the revolutionary conscience, developed in the collective militancy and focused in the social transformation. In the women particularity, this process more difficult because it is involved in patriarchal relations of domination, appropriation and arising exploration, fundamentally of the sexual division of work which, in association with a supposed female natural ideology, that constitute them as submissive, subservient, passive and apolitical. For that reasons, we started with the question: How occurs the process of feminist militancy conscience formation in a patriarchal and capitalist society? The general objective of this thesis is to comprehend the formation of a feminist militancy conscience and its main consequences at the Lula`s government class fight. The delimitation of the study at the government Lula is motivated by the need of comprehension of the feminism in the modernity, but also by the unrest to analyze the capacity of this government to be politically involved at the feminist movement field. The seizure of the transformist logic that rules this government is crucial to analyze the feminist struggle, because if by one side Brazil witnessed the institutionalization of a social policy for women, in the other many troubles occurred in its effectuation, from the budget issue to the incorporation difficulty of a real feminist perspective by the government project. The thesis search to learn the feminist militancy conscience and its relation with the government Lula class fight, in a entire perspective, striving to go beyond its phenomenal appearance, to reach deep in the social relations of class, race and sex inserted in the dynamic of the societary projects in dispute: The patriarchal-capitalist and the feminist-capitalist. We did a bibliographic, documental and a camp research. The last one was developed through interviews with seven organic militants of each of the following feminist movements: Articulation of Brazilian Women; World March of Women and Movement of Rural Women. There were 21 interviews that added with the documental research produced by those movements, as well as the theoretical base acquired in the bibliographic research we came to the main conclusions: 1. The process of formation of the feminist militancy conscience involve as indispensable elements to women: (a) the appropriation of itself and the rupture with the sex naturalization; (b) the process of leaving her home; (c) the identification in another of her woman condition; (d) the importance of the group and the political militancy at a social movement; (e) the political formation associated to the concrete claims and fights; 2. The feminism contributes to the democracy radicalization and the tension between the present hierarchies, including at the left organizations; 3. The Lula`s government public politics to women do not correspond to a feminist perspective, because they do not ended with the women responsibility at the antroponomic social reproduction, since we know its family feature; 4. The political and financial autonomy is the main challenge for the feminist movements in Brazil.

Desde una perspectiva de conocimientos situados esta tesis constituye una contribución a las críticas feministas del amor a partir de la generación de narrativas con mujeres feministas. En diálogo con distintas autoras feministas se cuestiona la naturalización de las emociones y del amor y se proponen el "pensamiento amoroso" y el "amor como dispositivo" como herramientas teóricas no dualistas que abarcan el fenómeno como un campo en disputa atravesado de relaciones de poder constituyentes y constitutivas. Se presentan las Producciones Narrativas como artefacto metodológico para la articulación entre la investigadora y diez mujeres feministas a partir del cual se incluyen nueve textos que recogen la visión del amor de estas mujeres y que forman parte del cuerpo de la tesis. Estos textos, como difracciones amorosas, ofrecen tanto una crítica al dispositivo amoroso como a las formas hegemónicas en que se produce el conocimiento científico. Finalmente, estas articulaciones permiten explorar diversas cuestiones en relación a los procesos de subjetivación y de creación de sentido en los que se entrelazan discursos amorosos hegemónicos y contrahegemónicos. Se analizan asimismo distintas resistencias al modelo amoroso hegemónico y las posibilidades de la participación política feminista en este campo.
From a situated knowledge perspective, this thesis provides a contribution to feminist critical approaches of love drawing upon the generation of narratives with feminist women. In dialogue with different feminist authors, the naturalization of emotions and love is challenged, and "amorous thought" and "love as a dispositif" are proposed as non-dualistic theoretical tools. Narrative Production is presented as a methodology which enables the articulation between the researcher and ten feminist women. On this basis, nine texts which gather these women's views on love are included, and these form part of the body of thesis. These texts, as amorous diffractions, offer both a critique of the amorous dispositif as well as of hegemonic ways in which scientific knowledge is produced. Finally, these articulations enable us to explore various questions which relate to subjectivation and meaning creation processes in which hegemonic and counter-hegemonic love discourses are intertwined. Moreover, different resistances to the hegemonic love model and the possibilities of feminist political action in this field are discussed.

La finalidad de esta tesis doctoral consiste en entender la relación existente entre el alumnado universitario y el movimiento feminista. La agenda feminista es fundamental en la articulación de una sociedad democrática basada en una ciudadanía comprometida con la justicia social. Como la filósofa española Amelia Valcárcel (2008, p. 75) indica, "una democracia, cuando funciona, es feminista", y si bien el feminismo ha sido uno de los motores principales del desarrollo democrático, nuestras democracias no son feministas actualmente. Numerosos estudios y publicaciones internacionales muestran que, en general, la juventud educada en las sociedades democráticas no muestra compromiso con el movimiento feminista (Duncan, 2010; Fitz, Zucker & Bay-Cheng, 2012; entre otros). En España, sólo el 5,6% de la juventud dice identificarse con este movimiento (CIS, 2014). Con el objetivo de capturar todas estas percepciones en nuestro contexto, hemos diseñado esta investigación. Metodológicamente este estudio se basa en la complementariedad de métodos gracias a un diseño incrustado o anidado concurrente de modelo dominante. Esto significa que se han utilizado tanto métodos cuantitativos como cualitativos, éstos últimos teniendo un papel secundario. Se ha desarrollado un nuevo instrumento de medida en esta investigación (el Cuestionario de Actitudes e Identidad Feminista, CAIF), que nos permite analizar las actitudes hacia el feminismo y la identidad feminista para identificar los obstáculos que impiden la juventud universitaria la comprensión y la adhesión al movimiento, así como también permite captar los elementos facilitadores. De forma paralela a la aplicación del cuestionario a 1.759 estudiantes (logrando una participación representativa del alumnado de la Universidad de Barcelona y la Universidad Politécnica de Catalunya), se han realizado 17 entrevistas a mujeres feministas (académicas, activistas, jóvenes o con trayectoria dentro del movimiento). Estas entrevistas se centran en sus voces y experiencias sobre la relación entre la juventud y el feminismo. La triangulación de los resultados obtenidos a través de los diferentes métodos utilizados señala a esta investigación como una de las más exhaustivas en su campo. Contar con tal número de participantes nos ha permitido estudiar los resultados en función de las ramas académicas del alumnado, obteniendo unos resultados hasta ahora inexistentes. Además, los análisis de datos empleados desde una metodología mixta, nos han permitido conocer el fenómeno desde distintas ópticas, cada una aportando elementos igualmente relevantes. Con los análisis cuantitativos hemos podido detectar qué elementos clave parecen perfilar las actitudes positivas hacia el feminismo y desencadenar una identidad feminista. Las operaciones cualitativas nos han permitido conocer en profundidad el fenómeno e incluso ampliar el conocimiento existente a nivel teórico. Las conclusiones sugieren un décalage entre las actitudes hacia el feminismo y la auto-identificación feminista en la juventud universitaria y se aportan argumentos para su comprensión. También se muestran resultados diferenciales según la rama académica del alumnado. Además, los resultados amplían los perfiles de las tipologías de identificación feminista existentes a nivel teórico hasta la fecha. Estos hallazgos pueden ayudar a desbloquear un debate, de hace más de veinte años, que parece estar estancado. Finalmente, los resultados obtenidos se traducen en propuestas de actuación para poder mejorar el imaginario social que la juventud comparte del feminismo, y quizá fomentar el desarrollo de una identidad feminista, sumando apoyos para una transformación social con mirada feminista.
The purpose of this dissertation is to understand the relationship between undergraduate people and the feminist movement. The feminist agenda is fundamental in articulating a democratic society grounded in a citizenship committed to social justice. As the Spanish philosopher Amelia Valcárcel (2008, p. 75) states, “a democracy, when it works, is feminist,” and we may concur that although feminism has been one of the engines of democratic development, our democracies are not currently feminist. Numerous studies and international publications show that, generally, young people educated in democratic societies show no commitment to the feminist movement (Duncan, 2010; Fitz, Zucker, & Bay-Cheng, 2012; amongst others). In order to capture all these perceptions in our context a new instrument has been developed in this research, allowing us to analyse the attitudes towards feminism and the feminist identity to identify the obstacles or impediments that prevent young university students from understanding and acceding to the women’s movement. This new questionnaire is based in two different domains: the attitudes towards feminism and the feminist identity in college students. Methodologically wise this research is based on the complementarity of methods (concurrent nested design), and parallel to the 1.759 participants of the questionnaires (representative of the students of the University of Barcelona and the Polytechnic University of Catalonia), a set of 17 interviews had been done to feminist women. These interviews are focused on young and adult feminists’ voices and experiences around the relationship between youth and feminism. Triangulation of the used methods will set this research as one of the most exhaustive in the field. This thesis’ findings offer a new conceptual framework for a better understanding the different factors that shape the relationship between college youth and the feminist movement, allowing the possibility to capture which are the elements that prevent the youth’s support to feminism and their level of identification with the movement.

