Relevant bibliographies by topics / Feminist legislation

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Feminist legislation'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Feminist legislation"

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ZALEWSKI, MARYSIA. "‘I don't even know what gender is’: a discussion of the connections between gender, gender mainstreaming and feminist theory." Review of International Studies 36, no. 1 (January 2010): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210509990489.

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AbstractIn this article I discuss some of the connections between gender, gender mainstreaming and feminist theory. As a global initiative, gender mainstreaming is now well established; but the role of feminism and feminists in achieving this success is questionable. Some, including Harvard Law Professor Janet Halley claim that feminists, particularly in the realm of governance feminism, have been extremely successful. Yet despite this success Halley invites us to ‘take a break from feminism’. I consider this political and intellectual invitation in this article in order to shed some light on the relationship between gender mainstreaming and feminism but also to probe what Robyn Wiegman refers to as a ‘critical incomprehension’ around feminism. My discussion includes a brief analysis of the imagery used in documentation relating to the United Kingdom's Gender Equality Duty Legislation; the latter a contemporary example of a legislative attempt to properly mainstream gender. In conclusion I return to the Halley's invitation to ‘take a break from feminism’ and introduce, by way of contrast, Angela McRobbie's recent discussion of post-feminism ultimately suggesting that we might see Halley's call, as well as the popularity (and ‘failures’) of gender mainstreaming as examples of post-feminist practice. Image 1.Pop-art images advertising the ‘Gender Agenda’ on the Internet {http://www.gender-agenda.co.uk/} which is part of the UK's legislation on gender equality produced by the UK's Equality and Human Rights Commission (formerly the Equal Opportunities Commission).If you look around the United States, Canada, the European Union, the human rights establishment, even the World Bank, you see plenty of places where feminism, far from operating underground, is running things.1Any force as powerful as feminism must find itself occasionally looking down at its own bloody hands.2
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Taylor, Chloë. "Foucault, Feminism, and Sex Crimes." Hypatia 24, no. 4 (2009): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2009.01055.x.

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In 1977 Michel Foucault contemplated the idea of punishing rape only as a crime of violence, while in 1978 he argued that non-coercive sex between adults and minors should be decriminalized entirely. Feminists have consistently criticized these suggestions by Foucault. This paper argues that these feminist responses have failed to sufficiently understand the theoretical motivations behind Foucault's statements on sex-crime legislation reform, and will offer a new feminist appraisal of Foucault's suggestions.
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Baehr, Amy R. "A Feminist Liberal Approach to Hate Crime Legislation." Journal of Social Philosophy 34, no. 1 (March 2003): 134–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9833.00171.

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Lacey, Nicola. "Legislation against Sex Discrimination: Questions from a Feminist Perspective." Journal of Law and Society 14, no. 4 (1987): 411. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1410256.

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SANCHEZ, LAURA, STEVEN L. NOCK, JAMES D. WRIGHT, and CONSTANCE T. GAGER. "Setting the Clock Forward or Back?" Journal of Family Issues 23, no. 1 (January 2002): 91–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192513x02023001005.

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In 1997, Louisiana codified a new family form by becoming the first state to pass covenant marriage legislation. Soon after, Arizona and Arkansas followed suit. This act created two marriage types with substantially different marital and divorce provisions. In spring 1998, the authors conducted qualitative interviews with focus groups consisting of covenant married couples, feminist activists, and poor women living in public housing, examining their views on marriage and divorce trends, divorce consequences, and covenant marriage. All groups were concerned about the effects of divorce on children's well-being. Beyond that, the authors found little commonality in the discourse. Instead, they found major disagreements about whether family life is in decline and whether marriage law reinforcement will improve it. Covenant married couples and feminists polarized along familiar traditionalist-feminist axes; low-income women combined feminist, liberal, and conservative views in their understanding of contemporary family trends and the perceived necessity of covenant marriage.
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Doezema, Jo. "Ouch!" Feminist Review 67, no. 1 (March 2001): 16–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01417780150514484.

