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Journal articles on the topic 'Feminist government'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Bakanova, Marina V. "FEMINIST MOVEMENT IN PAKISTAN. YESTERDAY, TODAY, TOMORROW." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Philosophy. Social Studies. Art Studies, no. 1 (2021): 306–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6401-2021-1-306-314.

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Despite the fact that Pakistan is considered a traditionally conservative Muslim country, it is also characterized by a feminist movement. Women’s activity in the political, economic and other spheres of society began in the period of British India and continued in an independent country. Prominent political figures took part in the struggle for women’s rights, and feminist organizations were created. At the same time, feminism of that period can be viewed as an elite phenomenon, accessible only to the upper class of society. During the Afghan War, feminist organizations entered into sharp con

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Direk, Zeynep. "Confronting Domestic Violence in Turkey." Eco-ethica 8 (2019): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ecoethica202052718.

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In this paper, I discuss how Turkish feminists have approached the phenomenon of male violence in Turkey as a political problem by following the feminist precept that the private is public. In the last twenty years, feminist activists in media have made male violence increasingly visible, by criticizing the framing of femicides as fatalities of jealousy and love. I argue that Turkish feminists do not consider male violence as just a “situation” or a structure of “oppression.” They problematize it as systematic political violence, which calls for a critique of the anti-feminist state policies t

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Morton, Sam E., Judyannet Muchiri, and Liam Swiss. "Which feminism(s)? For whom? Intersectionality in Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 3 (2020): 329–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020953420.

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The Government of Canada introduced its new Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP) to guide its foreign aid programming in June 2017. This feminist turn mirrors earlier adoptions of feminist aid and foreign policy by Sweden and echoes the current Canadian government’s feminist rhetoric. This paper examines the FIAP and its Action Areas Policies to ask what kind(s) of feminism are reflected in the policy and what groups of people it prioritizes. The paper examines the values, goals, and gaps of the policy in order to understand what feminist values and goals are being operationalized a

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Feeney, Mary K., and Federica Fusi. "A critical analysis of the study of gender and technology in government." Information Polity 26, no. 2 (2021): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/ip-200303.

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Research at the intersection of feminist organizational theory and techno-science scholarship notes the importance of gender in technology design, adoption, implementation, and use within organizations and how technology in the workplace shapes and is shaped by gender. While governments are committed to advancing gender equity in the workplace, feminist theory is rarely applied to the analysis of the use, adoption, and implementation of technology in government settings from the perspective of public managers and employees. In this paper, we argue that e-government research and practice can be

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Zanghellini, Aleardo. "Philosophical Problems With the Gender-Critical Feminist Argument Against Trans Inclusion." SAGE Open 10, no. 2 (2020): 215824402092702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244020927029.

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The Reform of the Gender Recognition Act: Government Consultation (2018) catalyzed a heated debate on transgender rights and trans inclusion in the United Kingdom. I start by explaining what the reforms to the U.K. system of gender recognition propose, why gender-critical feminists oppose them, and how other feminist academics have responded to their arguments. I then offer a more detailed philosophical critique of gender-critical trans-exclusionary feminist arguments. I argue that the gender-critical feminist case against trans women’s access to women-only (or sex-segregated, or single-sex) s

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Chen, Lanyan. "Gender Statistics and Local Governance in China: State Feminist versus Feminist Political Economy Approaches." China Quarterly 225 (January 29, 2016): 190–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741015001630.

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AbstractGender statistics provide an essential tool to mainstream gender equality in policymaking through the recognition by government and the public of gender differences in all walks of life. One legacy of feminist movements since the 1990s has been a focus on the challenges women face to effect substantive equality with men. Based on the findings of a project carried out in three districts of Tianjin, this paper identifies a lack of gender statistics in China's statistical system and the resulting negative impacts on local policymaking. The findings point to weaknesses in the Chinese “stat

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McLoughlin, Kcasey, and Alex O’Brien. "Feminist Interventions in Law Reform: Criminalising Image-Based Sexual Abuse in New South Wales." Laws 8, no. 4 (2019): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws8040035.

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Feminist legal theorists have had something of an uneasy relationship with law reform. Although feminist academics and lawyers have contributed much to law reform efforts that have sought to improve women’s lives, feminists have nonetheless taken divergent positions regarding the extent to which these efforts can truly dismantle the masculinist character of law through law reform projects. This article revisits these tensions and, in so doing, seeks to better understand the extent to which feminists can meaningfully contribute to law reform projects. The criminalisation of image-based sexual a

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8

Edwards, Julia. "The feminist case for local self‐government." Local Government Studies 21, no. 1 (1995): 82–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003939508433762.