La desigualdad de las mujeres se materializa en cada uno de los ámbitos de la vida y el business es uno de ellos. El objetivo general de la tesis es analizar críticamente el origen de la desigualdad de las mujeres en el business para proponer un marco normativo, ético y feminista, y un modelo de negocio igualitario. Nuestra hipótesis de trabajo es que las causas de la desigualdad en el business hay buscarlas más allá de los hechos, muestras de poder sobre las mujeres, analizando la construcción y los fundamentos ontológicos del propio business. En el primer capítulo analizamos los fundamentos ontológicos del business desde el sistema económico liberal, capitalista, teorizado por la economía clásica, que es el modelo de business hegemónico. A continuación, presentamos los hechos, diversos e interrelacionados, que muestran la desigualdad de las mujeres en ese modelo de business hegemónico. Clasificamos estos hechos en siete grandes categorías: la relación contractual, la feminización de sectores y ramas de actividad, la creación de negocios, la jerarquía patriarcal, los derivados de la responsabilidad de los trabajos de cuidados, el acoso sexual y las mujeres como sujeto en el mercado. Terminamos el capítulo nombrando las posibles razones por las que los intentos institucionales de alcanzar la igualdad en el business han resultado fallidos. En el segundo capítulo hacemos una breve revisión a la teoría feminista y la economía feminista en tanto que teorías criticas que cuestionan el orden social, político y económico que supone la ideología patriarcal capitalista. Y tratamos de identificar sus puntos clave: el patriarcado como sistema de dominación, la dicotomía público/privado, el contrato sexual y el derecho de propiedad, el género, el sujeto mujer, el homo economicus y la lógica de acumulación de capital. En el tercer capítulo, sirviéndonos de cómo se ha construido del modelo de business hegemónico y de las bases del patriarcado-capitalista, llevamos a cabo el ejercicio de deconstrucción de la estructura de desigualdad en el business. La desigualdad puede entenderse como una estructura ideológica de poder hegemónica en todas las actividades del business. Identificamos cuatro elementos en esa estructura, a modo de supuestos asumidos, que articulan la desigualdad en el business: el orden dicotómico y jerárquico de la vida; el sujeto abstracto, acorpóreo, autónomo y competitivo; el capital como razón de ser del business; y el comportamiento eficiente y performativo de género. El business es una actividad relacional y como tal los elementos se sitúan a varios niveles: un nivel macro, en su relación con el orden dicotómico y jerárquico de la vida; un nivel micro en su relación con el sujeto; un nivel extra en relación con qué aporta a la vida; y un nivel intra, en relación a cómo se comporta. Con en el ejercicio de deconstrucción se visibiliza aquello que está oculto permitiendo identificar los elementos con los que se debería construir una estructura de igualdad. Los cuatro elementos propuestos para visibilizar son: 1) el orden complejo e interelaccional de la vida; 2) la primacía del cuidado, reconocimiento de la vulnerabilidad e interdependencia; 3) la sostenibilidad como fin último; y 4) las empresas como espacios de co-creación y colaboración entre iguales. Una vez deconstruida la desigualdad estructural del business, y sabiendo los requisitos para reconstruir un modelo de business igualitario, en el capítulo cuatro presentamos un marco normativo, ético y feminista, con el propósito de asegurar la igualdad y la sostenibilidad de la vida como principios éticos articuladores del nuevo modelo. Por un lado, las capacidades humanas necesarias para vivir una vida digna identificadas por Nussbaum (2002) nos permiten valorar la alineación del proyecto empresarial con el objetivo social de la sostenibilidad de la vida. Por otro lado, la perspectiva del universalismo interactivo de Benhabid (1992) nos permite valorar el grado de compromiso hacia la igualdad en todas la relaciones empresariales, el reconocimiento de las particularidades y diferencias de los individuos en tanto que únicos y, por tanto, imposibles de encajar en una idea abstracta de sujeto, y la superación de la condición de otredad de las mujeres en el business. Para finalizar, y con la intención de mostrar que otra manera de hacer negocio es posible, en el capítulo cinco presentamos la empresa social como ejemplo de lo que puede ser un business igualitario. Desde su enfoque económico, como parte de la Economía Social y Solidaria, y su enfoque político, como parte del modelo de ciudadanía participativa de la Innovación Social, la empresa social es un referente para hacer negocios sin los elementos de la estructura de la desigualdad en el business hegemónico. Como mostramos con empresas concretas, es una realidad que ya está en marcha. Pensamos que reforzando la estructura de la igualdad y con el marco normativo que proponemos, la empresa social llevaría a la superación de la desigualdad de las mujeres en el business.
The inequality of women is materialized in every area of life and business is one of them. The general objective of the thesis is to analyse critically the origin of the inequality of women in business and propose a normative, ethical and feminist framework, and an egalitarian business model. Our working hypothesis is that the causes of inequality in business must be sought beyond the facts, analysing the construction and the ontological foundations of the business itself. In the first chapter we analyse the ontological foundations of business from the liberal, capitalist economic system, theorized by classical economics, which is the hegemonic business model. Next, we present the diverse and interrelated facts that show the inequality of women in this hegemonic business model. We classify these facts in seven major categories: the contractual relationship, the feminization of sectors and areas of activity, the creation of businesses, the patriarchal hierarchy, the derivatives of responsibility for care work, sexual harassment and women as subjects in the market. We finish the chapter by naming possible reasons why institutional attempts to achieve equality in business have failed. In the second chapter we briefly review feminist theory and feminist economics as critical theories that question the social, political and economic order that the capitalist patriarchal supposition supposes. And we try to identify its key points: patriarchy as a system of domination, the public / private dichotomy, the sexual contract and the property right, gender, the woman subject, the homo economicus and the logic of capital accumulation. In the third chapter, using how the hegemonic business model and the foundations of patriarchy-capitalism have been constructed, we carry out the exercise of deconstructing the structure of inequality in business. Inequality can be understood as an ideological structure of hegemonic power in all business activities. We identify four elements in this structure, as assumptions made, that articulate inequality in business: the dichotomous and hierarchical order of life; the abstract, incorporeal, autonomous and competitive subject; capital as business raison d'être; and the efficient and performative behaviour of gender. Business is a relational activity and as such the elements are placed at several levels: a macro level, in its realization with the dichotomy and hierarchical order of life; a micro level in its relationship with the subject; an extra level in relation to what it brings to life; and an intra level, in relation to how it behaves. With the exercise of deconstruction we visibilize what is hidden, allowing identifying the elements with which an equal structure should be built. The four proposed elements to make visible are: 1) the complex and interrelacional order of life; 2) the primacy of care, recognition of vulnerability and interdependence; 3) sustainability as ultimate aim and 4) companies as spaces for co-creation and collaboration among equals. Once the structural inequality of business is deconstructed, and knowing the requirements to reconstruct an egalitarian business model, in chapter four we present a normative, ethical and feminist framework, in order to ensure equality and sustainability of life as ethical principles articulators of the new model. On the one hand, the human capacities necessary to live a dignified life identified by Nussbaum (2002) allow us to assess the alignment of the business project with the social objective of the sustainability of life. On the other hand, the perspective of the interactive universalism of Benhabid (1992) allows us to assess the degree of commitment to equality in all business relationships, the recognition of the particularities and differences of individuals as unique and, therefore, impossible to fit into an abstract idea of subject, and overcoming the condition of otherness of women in business. Finally, and with the intention of showing that another way of doing business is possible, in chapter five we present the social enterprise as an example of what an egalitarian business can be. From its economic approach, as part of the Social and Solidarity Economy, and its political approach, as part of the model of participatory citizenship of Social Innovation, the social enterprise is a reference for doing business without the elements of the structure of inequality in the hegemonic business. As we showed with specific companies, it is a reality that is already underway. We think that by reinforcing the structure of equality and the normative framework we propose, social enterprise would lead to overcoming the inequality of women in business.