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Trafficking in women’ has, in recent years, been the subject of intense feminist debate. This article analyses the position of the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women (CATW) and the writings of its founder, Kathleen Barry. It suggests that CATW's construction of ‘third world prostitutes’ is part of a wider western feminist impulse to construct a damaged ‘other’ as justification for its own interventionist impulses. The central argument of this article is that the ‘injured body’ of the ‘third world trafficking victim’ in international feminist debates around trafficking in women serves as a powerful metaphor for advancing certain feminist interests, which cannot be assumed to be those of third world sex workers themselves. This argument is advanced through a comparison of Victorian feminist campaigns against prostitution in India with contemporary feminist campaigns against trafficking. The term ‘injured identity’ is drawn from Wendy Brown's (1995) States of Injury, Power and Freedom in Late Modernity. Brown argues that certain groups have configured their claims to inclusion in the liberal state in terms of ‘historical ‘injuries’. Antoinette Burton (1998) extends Brown's analysis to look at Victorian feminists’ relationship to Empire, arguing that the ‘injured identities’ of colonial ‘others’ were central to feminist efforts to mark out their own role in Empire. This paper builds on Burton's analysis, asking what role the ‘injured identities’ of third world sex workers play in the construction of certain contemporary feminist identities. The notion of ‘injured identities’ offers a provocative way to begin to examine how CATW feminists position the ‘trafficking victim’ in their discourse. If ‘injured identity’ is a constituent element of late modern subject formation, this may help explain why CATW and Barry rely so heavily on the ‘suffering’ of ‘third world trafficking victims’ in their discourses of women's subjugation. It also raises questions about the possible repressive consequences of CATW's efforts to combat ‘trafficking in women’ through ‘protective’ legislation.
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Banaszak, Lee Ann. "Response to Liesl Haas' review of The Women's Movement Inside and Outside the State." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 4 (December 2011): 887. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711003999.

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First, I want to thank Liesl Haas for her thoughtful and generous review of The Women's MovementInside and Outside the State. She raises two set of questions which I would like to address here. First, she asks whether a better sample of insider activists would have been found by choosing key pieces of policy and identifying the major players as she does in her own book. While every sampling strategy represents a trade-off when no clear sampling frame exists, such a method seems to me fraught with a number of dangers, including a selection bias towards visible and successful cases (which might lead us to examine only insider feminist successes and exclude those who were influential but less visible) and predefinition by the investigator of what constitutes a feminist policy. I believe one of the strengths of my study was the finding that insider feminists influenced policies ordinarily not identified as feminist—such as foreign aid legislation or scientific research in the NIH. Haas argues a change in sampling method might have increased the number of younger feminists (who were underrepresented in the sample) but their underrepresentation results largely from a focus on activists in higher positions in the bureaucracy, the tendency of fewer feminists to enter the bureaucracy under post-Reagan republican administrations, and my conscious decision to focus on the period before 2001 when interviewing so that I did not ask questions about the current administration.
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Bierzyński, Zbigniew. "Wpływ feministycznej krytyki języka na ustawodawstwo i język polityki w krajach niemieckojęzycznych." Poliarchia 6, no. 2(11) (December 31, 2019): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/poliarchia.06.2018.11.03.

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The Influence of Feminist Criticism of Language Usage over Legislation and Language of Politics in German Language States In this article it is assumed that the feminist criticism of language usage had a significant influence over legislation and language of politics in German‑speaking countries, especially in Germany and Austria. This phenomenon is noticed for example in the General Act on Equal Treatment, the Austrian Federal Equal Treatment Act, the General Act of city Wädenswil in Switzerland, statements of German and Austrian political parties and politicians. This impact is shown in specific examples of law texts and statements of politicians. Furthermore, the aim of this article is to present the key points of feminist criticism of German language usage and the key ideas of language respecting both of genders (die geschlechtergerechte Sprache) or of gender‑neutral language (die geschlechtsneutrale Sprache). It is necessary to add that this article is only a short presentation of phenomenon of the feminism’s affect on German language of politics.
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Hou, Yining. "An Investigation on the Legislative Tradition of Should Be Rough Rather Than Detailed in China's Marriage Law—Also on the Early Practice of Chinese Feminist Movement." Asian Social Science 17, no. 8 (July 31, 2021): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v17n8p38.

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The Civil Code of the People's Republic of China, which was reviewed and passed in May 2020, continues the tradition of should be rough rather than detailed in China's marriage and family legislation since the promulgation of the Marriage Law of 1950. The embodiment of this tradition in the marriage law text is fewer legal provisions, more general provisions, and more moral norms. This legislative tradition did not come from the Soviet Union but was mainly due to the unique legal nature of the Marriage Law of 1950. This law is the product of the victory of the Chinese feminist movement since the Revolution of 1911. Its legislative tradition of should be rough rather than detailed is determined by the legislative purpose of this law to break the feudal marriage system and protect the rights of women and children, and its unique legal attributes. The formulation of this law was subject to the legislative difficulties and the social reality faced by the marriage law drafting group centered on women leaders. It was a helpless choice in a particular period. In the modern society where China's economy, society, and marriage and family relations have undergone significant changes, it is crucial to improve marriage legislation and reverse the legislation tradition of should be rough rather than detailed, so that the improvement of legislative techniques and legislative goals meet the needs of economic and social development.
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Htun, Mala, and Francesca R. Jensenius. "Fighting Violence Against Women: Laws, Norms & Challenges Ahead." Daedalus 149, no. 1 (January 2020): 144–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01779.