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9

McRobbie, Angela. "Feminism and the Third Way." Feminist Review 64, no. 1 (2000): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/014177800338990.

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This article argues that the Third Way’, as the ideological rationale for the New Labour Government in the UK, attempts to resolve the tensions around women and social policy confronted by the present Government. The Third Way addresses ‘women’ without ‘feminism’, in particular those floating women voters for whom feminism holds little attraction. But affluent, middle England, corporate women, though central to the popular imagination of the Daily Mail, and thus to Tony Blair, are in practice a tiny minority. New Labour in office thus finds itself committed to reconciling the irreconcilable. I

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10

Bruegel, Irene, and Hilda Kean. "The moment of municipal feminism: gender and class in 1980s local government." Critical Social Policy 15, no. 44-45 (1995): 147–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026101839501504409.

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This paper discusses the tensions in the relationship between munici pal feminism, the urban left and the trade union movement and identi fies the period from 1983 to 1987 as the 'moment of municipal femin. ism'. It argues that since that period the concept of equal opportunities has narrowed considerably. It shows that inequalities between women working for local authorities have widened appreciably, even though the rhetoric of local authority management increasingly echoes municipal feminist critiques of hierarchical management

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11

Bruce, Willa Marie. "Feminist Ethics in City Government: Radical or Routine?" Public Productivity & Management Review 19, no. 2 (1995): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3380495.

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12

Bashevkin, Sylvia. "Losing Common Ground: Feminists, Conservatives and Public Policy in Canada during the Mulroney Years." Canadian Journal of Political Science 29, no. 2 (1996): 211–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900007691.

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AbstractThis article examines relations between organized feminism and the federal Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, focusing on elements of the Canadian women's movement that targeted federal policy change from 1984 to 1993. In questioning the main priorities of both sides and the potential for conflict between them, the discussion uses the conceptual literature on social movement evolution as a base. It assesses formal decision making across five major policy sectors identified by Canadian feminism and presents the perspectives of movement activists on the Mulroney period. Although

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Indah Dwiprigitaningtias and Yuniar Rahmatiar. "PEREMPUAN DAN KEKUASAAN DIHUBUNGKAN DENGAN FEMINIST LEGAL THEORY." Justisi Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 5, no. 1 (2020): 54–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.36805/jjih.v5i1.1270.

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Kaum feminis berpendapat bahwa sejarah ditulis dari sudut pandang laki-laki dan bukan dari peran perempuan dalam membuat sejarah dan membentuk struktur masyarakat. Kaum feminis menantang dan membongkar keyakinan atau mitos bahwa laki-laki dan perepuan sangat berbeda, sehingga perilaku tertentu dapat dibedakan atas dasar perbedaan gender. Kaum perempuan tidak mendapat tempat yang berarti, bahkan termaginalkan. Diakui atau tidak, domain yang disediakan oleh fiqh politik, misalnya tentang lembaga-lembaga pemerintahan, seperti Imamah, perwakilan, kementerian dan sebagainya. Tampaknya lebih akrab d

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Herr, Ranjoo Seodu. "Islamist Women's Agency and Relational Autonomy." Hypatia 33, no. 2 (2018): 195–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12402.

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Mainstream conceptions of autonomy have been surreptitiously gender‐specific and masculinist. Feminist philosophers have reclaimed autonomy as a feminist value, while retaining its core ideal as self‐government, by reconceptualizing it as “relational autonomy.” This article examines whether feminist theories of relational autonomy can adequately illuminate the agency of Islamist women who defend their nonliberal religious values and practices and assiduously attempt to enact them in their daily lives. I focus on two notable feminist theories of relational autonomy advanced by Marina Oshana and

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Kano, Ayako. "BACKLASH, FIGHT BACK, AND BACK-PEDALING: RESPONSES TO STATE FEMINISM IN CONTEMPORARY JAPAN." International Journal of Asian Studies 8, no. 1 (2011): 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591410000252.