This dissertation examines the conventions used to frame and represent sweatshops in and to the U.S. Employing qualitative research methods this dissertation examines U.S. anti-sweatshop discourse, analyzing how the sweatshop and the sweatshop worker are made into exceptional objects of inquiry, and considers what kinds of truths and subjects are garnered from them. This dissertation argues that U.S. anti-sweatshop discourse frames sweatshops as an inherently foreign problem, and that this framing contributes to U.S. exceptionalism and savior ideology. This framing positions U.S. subjects as the primary agents of change whose relation to sweatshops is crucial to their eradication, and renders causal blame upon the racialized poor within the U.S. I argue that this framing undergirds the proliferation of new ethical markets that reproduce dislocation, dispossession, and displacement within U.S. borders via retail gentrification. Ultimately, this dissertation asks what truths are made possible through a mobilizing discourse whose foundational premise is contingent on the imagery of the sweatshop and the sweatshop worker.

What is it about feminism that invites so many different opinions on what ‘counts’ and what doesn’t? People from vastly different cultural situations variously categorise feminist practices as extreme, radical, reactionary, unbalanced, co-opted, revolutionary, elite, exclusive, progressive, passé, and hysterical. The desire of both feminists and anti-feminists to control feminism emerges as the limiting of what feminism is, whom it is for, and where it is going. The urge to limit feminism seems, in some cases, to overtake the urge to spread the word and celebrate feminism’s successes. And it is not just anti-feminists who attempt to limit feminism – even feminists spend an inordinate amount of time defining certain practices out of the feminist spectrum. In this thesis, I document and analyse the way we limit feminism – its participants, meaning, practices, language, history, and future. I explore the reasons why we need to contain feminism in this way, looking in particular at those who have an investment in keeping feminism comfortably small. I invite back into the realm of feminism a wide range of activities and theories we generally invalidate as feminism, including the words of several ‘unofficial’ feminists I interviewed for this project. In essence, this project goes towards the rethinking of the term ‘feminism’ by examining the widely differing and often contradictory definitions of ‘what counts.’

This dissertation provides an analysis of the representation of Arab American men in post-9/11 writings by Arab American women. This thesis contributes a new inquiry regarding Arab American literature in joining the subject of literature written by women and the study of Arab American masculinities. It delves into the construction (from both outsider and insider perspectives) of Arab American masculinities, at the same time as it expounds on the history of Arab (American) feminisms, placing Arab American women writers in a privileged space of contestation and critique in their fight against both sexism and racism. This dissertation wants to visibilize the nuanced depiction of Arab and Arab American men provided by Arab American women writers after 9/11, who have been informed by feminism since the 1990s. In their attempt to fight both sexism and racism, Arab American women provide ambivalent representations of Arab men that counter stereotypical discourses historically entrenched in the American psyche and also recurrent after 9/11. Furthermore, this thesis also intends to provide an analysis of fiction as a representation of reality, while also understanding literature as a potential conductor of change in cultural discourses. To do so, the dissertation is structured in four main parts which examine the context, reasons, and potential consequences of the specific portrayals of Arab American masculinities published by Arab American women after 9/11. The first chapter covers the historical vilification and racialization of Arab men in the United States, by taking on theories on biopolitics (Foucault), necropolitics (Mbembe, Puar), and monster-terrorist (Puar and Rai) in relation to the traumatic experience of September 11. The second deals with the discourses that aid in the social construction of Arab American identities and masculinities, with a special emphasis given to the theories of neopatriarchy (Sharabi), heterotopia (Foucault) and thirdspace (Soja, Bhaba). The construction of Arab American identities is also analyzed (David), as well as Arab American masculinities (Harpel). The third chapter examines the development and characteristics of Arab American feminisms (Hatem), as well as their influence to Arab American women writers. Finally, the fourth part takes on the theories from previous chapters and provides a literary analysis of the male characters in a group of selected novels published after 9/11. Those are: Diana Abu-Jaber's Crescent (2003), Laila Halaby's West of the Jordan (2003), Alicia Erian's Towelhead (2005), Laila Halaby's Once in A Promised Land (2007), Frances Kirallah Noble's The New Belly Dancer of the Galaxy (2007), Susan Muaddi Darraj's The Inheritance of Exile: Stories from South Philly (2007), Randa Jarrar's A Map of Home (2008), and Alia Yunis's The Night Counter (2009).
Esta tesis proporciona un análisis de la representación de los hombres árabo-americanos en novelas escritas por mujeres después del 11 de septiembre. Este estudio contribuye una novedosa investigación en relación a la literatura árabo-americana al juntar el estudio de la literatura escrita por mujeres y el análisis de las masculinidades árabo-americanas. La tesis explora la construcción de las masculinidades árabo-americanas, al mismo tiempo que explica la historia de los feminismos árabo-americanos, situando a las mujeres árabo-americanas en un espacio privilegiado de contestación y crítica en su lucha contra el sexismo y contra el racismo. Esta tesis quiere visibilizar la compleja representación de los hombres árabes y árabo-americanos ofrecida por mujeres árabo-americanas después del 11 de septiembre, mujeres influenciadas por el feminismo desde los años noventa. En su lucha contra el sexismo y el racismo, estas mujeres proporcionan representaciones ambivalentes de hombres árabes que contrarrestan los discursos estereotípicos recurrentes después del 11 de septiembre y arraigados en la psique norteamericana. Además, proporciona un análisis de la ficción como representación de la realidad, entendiendo la literatura como conductor potencial de cambio en los discursos culturales. Para ello, el estudio se estructura en cuatro partes que examinan los contextos, razones y potenciales consecuencias de las representaciones específicas de las masculinidades árabo-americanas publicadas por mujeres después del 11 de septiembre. El primer capítulo cubre la vilificación y racialización históricas del hombre árabe en los Estados Unidos, tomando las teorías de “biopolitics” (Foucault), “necropolitics” (Mbembe, Puar), y “monster-terrorist” (Puar y Rai) para entender la experiencia traumática del 11 de septiembre. El segundo trata sobre los discursos que ayudan a la construcción social de las identidades y masculinidades árabo-americanas, dando especial énfasis a las teorías de “neopatriarchy” (Sharabi), “heterotopia” (Foucault) y “thirdspace” (Soja, Bhaba). La construcción de identidades árabo-americanas también es analizada, así como las masculinidades árabo-americanas. El tercer capítulo examina el desarrollo y características de los feminismos árabo-americanos, así como su influencia para las escritoras árabo-americanas. Finalmente, el cuarto capítulo recoge las teorías expuestas en los capítulos previos y proporciona un análisis literario de los personajes masculinos en un grupo de novelas publicadas después del 11 de septiembre: Crescent (2003) de Diana Abu-Jaber, West of the Jordan (2003) de Laila Halaby, Towelhead (2005) de Alicia Erian, Once in A Promised Land (2007) de Laila Halaby, The New Belly Dancer of the Galaxy (2007) de Frances Kirallah Noble, The Inheritance of Exile: Stories from South Philly (2007) de Susan Muaddi Darraj, A Map of Home (2008) de Randa Jarrar, y The Night Counter (2009) de Alia Yunis.

De manera progresiva y creciente la lactancia ha cobrado un protagonismo que la sitúan en un tema de alto interés sanitario. Dado su presunto valor preventivo y predictivo de un importante grupo de enfermedades, su presencia en políticas de salud pública, revistas de investigación y en la ciudadanía va en aumento. Envuelta en una semántica biopolítica donde la salud se convierte en el principal centro de gobierno, creando nuevos expertos y nuevas economías (Greco, 2005, Rose, 2007), este estudio plantea que este resurgimiento de la lactancia materializa el nacimiento de una identidad y una responsabilidad biológica que se expresa y articula en la vida cotidiana de las mujeres que aspiran a la mejora de sus capacidades y de las de sus criaturas. Con el fin explorar la configuración de los elementos normativos, técnicos y políticos alineados en torno a la lactancia, este estudio llevó a cabo una revisión de los modos en que está siendo estudiada, promovida y subjetivada en tres espacios: la investigación en ciencias de la salud y las políticas de salud pública (manuales, folletos, la prensa); la experiencia de un grupo de madres que se encontraban en proceso de dar lactancia; y, finalmente, en una agrupación ciudadana de apoyo madre a madre de Cataluña. Los resultados de esta cartografía indican que, fortalecida por el discurso médico y el desarrollo tecnocientífico, el cuerpo de la mujer y un producto de ésta, se constituyen en una tecnología de optimización de la salud de la población, que es reclamada por el Estado y por la ciudadanía como un bien social que define el estatus de ser humano y los criterios para el buen vivir: No dar pecho es no hacer lo mejor para tu hijo/a y la sociedad. Esta racionalidad práctica que une conocimientos, instrumentos, personas, sistemas de juicios, presenta como característica particular abrigar la esperanza de reconfigurar procesos vitales, con el fin de maximizar el funcionamiento y mejorar los resultados del futuro actuando en el presente vital. Se argumenta que la lactancia en el siglo XXI se constituye en un nuevo dispositivo ethopolítico acentuado en la susceptibilidad del cuerpo en desarrollo, siendo los propios ciudadanos quienes entienden y gestionan la relación con su cuerpo y su bienestar. Su carácter de dispositivo la convierten en una tecnología a través de la cual, en nombre de la vida y la salud, se desarrollan toda una serie de estrategias de intervención sobre una existencia colectiva, y que, como se evidencia, han logrado penetrar en los modos en que las madres son llevadas a trabajar sobre sí mismas. Se muestra las nuevas formas de ciudadanía que están siendo desarrolladas a través de la lactancia, y cómo se entrelazan con la diversidad de experiencias contradictorias que las mujeres siguen viviendo en relación a ella.
The interest of breastfeeding has created a progressively importance in health interest. Due to its presumed predictive and preventive values of important diseases groups, its presence in public health policies, research reviews and on citizenship are increasing. Involving in a biopolicy semantics where the health is converted into the principal centre of government, creating experts and new economies, (Greco, 2005, Rose, 2007), this study raises that the resurgence of the breastfeeding become a reality of the origin of an identity and a biological responsibility that it is expressed and created in the daily women´s live who aspire to improve their capacities and their children. In order to explore the configuration of normative, technical and politician elements around the breastfeeding, this study carried out a review in a three areas: the research in health science; public health policies (manuals, pamphlets, press); the experience of a group of breastfeeding mothers; and finally, in a citizenship association of mother to mother support of Catalonia. The results of this cartography denote that, strengthened by medical discourse and scientific development, the body of the mother and its product are constituted in a technology of health optimization of citizenship which is demanded for the state and for the citizenship as a social good which defends the status of human being and the criterion for good living. Not breastfeed is not the best for the child and/or the society. In this practical rationalization that knowledge, instruments, people, judge systems are connected, the characteristic is showed as the expectation of the reconfiguration of vital process, in order to maximize the working and improving the future results to act the vital present. It is said that the breastfeeding in XXI century, a new ethopolitical dispositive is constituted a high risk in the susceptibility of the developing body. The citizenship understands and manages the relations with their body and their welfare. Its character is converted in a technology through, in the name of the live and the health, a series of intervention strategies are developed about the collective existence, and it has obtained to get into the way how mothers work in themselves. This study also shows new citizenship behaviours that are being developed through breastfeeding and how are related with diversity of contradictory experiences that women still have.