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From the mid-1990s, the Japanese government has promoted the creation of a “gender-equal society,” but since about 2000 this example of “state feminism” has faced a severe backlash. This article addresses the following questions about the phenomenon of Japanese state feminism, its history and its consequence: (1) How did the government policy for a “gender equal society” come into existence, and what explains its remarkably progressive nature? (2) What was the impact of the involvement of feminist scholars on policy-making? (3) What was the initial response to the policy? (4) What was the back

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Pattaro Amaral, Fernanda, and Ana Cláudia Delfini Capistrano de Oliveira. "La estética del juego político en el marco de la Femocracia Sur Americana durante el primer gobierno de Dilma Rousseff (2011-2014)." FEMERIS: Revista Multidisciplinar de Estudios de Género 2, no. 1 (2017): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/femeris.2017.3551.

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Resumen: Este artículo intenta hacer una reflexión primaria sobre la Femocracia en elgobierno de Brasil en la figura de la jefa de Estado: Dilma Rousseff en su primero mandato (2011-2014). El concepto de Femocracia es un concepto bastante contemporáneo y poco analizado, sobre todo en los recientes gobiernos dirigidos por mujeres. Además, también es posible a la luz del concepto de Femocracia sacar algunos prejuicios dirigidos a las mujeres por el hecho de ser mujeres y su pertenencia al terreno del poder – predominantemente masculino, sobretodo en Suramérica. La metodología utilizada ha sido u

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Findlay, Tammy. "State of Struggle: Feminism and Politics in Alberta." Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, no. 2 (2005): 494–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423905259991.

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State of Struggle: Feminism and Politics in Alberta, Lois Harder, Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 2003, pp. xi, 227.State of Struggle is a fascinating study of feminist “claimsmaking” in Alberta. Lois Harder traces a rich history of women's organizing in Alberta, combined with a sharp analysis of the contemporary political context. Using an impressive range of sources—academic, government, women's organizations, and news media—with archival and interview research, Harder addresses many gaps in Canadian political science.

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Dragiewicz, Molly, and Ruth M. Mann. "Special Edition: Fighting Feminism – Organised Opposition to Women’s Rights; Guest Editors’ Introduction." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 5, no. 2 (2016): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v5i2.313.

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This special issue presents a series of papers by scholars who participated in a workshop entitled ‘Men's Groups: Challenging Feminism’, which was held at the University of British Columbia (UBC), Canada, 26-27 May 2014. The workshop was organised by Susan B Boyd, Professor of Law and Chair in Feminist Legal Studies at the UBC Faculty of Law, and was sponsored by the Peter Wall Institute for Advanced Studies at UBC, the Peter A Allard School of Law, the Centre for Feminist Legal Studies at UBC, and the Canadian Journal of Women and the Law. The aim of the workshop was to bring together feminis

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Zelenović, Ana. "Theorizing feminist art in socialist Yugoslavia." Genero, no. 24 (2020): 71–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/genero2024071z.

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Since there were plenty of feminist discourses in Yugoslavia, from "women question" discourse of the Party and the government to academic research of sociologist, philosophers, and anthropologists and later feminist activism, there is a need to rethink the possibilities of theory and history of feminist in socialist context. This research aims at connecting different feminist theories with various artistic practices that might have a feminist character. This paper aims to give the analysis of subjects, forms, and meanings of feminist and queer artworks from 1968 till 1990. Considering feminist

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Jacocks, Marlee. "A Feminist's Call for Anarchy." Digital Literature Review 6 (January 15, 2019): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/dlr.6.0.73-88.

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While Ursula Le Guin’s novel The Dispossessed has been categorized as a science fction and utopiannovel, I argue that it should also be considered a feminist utopia. With infuences from feminismand Marxism, Le Guin uses both theories to create a comparison between two political systems—anarchy and democracy—to ultimately reveal that anarchy is more conducive for feminism. Theanarchic system of government provides women with more agency than capitalism, becausewomen are free from class and gender oppression. Theorists such as Lewis Call and Daniel Jaeckledefne the anarchy that is established in

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Lee, Anru, and Wen-hui Anna Tang. "The Twenty-five Maiden Ladies' Tomb and Predicaments of the Feminist Movement in Taiwan." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 39, no. 3 (2010): 23–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261003900302.