This dissertation brings an interdisciplinary methodology to bear on the rhetorical analysis of women's sport and health social movements in the twenty-first century. Specifically, I read "sports feminism" as a rhetorical discourse that engages ongoing feminist struggles for women's rights to both their bodies and public space. Drawing on transnational feminist rhetorics, I network sports feminist arguments to international policy documents, like the Brighton and Beijing Declarations, to illustrate how the topoi of sport, health, and fitness function as commonplaces in global gender mainstreaming policy. In applying the metaphor of the network to the communicative infrastructure of global sports feminist advocacy, I also draw on new media rhetorics to analyze the role of the wireless Internet and social networking in the rhetorical practice of networking sports feminist policy and arguments across transnational lines of difference. Yet, in reading the rhetorical practices of the Women's International Sports Movement and Nike's Girl Effect through transnational feminist rhetoric, I illustrate how sports feminism is neither a homogenous discourse nor singular feminist identity, and thus, must be analyzed as a pluralistic political praxis with competing rhetorical objectives and audiences. Thus, the final chapter situates sports feminist rhetoric locally in the context of US-based girl power media culture, analyzing the impact of sports feminist rhetoric on the embodied perceptions of gender and gender relations of adolescent American girls. The project thus demonstrates the importance of understanding sports feminist rhetoric's global sociopolitical and economic roles and its impact on gendered identity and labor in the twenty-first century.

Orientador: Leonardo Lemos de Souza
Banca: Raquel Gonçalves Salgado
Banca: Rita Melissa Lepre
Resumo: O presente trabalho tem como temática principal a crítica, marcada pela perspectiva feminista, sobre a psicologia do desenvolvimento como um regime de inteligibilidade da vida, que prescreve um "dever ser", assumindo o gênero como um interrogante. Apresenta como objetivo central analisar como as questões de gênero são tratadas nas obras-manuais de psicologia do desenvolvimento, mais recorrentes, nas bibliografias dos cursos de psicologia das Universidades Federais Brasileiras, que são duas: "O Ciclo Vital", de Helen Bee, e "Desenvolvimento Humano", de Diane Papalia e Ruth Feldman. O trabalho, ainda, é demarcado a partir de um recorte temporal de 2016 a 2018. O recorte se dá diante de uma possibilidade de narrarmos um período de golpes políticos à ciência, aos direitos humanos e aos estudos de gênero, tendo o cenário brasileiro perpassado por tempos de ódio no qual nos deparamos com estudos localizados e as tecnologias feministas para desenvolver uma pesquisa comprometida e parcial. As discussões apresentadas como problemas de gênero, são desdobradas nesta pesquisa, de modo que averiguamos os saberes localizados e os conteúdos em Psicologia através de suas obras-manuais, no período pós golpe em 2016. Nesta perspectiva, gênero, mais do que um elemento de análise, aparece, em nosso trabalho, como um interrogante da produção teórica consolidada na Psicologia do Desenvolvimento. A pesquisa, desenvolvida neste recorte social e político, pretende dessacralizar os assuntos que tecem questões de gênero nas obras-manuais que costumamos encontrar nas IES Federais, ao passo em que apresentamos, entre os movimentos de associações e práticas coletivas, nossos posicionamentos que permitem analisar conteúdos para além dos refinados controles, dessacralizando assim os cânones sobre o desenvolvimento no Brasil e seus estudos concomitantes
Abstract: The main theme of the present work is the critique, marked by the feminist perspective, on the psychology of development as a regime of intelligibility of life, which prescribes a "must be", assuming the gender as a question mark. It presents as a central objective to analyze how the gender issues are treated in the manuals of development psychology, most recurrent, in the bibliographies of the courses of psychology of the Brazilian Federal Universities, which are two: Helen Bee's "The Life Cycle", and "Human Development" by Diane Papalia and Ruth Feldman. The work is also demarcated from a time cut from 2016 to 2018. The temporal delimitation occurs in the face of a possibility of narrating a period of political coups to science, human rights and gender studies, and the Brazilian scene is crossed by times of hatred in which we are faced with localized studies and feminist technologies to develop a compromised and partial search. The discussions presented as gender problems are deployed in this research, so that we find out the localized knowledge and contents in Psychology and its manuals in the post-coup period in 2016. In this perspective, gender, rather than an element of analysis, appears in our work as a question of the theoretical production consolidated in Developmental Psychology. The research, developed in this social and political delimitation, intends to deacralize the issues that put gender issues in the manual works that we usually find in the Federal Colleges/Universities, while presenting, among the movements of associations and collective practices, our positions that allow us to analyze content beyond the refined controls, thus desacralizing the canons on development in Brazil and their concomitant studies
Mestre

This thesis explores both what feminism looks like in a digital age, as well as how the Internet and technology inform the ways in which feminists interact, build communities, and form identities. I found that online feminist spaces are built as communities of validation and support, education and empowerment, as well as spaces of radicalization and contention. Ultimately my thesis leads toward a new understanding of feminist activism that incorporates the unique characteristics and abilities of online feminism.