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“The Twenty-five Maiden Ladies' Tomb” is the collective burial site of the female workers who died in a ferry accident on their way to work in 1973. The fact that of the more than 70 passengers on board all 25 who died were unmarried young women, and the taboo in Taiwanese culture that shuns unmarried female ghosts, made the Tomb a fearsome place. Feminists in Gaoxiong ([Formula: see text]) had for some years wanted the city government to change the tomb's public image. Their calls were not answered until the Gaoxiong mayor's office finally allocated money to clean up the gravesite and, as par

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22

Smith, Heather, and Tari Ajadi. "Canada’s feminist foreign policy and human security compared." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 3 (2020): 367–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020954547.

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Canadian federal governments regularly try to craft a unique image of Canada in the world; however, the Trudeau government’s embrace of feminist foreign policy feels strikingly similar to the late 1990s when human security was embraced. There seems to be a “sameness” in the promotion of a progressive values-based discourse that has transformative potential for Canadian foreign policy. The question is, does this sense of sameness bear out when we dig into the comparison? Drawing on speeches given by government ministers; policy documents, such as the Feminist International Assistance Policy (FI

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PEARD, JULYAN G. "Enchanted Edens and Nation-Making: Juana Manso, Education, Women and Trans-American Encounters in Nineteenth-Century Argentina." Journal of Latin American Studies 40, no. 3 (2008): 453–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x08004409.

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AbstractThis article considers Juana Manso (1819–1875) as a crucial nation maker in nineteenth-century Argentina. Usually studied as a novelist, Manso was important beyond her literary production. As the first woman to be appointed to a government position and arguably the most radical feminist in nineteenth-century Argentina, Manso's story informs us about Argentine feminism and education, and illustrates how a woman, who lived in Uruguay, Brazil, United States and Cuba, became a crucial transmitter of ideas about emerging nations and a living example of the interconnectedness of the Americas

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Di Cori, Paola. "Comparing Different Generations of Feminists: Precariousness versus Corporations?" Feminist Review 87, no. 1 (2007): 136–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.fr.9400376.

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This article focuses on the gap and conflicts in Italy between the so-called ‘historical feminists’ of the 1960s and 1970s, and the generation of young women who entered the public and political arena from 1990 onwards. It discusses the absence of a critical and self-critical perspective within the Italian historical feminist tradition, the various political conflicts that emerged before and during the Berlusconi right-wing government at the beginning of 2000 and the absence of an active visible presence of young women in the media and in politics.

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Basarudin, Azza, and Khanum Shaikh. "The Contours of Speaking Out." Meridians 19, no. 1 (2020): 107–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-8117746.

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Abstract This article discusses the vexed relationship between women’s activism, state security, and feminist empowerment by focusing on the Department of Homeland Security’s Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) initiative, a program that seeks to build partnerships between government agencies and Muslim communities to prevent homegrown terrorism. From its inception, CVE has been controversial among Muslim and non-Muslim leaders within Southern California’s civil rights communities. While some suggest that American Muslims must play a leading role in countering domestic terrorism by working with

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Berik, Günseli. "State Policy in the 1980s and the Future of Women's Rights in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 4 (1990): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/s0896634600000224.

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The 1980s witnessed the rise of feminist and Islamic fundamentalist movements in Turkey. In diametrically opposed ways, both movements pushed the debate over women's issues and rights in Turkey into the spotlight of public discussion. The feminist movement made visible, and condemned, acts of physical violence against women, problematized women's lack of substantive rights, and the articles of the Criminal Code that discriminate against women. For the Islamic fundamentalists, on the other hand, women's right to wear headscarves in educational institutions and government offices was a focal and

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Fowlkes, Diane L. "Feminist Theory—Reconstructing Research and Teaching About American Politics and Government." News for Teachers of Political Science 52 (1987): 6–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0197901900000222.

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Every social institution is affected by the way in which its internal processes are publicized. For example, the survival of the family as a social institution depends to a great extent on its privacy. It is almost impossible to imagine what forces in society might be released if all conflict in the private domain were thrown open for public exploitation.When E. E. Schattschneider wrote the above passage in 1960, (in The Semisovereign People, p. 17), he could not know that the women's movement was about to resurface not only in the United States but around the world, and that one of its aims w

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Breitenbach, Esther, Alice Brown, and Fiona Myers. "Understanding Women in Scotland." Feminist Review 58, no. 1 (1998): 44–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/014177898339587.