It is vital that feminist theory and critical white studies be combined in order to form what I call critical white feminism. Both critical white studies and feminist studies are often limited in their ability to adequately address the complex interconnectivity of racial and gender privilege and oppression. In general, feminist scholarship produced by white feminists excludes and oppresses women of color and is therefore inadequate. I refer to this problem as white feminist racism and argue that white feminists are ignorant of the ways in which whiteness and privilege facilitate problematic theorizing. Unlike white feminist theories, the emerging field of critical white studies provides a foundation for exploring whiteness in a racist society. However, critical white theories often examine racism and whiteness without attention to gender, and are therefore inadequate, as well. Consequently, another approach is necessary for the development of liberatory theories that sufficiently conceptualize social change. As a solution to the limitations of both feminist studies and critical white studies, I propose critical white feminism, which encourages white feminists to interrogate whiteness and privilege. The purpose of critical white feminism is to a) conceptualize an inclusive and transformative antiracist feminist framework and agenda, b) challenge white feminist racism and white feminist hegemony, c) encourage open and honest communication between feminists across differences, and d) facilitate feminist solidarity and mobilization.
B.A.
Bachelors
Arts and Humanities
Philosophy

This thesis examines dominant feminist discourses emerging from liberal media, the academy, and activist networks in contemporary Britain. In particular, it traces stories and representations of feminism’s recent past (from the 1960s onwards) which are constructed and reproduced through these sites, analysing where and how issues related to race and racism are located within - and outside of - such narratives. It is based on empirical research analysing popular, academic, and activist books, newspaper articles in The Guardian and The Observer, as well as interviews with feminist activists and students of women’s and gender studies courses. Given that there is an extensive history of women of colour-led organising in post-war Britain, including an autonomous black women’s movement in the 1970s and ’80s, and the growth at this time of black British feminism both within and outside of the academy, the thesis interrogates dominant narratives which continue to construct British feminism as a story belonging to white women. Drawing on black and postcolonial feminist theory, it analyses the articulations of feminist politics emerging from these sites through an anti-racist lens. It demonstrates that the way the historical narratives are constructed and gain currency has a significant influence on contemporary feminist theory and politics, with whiteness reproduced as the hegemonic lens through which British feminism is understood. The thesis argues that white feminist racism haunts the dominant narrative of British feminism – as something which is repeatedly erased or evaded each time it is brought to view – and it calls for white feminist academics and activists to reckon with the long history of racism and imperialism which has been integral to the British feminist project since its inception.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
The state of Paraíba has a long trajectory when it comes to the struggle of women, who, for a long time, have been absent from history. This paper aims to clarify the trajectory of the NGO Cunhã Coletivo Feminista, highlighting their protagonism in the fight for rights and for gender equality in the state. Founded in 1990, the NGO was born as a development of previous feminist groups and has outstanding action with urban and rural women from Paraíba‟s coastal, Agreste and Cariri areas. Using oral history methodology, we connected the life histories of the NGO members, in a close relationship between a history that was made and that is being made, and memory. We also utilized texts, projects, reports, brochures, guidebooks and other materials essential to those histories. We will observe the creation of new subjectivation practices and the consolidation of an institutionalized feminism that originated other groups and movements and was essential to network building, the consolidation of connections and the dialogue with regional and national feminism. Thus, we hope to contribute to the history and memory of the NGO at the same time that we bring forth the members‟ life histories and trace a history of the feminine protagonism, the resistances and the feminist movement in Paraíba.
O Estado da Paraíba apresenta uma longa trajetória no que tange às lutas de mulheres, estas que durante muitos verões estiveram ausentes da escrita da história. A presente dissertação tem por objetivo elucidar a trajetória da ONG Cunhã Coletivo Feminista, destacando seu protagonismo na luta por direitos e pela igualdade de gênero no estado. Fundada em 1990, nasceu como desdobramento de grupos feministas anteriores e apresenta uma destacada atuação com mulheres urbanas e rurais do litoral, agreste e cariri paraibano. Através da metodologia da história oral, costuramos histórias de vida de suas integrantes, numa relação próxima entre uma história que se fez e que está sendo feita, e a memória. Também utilizamos textos, projetos, relatórios, folders, cartilhas e outros materiais essenciais a nosso fiar. Veremos a elaboração de novas práticas de subjetivação e a consolidação de um feminismo institucionalizado que foi formador para outros grupos e movimentos, essencial na formação de redes, na consolidação de articulações e no diálogo com o feminismo regional e nacional. Dessa forma, esperamos contribuir com a história e memória do coletivo ao mesmo tempo em que colocamos à luz as histórias de vida de suas integrantes e que traçamos uma história do protagonismo feminino, das resistências e do movimento feminista na Paraíba.

Partint d'estudis acadèmics de gènere i recerques qualitatives, feministes i etnogràfiques anteriors, aquesta tesi adopta un enfocament socioantropològic alhora que explora una sèrie de reflexions crítiques i creatives sobre les pràctiques i les relacions de gènere derivades del comportament antisexista que adopten avui alguns homes a Itàlia i Espanya. A més, s'ha d'entendre en un context de crisi econòmica neoliberal i de la societat de la informació. Empíricament, el nostre objectiu és analitzar de manera contextualitzada la manera com les pràctiques dels homes es poden reconfigurar materialment i discursivament cap a un canvi positiu. D'altra banda, en l'àmbit teòric, els nostres objectius són tres: en primer lloc, entendre i establir relacions genealògiques entre grups d'homes i les tradicions feministes amb les quals es relacionen; en segon lloc, investigar les vies de la seva política de masculinitat orientada al feminisme, i, en tercer lloc, oferir material aclaridor i contribuir, així, als debats políticament i acadèmicament rellevants en contextos de transformació de les relacions de gènere.
Partiendo de estudios académicos de género e investigaciones cualitativas, feministas y etnográficas anteriores, esta tesis adopta un enfoque socioantropológico a la vez que explora una serie de reflexiones críticas y creativas sobre las prácticas y las relaciones de género derivadas del comportamiento antisexista que adoptan hoy algunos hombres en Italia y España. Debe, además, entenderse en un contexto de crisis económica neoliberal y de la sociedad de la información. Empíricamente, nuestro objetivo es analizar de manera contextualizada la manera como las prácticas de los hombres se pueden reconfigurar materialmente y discursivamente hacia un cambio positivo. Por otro lado, en el ámbito teórico, nuestros objetivos son tres: en primer lugar, entender y establecer relaciones genealógicas entre grupos de hombres y las tradiciones feministas con las que se relacionan; en segundo lugar, investigar las vías de su política de masculinidad orientada al feminismo, y, en tercer lugar, ofrecer material aclaratorio y contribuir, así, a los debates políticamente y académicamente relevantes en contextos de transformación de las relaciones de género.
With previous academic gender studies and qualitative, feminist, ethnographical research laying its foundation, this thesis takes on a socio-anthropological approach while exploring a number of critical-creative elaborations on practices and gender relations resulting from contemporary, anti-sexist men¿s engagements in Italy and Spain. Moreover, it must be understood within a context of neoliberal economic crises and the information society. Empirically speaking, we aim to take a contextualized look at how men¿s practices can be materially and discursively reconfigured towards positive change. Meanwhile, on a theoretical level, our objectives are threefold: firstly, to understand and draw genealogical relations between groups of men and the feminist traditions they relate to; secondly, to investigate the pathways of their feminist-oriented masculinity politics; and, thirdly, to offer insightful contributions to politically and academically relevant debates in gender-transformative contexts.

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This research proposes to analyze cuts of the work of the multidisciplinary artist Luiza Prado (1988 - ). From the analysis of the various visuals used by the artist, which include photoperformance, videoperformance and body art, we seek to understand its creative process and the construction of her poetics. Such poetics emerges from her confrontation with rape, with indigenous heritage, with profanation and with the sacred, so we take into account her construction as an ex-centric subject, the use of the body in her work and the strategies mobilized by the artist in the appropriation of representations, besides the relation with the psychodrama. The first chapter discusses her constitution as an ex-centric subject, the influence of psychodrama, and forms of appropriation as strategy. Secondly, we discuss the use of video as language and political strategy, a media that allows the problematization of the relation between performer and spectator in her works. Finally, we approach Prado's body art and photoperformance as postcolonial and anti-capitalist critique. We take as theoretical references the Critique of Art and Image, Philosophy and Feminist Theory, in dialogue with authors who treat the body as a support of art.
Essa investigação se propõe a analisar recortes da obra da artista multidisciplinar Luiza Prado (1988 -). A partir da análise das diversas visualidades utilizadas pela artista, que incluem a fotoperformance, a videoperformance e a body art, procura-se compreender seu processo criativo e a construção de sua poética. Tal poética emerge a partir de sua confrontação com a violação sexual, com a herança indígena, com a profanação e com a dominação, assim levamos em conta sua construção enquanto sujeito ex-cêntrico, a utilização do corpo em sua obra e das estratégias mobilizadas pela artista na apropriação de representações, além da relação com o psicodrama. No primeiro capítulo discute-se sua constituição como sujeito ex-cêntrico, a influência do teatro terapêutico, e formas de apropriação como estratégia. Em um segundo momento, discutimos o uso do vídeo como linguagem e estratégia política, uma mídia que permite a problematização da relação entre performer e espectador nas obras da artista. Por último, a body art e a fotoperformance de Prado são abordadas enquanto críticas de caráter pós-colonial e anticapitalista. Tomamos como referências teóricas da Crítica de Arte e Imagem, Filosofia e da Teoria Feminista, em diálogo com autores (as) que tratam do corpo como suporte da arte.

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The present work analyzed relations and conflicts of gender and power observed during the debate regarding the origins of Baptist work in Brazil; a debate between Pastor José dos Reis Pereira, the official leader of the Brazilian Baptist Convention during the years 1960-1980, and the Baptist researcher Betty Antunes de Oliveira. The analysis of the conflict was realized principally via the mediation of gender as principal hermeneutic tool, following the presuppositions of Joan Wallach Scott. In this manner, the research had as its principal proposal, based on an analysis of the debate, to give visibility to the conflict of gender in the places of power in the Brazilian Baptist Convention during the period 1960-1980, and dissimulated by Baptist discourses on the rights of liberty and social equality. This research was based on the following hypotheses: the dynamic of the debate was strengthened by the sociopolitical context of those years, which favored the emergence of women s and feminist movements in Brazil, whose influences were also felt in other Christian traditions; and the final result of the debate depended more on questions of gender and power than technical and academic discussions regarding the historical date of the commencement of Baptist work in Brazil. The original contribution of this research is in offering a new perspective regarding the origins of Baptist work in Brazil, based on the category of gender as the instrument of analysis, which, as such, compliments academic research already published regarding the theme.(AU)
O presente trabalho analisou as relações e os conflitos de gênero e poder observados durante o debate sobre as origens do trabalho batista no Brasil, debate esse entre o Pastor José dos Reis Pereira, líder oficial da Convenção Batista Brasileira durante os anos 1960-1980 e a pesquisadora batista Betty Antunes de Oliveira. A análise do conflito foi realizada principalmente com a mediação de gênero como instrumento hermenêutico, conforme os pressupostos de Joan Wallach Scott. Desse modo, a pesquisa teve como propósito principal, a partir da análise do debate, dar visibilidade ao conflito de gênero nos lugares de poder da Convenção Batista Brasileira dos anos 1960-1980, conflito dissimulado pelos discursos batistas sobre direitos de liberdade e igualdade sociais. Esta pesquisa trabalhou basicamente com as seguintes hipóteses: a dinâmica do debate foi fortalecida pelo contexto sociopolítico daqueles anos, que favoreceu a emergência dos movimentos de mulheres e feminista no Brasil, cujas influências foram também sentidas em outras tradições de fé cristã; e o resultado final do debate dependeu mais das questões de gênero e poder do que das discussões técnicas e acadêmicas sobre o acerto histórico do marco inicial do trabalho batista no Brasil. O ineditismo desta pesquisa está em oferecer uma nova perspectiva do debate sobre as origens do trabalho batista no Brasil, a partir do uso da categoria de gênero como instrumento de análise, o que complementará, desse modo, a pesquisa acadêmica já publicada sobre o tema.