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This article explores obstacles to understanding the history and contemporary experiences of women in Scotland, and to the development of feminist research in Scotland. It is argued that explanations which invoke Scottish male chauvinism and misogyny alone are insufficient, and that the marginalization of women in Scotland is produced both by male domination within Scotland, and by English cultural and political hegemony within the UK. The article comments on the relationship of the concept of ‘Britishness’ to that of ‘Scottishness’ (and other identities within the UK) and illustrates how the

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SAIDIN, MOHD IRWAN SYAZLI, and NUR AMIRA ALFITRI. "‘State Feminism' dan Perjuangan Wanita di Tunisia Pasca Arab Spring 2011." International Journal of Islamic Thought 12, no. 1 (2020): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24035/ijit.18.2020.181.

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Over the last decade, the Arab Spring phenomenon in the Middle East and North Africa has brought significant transformation towards Tunisia’s political landscape. During the 14 days of street protest, Tunisian women have played critical roles in assisting their male counterparts in securing the ultime goal of the revolution – regime change. This article argues that after the 2011 revolution, the new Tunisian government has gradually adopted the principal idea of state feminism, which emphasizes on the role of ruling government via affirmative action in supporting the agenda of women’s rights.

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Mina, Hao. "Feminism Is Still Relevant in Australia." Studies in Social Science Research 2, no. 3 (2021): p26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sssr.v2n3p26.

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Feminist movements had been pervasive in the 20th century. It helped women to earn civil rights globally, welcomed by most civilized citizens. Then in the 21st century, it seems to have no reason to exist since there are no apparently observable and unpleasant unequal treatments towards women. Feminism, hence, is regarded as a word of the past by some people. Nevertheless, it is not the fact. By studying the situation in Australia, women in this nation have become the study object. Working opportunities in politics and business have been counted, combined with the study of relevant government

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Young, Iris Marion. "Feminist Reactions to the Contemporary Security Regime." Hypatia 18, no. 1 (2003): 223–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2003.tb00792.x.

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The essay theorizes the logic of masculinist protection as an apparently benign form of male domination. It then argues that authoritarian government is often justified through a logic of masculinist protection, and that this is the form of justification for the security regime that has emerged in the United States since September 11, 2001. 1 argue that those who live under a security regime live within an oppressive protection racket. The paper ends by cautioning feminists not ourselves to adopt a stance of protector toward women in so-called less developed societies.

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Hult, Karen M. "Feminist Organization Theories and Government Organizations: The Promise of Diverse Structural Forms." Public Productivity & Management Review 19, no. 2 (1995): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3380493.

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ETO, MIKIKO. "‘Gender’ Problems in Japanese Politics: A Dispute over a Socio-Cultural Change towards Increasing Equality." Japanese Journal of Political Science 17, no. 3 (2016): 365–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109916000141.

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Abstract‘Gender (jenda)’ is a troublesome loanword in Japan. While this term has been prevalent in feminist and scholarly circles, it has evoked confusion in the government and stimulated a backlash from the ultra-conservatives against gender equality. Japanese reactionaries have attacked the concept of gender because of their anxiety about cultural destruction – I thus call them the ‘old guard’. Focusing on a dispute over the term ‘gender’ between feminists and the old guard, this paper examines the changes in the term's usage and meanings in the Japanese political context. I first shed light

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Carbine, Rosemary P. "Ekklesial Work: Toward A Feminist Public Theology." Harvard Theological Review 99, no. 4 (2006): 433–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816006001349.

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Religion is deeply implicated in contemporary U.S. public life, as demonstrated in the increasing analysis of faith in any given presidential, congressional, or judicial candidate's political viewpoints; in ongoing presidential executive orders that approve government support and funding for faith-based initiatives; and in the continued lobbying by religious groups about a variety of moral and social justice issues such as euthanasia and immigration, to name a sample of recent flashpoint issues. What role do religious claims play in U.S. public life? How does Christian theology help clarify th

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Stolle, Dietlind, and Elisabeth Gidengil. "What do Women Really Know? A Gendered Analysis of Varieties of Political Knowledge." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 1 (2010): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709992684.

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While studies typically find that women know less about politics than do men, feminist scholars have argued that these findings reflect gender-biased measures that underestimate women's political knowledge. This article evaluates the feminist critique by taking a more expansive view of what constitutes political knowledge. Using data from a large Canadian urban sample, we show that gender gaps close or even reverse when people are queried about more practical aspects of political knowledge, such as government benefits and services. Our results also demonstrate that this type of knowledge is mo

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Gunther-Canada, Wendy. "Catharine Macaulay on the Paradox of Paternal Authority in Hobbesian Politics." Hypatia 21, no. 2 (2006): 150–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2006.tb01098.x.