This thesis studies the intersection of crafts and feminism in the Swedish context by focusing on two events organized in Stockholm in the spring of 2018: a feminist market and a #MeToo tagging event. The thesis focuses on the relationship between crafts and contemporary feminism in the Swedish context, in particular how feminism is expressed and done through crafts as well as what kind of feminism is expressed and whom it can be said to represent. Moreover, the thesis explores possible connections between Swedish feminist crafting and activism. Based on field notes from the two events as well as recorded material from six interviews with seven women from the two events, this thesis suggests that there exists a feminist crafts movement in the Swedish context. Moreover, this thesis shows that there are many ways in which crafts may be feminist, such as when crafts are used to convey explicit feminist statements, when they are placed in public or when they empower women. The kind of feminism expressed through crafts has women as its subject, though without specifying if this includes all women or only certain kinds of women. As demonstrated by the visitors and exhibitors at the feminist market and the tagging event, this feminism seems to mainly attract white, middle-class women and feminists. The question of whether feminist crafts in general, and these two events in particular, are connected to activism cannot be easily determined and it is thus argued that what is of importance is not if these two events can be labeled as activist, but rather if they can be understood as events that make a difference. As a result, this thesis suggests that feminist crafts reflect a broader Swedish feminist discourse that, despite acknowledging the importance of intersectionality, fails to analyze how sex/gender intersect with ethnicity and race. A critical discussion is thus needed within the feminist crafting community where the issue of homogeneity within the community is prioritized. More specifically, this thesis suggests that the community ask itself how it can change, and what actions could be taken in order to make feminist crafts more attractive to a wider group of feminists. Likewise, they should also reflect on the underlying factors as to why this community is homogenous and why it fails to attract a more diverse crowd of feminists.
Denna studie undersöker intersektionen mellan hantverk och feminism i den svenska kontexten genom att fokusera på två evenemang som organiserades i Stockholm under våren 2018: en feministisk marknad och en #MeToo taggning. Uppsatsen fokuserar på relationen mellan hantverk och samtida feminism i den svenska kontexten, framförallt i form av hur feminism uttrycks och görs genom hantverk liksom vilken typ av feminism som uttrycks och vem den kan sägas representera. Dessutom utforskar uppsatsen möjliga kopplingar mellan svenskt feministiskt hantverkande och aktivism. Baserat på fältanteckningar från de två eventen liksom inspelat material från sex intervjuer med sju kvinnor från de två evenemangen så föreslår denna uppsats att det existerar en feministisk hantverksrörelse i den svenska kontexten. Dessutom visar uppsatsen att hantverk kan vara feministiskt på många olika sätt, så som när hantverk används för att förmedla explicita feministiska åsikter, när de tar plats i offentligheten eller när de stärker kvinnor. Den typ av feminism som uttrycks genom hantverk har kvinnor som sitt subjekt, dock utan att specificera om detta inkluderar alla kvinnor eller endast vissa grupper av kvinnor. Besökarna och utställarna vid den feministiska marknaden och taggningen visar att denna typ av feminism främst attraherar vita medelklasskvinnor och -feminister. Frågan om huruvida feministiskt hantverkande i allmänhet, och dessa två evenemang i synnerhet, är kopplade till aktivism kan inte besvaras enkelt och därför argumenterar uppsatsen för att det är viktigare att fokusera på om dessa två evenemang kan sägas göra skillnad snarare än om de kan tillskrivas en form av aktivistetikett. Som sitt resultat så föreslår denna uppsats att feministiskt hantverkande reflekterar en bredare svensk feministisk diskurs som misslyckas med att analysera hur kön/genus är sammanflätat med etnicitet och ras, trots att den erkänner vikten av intersektionellt tänkande. En kritisk diskussion inom den feministiska hantverksrörelsen är därför nödvändig, där frågan om rörelsens homogenitet bör prioriteras. Mer specifikt så föreslår denna uppsats att rörelsen bör fråga sig själv hur den kan förändras och vilka åtgärder som kan tas för att göra feministiskt hantverkande attraktivt för en bredare grupp av feminister. På samma sätt bör den feministiska hantverksrörelsen också reflektera kring underliggande faktorer till varför den egna rörelsen är homogen och varför den misslyckas med att attrahera en mer mångfaldig grupp av feminister.

Orientador: Aparecido Donizete Rossi
Banca: Luciana de Campos
Banca: Fernanda Aquino Sylvestre
Resumo: O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar e investigar o processo de revisionismo crítico da tradição em The Mists of Avalon (1982), romance da escritora norte-americana Marion Zimmer Bradley. O processo de re-visão, conceito engendrado pela poetisa e crítica feminista Adrienne Rich em "When We Dead Awaken: Writing as Re-vision" (1972), pressupõe que as escritoras mulheres efetuem uma leitura da tradição literária patriarcal e, a partir de um posicionamento crítico, busquem na sua arte desarticular a voz e a autoridade masculina e suas visões cristalizadas em torno do feminino. A re-visão da Matéria da Bretanha, com a valorização das personagens mulheres, é a tônica do projeto estético desenvolvido no romance. A fim de aprofundar a compreensão sobre a manifestação desse processo revisionista, será analisado o modo como as representações do feminino e o universo mítico presentes na tradição arturiana são trazidos para a narrativa - a partir da fala de Morgana, uma das mulheres da história - já deslidos e re-criados numa perspectiva feminista, algo novo na tradição ocidental. Para tanto, utilizam-se, além dos pressupostos de Adrienne Rich, os escritos de Sandra Gilbert e Susan Gubar em The Madwoman in the Attic (1979) referentes à literatura de autoria feminina; Elaine Showalter e suas considerações sobre a crítica feminista e a ginocrítica; e obras de Mircea Eliade que versam sobre mitologia e o sagrado.
Abstract: This study has the aim of analyzing and investigating the process of critical revisionism of the tradition in The Mists of Avalon (1982), a novel by the American writer Marion Zimmer Bradley. The process of re-vision, concept framed by the feminist poet and critic Adrienne Rich in "When We Dead Awaken: Writing as Re-vision" (1972), assumes that female writers read the patriarchal literary tradition and, from a critical positioning, search in their art to disarticulate the patriarchate and its crystallized views of the feminine. The re-vision of the Matter of Britain, with the appreciation of female characters, is the strength of the esthetic project developed in the novel. With the purpose of deepening the understanding about the manifestation of this revisionist process, we will analyze how representations of the feminine and the mythical universe, present in Arthurian tradition, are brought to the narrative - from Morgaine's talks, she is one of the women in the history - already misreading and re-created from a feminist perspective, something new in the western tradition. To do so, in addition to Adrienne Rich's assumptions, we will use the notes of Sandra Gilbert and Susan Gubar in The Madwoman in the Attic (1979) referring to the literature of feminine authorship; Elaine Showalter and her considerations about feminist critics and gynocritics, and Mircea Eliade's works on mythology and the sacred
Mestre

This research examined definitions of feminists and the relationship between self-identification as a feminist and willingness to engage in action to reduce inequality between men and women. Two focus groups were held to discuss these issues with undergraduate women. All but one of the members self-identified as feminists. Group members aligned themselves with one of two definitions of feminist. Some women defined feminists as those who desire equality for women. This group distanced themselves from radical feminists. The other women asserted that feminists were concerned with human rights for both men and women. The women emphasized that men as well as women could be feminists. Consistent with social identity theory that posits that important identities are associated with action, the women participated in two types of activities that were related to reducing gender inequality. One type of action was individualist, such as responding to sexist remarks. The other type was involvement with groups and organizations that collectively worked to reduce inequality. The one group member who rejected the label of feminist held views and engaged in behavior consistent with a cultural definition of feminist.
Master of Science

This dissertation examines postwar U.S. feminist narrative practices of "making," writing, and sustaining "feminist history" and their spatiotemporal figuration of the subject of "women of color." In so doing, I attend to three discursive genres of postwar U.S. "feminist history": manifestos of postwar U.S. women's movements, histories of postwar U.S. women's movements, and the discourse of "post-feminism." The term "feminist history," in this sense, relates to the various ways that postwar U.S. feminists theorized women's liberation (manifestos), historicized the past of postwar U.S. women's movements (histories), and countered the putative "end" of postwar U.S. feminism (post-feminism). First, I argue that manifestos and histories of postwar U.S. women's movements as well as the discourse of "post-feminism" commonly utilized narrative form of discourse within which spatiotemporal imagination of "feminist history" articulate. Second, I point to the spatiotemporal figuration of racial others within these postwar U.S. feminist narratives of "feminist history." Third, I question the political implication of the spatial mobility of "women of color" which is increasingly seized by the late-modern spatiotemporal politics of multiculturalism.