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Catharine Macaulay's first political pamphlet, “Loose remarks on certain positions to be found in Mr. Hobbes's philosophical rudiments of government and society with a short sketch for a democratical form of government in a letter to Signor Paoli,” published in London in 1769, has received no significant scholarly attention in over two hundred years. It is of primary interest because of the light it sheds on Macaulay's critique of patriarchal politics, which helps to establish a new line of thinking about the historian as an early feminist writer. It appears she was working from an unauthorize

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Chapnick, Adam. "The origins of Canada’s feminist foreign policy." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 2 (2019): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019850827.

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In January 2019, a leading Canadian foreign policy blog, OpenCanada.org, declared that “[u]nder the government of Justin Trudeau, Canada has embraced a feminist foreign policy—gradually at first, and with fervor over the past year.” Although critics have debated the policy’s effectiveness, the embrace, if not also the fervor, was indisputable. By 2019, the Trudeau government’s second foreign minister, Chrystia Freeland, was proclaiming Canada’s feminist approach to international relations openly and regularly. The international community had also noticed. This article investigates the origins

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Luku, Esilda. "Aspects of the Feminist Movement in the Albanian Monarchy (1928-1939)." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 1, no. 1 (2014): 285. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v1i1.p285-292.

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This paper aims to analyze the characteristics of the Albanian feminist movement during the Monarchy and its impact on improving the social and economic status of the women. in the late 1920s, women's societies operating in different cities were suspended by the Albanian government due to the economic crises, the social and cultural backwardness and mainly because of the efforts to centralize the political power, putting under control the women's organizations, too. The monarchical government supported only the establishment of "Albanian Women" society in Tirana, under the patronage of Queen M

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Weiner, Gaby. "What Price Vocationalism ‐‐ the Feminist Dilemma! Equal opportunities in the new government initiatives∗." British Journal of Education & Work 4, no. 1 (1990): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0269000900040102.

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Alessandri, Mariana. "Place-Based Philosophical Activism on the US–Mexico Border." Hypatia 36, no. 2 (2021): 370–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hyp.2021.17.

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AbstractBefore the Department of Homeland Security instituted the Migrant Protection Protocols in January 2019, as many as 1,000 Central American refugees passed each day through Catholic Charities’ Humanitarian Respite Center, where they received food, clothing, a shower, toiletries, and sandwiches for the road. Sister Norma Pimentel founded the Humanitarian Respite Center in 2014 to “restore human dignity” to refugees who had been degraded and vilified during their dangerous journeys north, not least by way of their processing by the US government. Sister Norma has inspired countless people,

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Aggestam, Karin, and Annika Bergman-Rosamond. "Swedish Feminist Foreign Policy in the Making: Ethics, Politics, and Gender." Ethics & International Affairs 30, no. 3 (2016): 323–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679416000241.

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In 2015, the world's first self-defined feminist government was formed in Sweden with the explicit ambition of pursuing a feminist foreign policy. This essay seeks to unpack and highlight some of the substance and plausible future directions of a feminist foreign policy. The overarching ambition is three-fold: (1) to probe the normative contents of feminist foreign policy in theory and in practice; (2) to identify a number of potential challenges and ethical dilemmas that are detrimental to gender-sensitive global politics; and (3) to advance a research agenda that can deepen the normative and

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Halford, Susan. "Feminist Change in a Patriarchal Organisation: The Experience of Women's Initiatives in Local Government and Implications for Feminist Perspectives on State Institutions." Sociological Review 39, no. 1_suppl (1991): 155–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1991.tb03359.x.

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David, Miriam. "Diversity, gender and widening participation in global higher education: a feminist perspective." Learning and Teaching 3, no. 2 (2010): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/latiss.2010.030202.

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This article is a critique of the expansion of higher education in global and national contexts. First I provide an analysis of the transformation of higher education as a form of 'academic capitalism' and how second-wave feminist critiques and pedagogies have become incorporated as have women, amongst other social groups, in increasingly diverse forms of post-compulsory education. Yet, the transformations in global higher education have not been in the direction of greater gender or social equity. Second, I provide evidence of the policies and practices of the U.K. government in widening part

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STOUT, NOELLE M. "Feminists, Queers and Critics: Debating the Cuban Sex Trade." Journal of Latin American Studies 40, no. 4 (2008): 721–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x08004732.

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AbstractCuban scholars and women's advocates have criticised the widespread emergence of sex tourism in post-Soviet Cuba and attributed prostitution to a crisis in socialist values. In response, feminist scholars in the United States and Europe have argued that Cuban analysts promote government agendas and demonise sex workers. Drawing on nineteen months of field research in Havana, I challenge this conclusion to demonstrate how queer Cubans condemn sex tourism while denouncing an unconditional allegiance to Cuban nationalism. By introducing gay Cuban critiques into the debate, I highlight the

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Phillips, Dana. "Ishaq v Canada: “Social Science Facts” in Feminist Interventions." Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice 35 (May 30, 2018): 99–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/wyaj.v35i0.5271.

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This article examines the role of social science in feminist intervener advocacy, focusing on the 2015 case ofIshaq v Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration). InIshaq, a Muslim woman challenged a Canadian government policy requiring her to remove her niqab while reciting the citizenship oath. The Federal Court of Appeal dismissed several motions for intervention by feminist and other equality-seeking organizations, emphasizing their improper reliance on unproven social facts and social science research. I argue that this decision departs from the generous approach to public interest i

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HTUN, MALA, and S. LAUREL WELDON. "The Civic Origins of Progressive Policy Change: Combating Violence against Women in Global Perspective, 1975–2005." American Political Science Review 106, no. 3 (2012): 548–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055412000226.

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Over the past four decades, violence against women (VAW) has come to be seen as a violation of human rights and an important concern for social policy. Yet government action remains uneven. Some countries have adopted comprehensive policies to combat VAW, whereas others have been slow to address the problem. Using an original dataset of social movements and VAW policies in 70 countries over four decades, we show that feminist mobilization in civil society—not intra-legislative political phenomena such as leftist parties or women in government or economic factors like national wealth—accounts f

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Laterra, Patricia, María Julia Eliosoff, and Agostina Costantino. "Austerity Programs in Argentina and the Structural Continuity of Extractivism: A Feminist Perspective." Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy: A triannual Journal of Agrarian South Network and CARES 10, no. 1 (2021): 110–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/22779760211002643.

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The government that took office in Argentina in December 2015 shaped a mode of development oriented toward finance and extractivism, trade and capital liberalization, and austerity policies. One of the main goals was to reduce the fiscal deficit and to lower domestic production costs in order to increase international competitiveness. Many measures implemented, such as the pension reform of 2017, budget cuts in gender-sensitive areas, and the change in the nature of social policies, had a differential impact on women and LGBT people when compared to men. However, beyond the measures taken by a

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Valverde, Mariana, and Lorna Weir. "Regulating New Reproductive and Genetic Technologies: A Feminist View of Recent Canadian Government Initiatives." Feminist Studies 23, no. 2 (1997): 418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3178407.

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Lopes, Saskya Miranda. "Interseccionalidade de raça e gênero nas escolas brasileiras e os projetos de lei silenciadores." MOTRICIDADES: Revista da Sociedade de Pesquisa Qualitativa em Motricidade Humana 2, no. 2 (2018): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.29181/2594-6463.2018.v2.n2.p149-162.

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ResumoNa última década o governo brasileiro impulsionou políticas públicas e a construção de um conjunto de leis quanto aos direitos humanos e a educação em direitos humanos. Partindo da importância destas iniciativas, diante do colonialismo, racismo e patriarcado, que marcam a história de formação da sociedade brasileira, o presente ensaio se ancora em um referencial feminista descolonial e interseccional de raça, gênero e classe para descrever os avanços quanto à educação em direitos humanos, particularmente quanto aos direitos das mulheres, negras e negros e LGBTQ, no país. Ao mesmo tempo,

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Gouws, Amanda. "Changing Women's Exclusion from Politics: Examples from Southern Africa." African and Asian Studies 7, no. 4 (2008): 537–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921008x359650.

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Abstract This article analyses different dimensions of institutional politics, such as women's representation in government and state structures such as National Gender Machineries, as well as the impact that institutionalization has had on women's organizations. To improve women's representation in government the acceptance of quotas to increase the number of women in legislatures has made a difference, but it is still unclear if women's presence leads to power and policy influence. National gender machineries have not really changed conditions of inequality due to their cooptation by the sta

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