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In the 1990s and 2000s, pressure from feminist movements and allies succeeded in pushing scores of states to reform their laws to prevent and punish violence against women (VAW). Even in states with progressive legislation, however, activists face challenges to induce citizens to comply with the law, compel state authorities to enforce the law, and ensure the adequate allocation of resources for social support services. In this essay, we take stock of legislative developments related to VAW around the world, with a focus on the variation in approaches toward intimate partner violence and sexual harassment. We analyze efforts to align behavior with progressive legislation, and end with a discussion of the balance activists must strike between fighting VAW aggressively with the carceral and social support dimensions of state power, while exercising some restraint to avoid the potentially counterproductive effects of state action.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Feminist legislation"

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Ludvigsson, Anna. "Feminism on Hold : A feminist legal analysis of Sweden’s refugee and asylum legislation and policy." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-323340.

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In 2014, the Swedish government announced its intentions to conduct an outspoken feminist foreign policy. In the years that have followed that same government have applied legislation and policy in the refugee and asylum area that are inconsistent with some aspects of that policy. The purpose of this thesis is to lay bare some of those inconsistencies. It entails a critical analysis of the Law on temporary limitations to the possibility of being granted a residence permit in Sweden (2016:752), the EU-Turkey Deal as well as the male-network criteria. By applying a feminist legal perspective in the analysis, this thesis will highlight how these laws and policies have gendered implications. The material consists of the legislation and policies in question as well as multitude of reports and statistics aimed at illustrating the consequences of the three chosen examples. The purpose is not to present a complete view of the asylum-seeking process and the laws and policies that effects it but rather to show how the examples analysed here present inconsistencies in relation to the feminist foreign policy. This thesis also places those inconsistencies in a larger context as it poses questions on both inclusion and exclusion in the Swedish feminist ‘project’ as well as places them within the narrative of criticism aimed at the one-sidedness of the wider human rights project.
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Hemström, Cajsa. "Feminist movements as agents of political change : An analysis of feminist social movements’ impact onlabour rights legislation in Morocco." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-391504.

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Inspired by the contestatory debate over whether globalisation has brought more benefits or disadvantages, and feminist movements all over the world gaining more agency and leverage every day, this paper is an attempt to connect said components. Morocco is a case where both are highly present. Elements such as the country’s location with neighbouring countries on two continents, a history of a fight for independence, an economy that has undergone major reorganisation, and exceptional feminist movements, will prove paramount for the paper. The purpose is to study whether the feminist movements in Morocco have had a positive impact on the situation of female labourers, a group that has grown rapidly due to a combination of aforementioned elements. Theories of New Institutional Economics, the disproportionate effects of structural adjustment on women, and the importance of social movements to achieve change will be applied in an attempt to find connections. A frame analysis will be carried out and compared to legislative changes affecting female workers, to test whether these theories can be confirmed or dismissed. The results indicate that there is reason to believe that feminist movements have had an influence on labour rights legislation, and also that Morocco is more complex in this aspect than it might initially have seemed.
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Kulahli, Ayse. "Honour killings in Turkey : women's rights, feminist approaches and domestic legislation at crossroads." Thesis, Brunel University, 2017. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/15690.

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So-called 'honour killings' have become an issue of concern for the international community. In Turkey, in particular, the practice still exists despite the adoption of the relevant human rights instruments. This study evaluates how effective current international human rights law, and in particular the recent Istanbul Convention, have been in eradicating so called 'honour killings' on Turkey. The thesis argues that the improvement of the status of women in Turkey in accordance with gender equality as well as the application of the principle of state due diligence, both requirements of the Istanbul Convention and international human rights law, are fundamental means towards eradicating the killing women in the name of 'honour'. The study looks at the application of such standards as well as the current obstacles using the feminist approaches, in particular the intersectionality approach. Through such lens, the study discusses the strengths and weaknesses of the Turkish Constitution, Turkish Civil Code, Turkish Penal Code and Law to Protect Family and Prevent VAW and questions the judicial approach to the implementation of the women's right to life. It identifies the lacunae in the Turkish legislation that allow inadequate legal protection for women and the inconsistency of the judicial approach to the definition of the so-called honour killings in the judgements. The study then recommends some concrete amendments to the relevant legal provisions in order to better reflect the international framework and the feminist approaches.
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Lowery, Christina. "Protection or Equality? : A Feminist Analysis of Protective Labor Legislation in UAW v. Johnson Controls, Inc." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279082/.

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This study provides a feminist analysis of protective labor legislation in the Supreme Court case of UAW v. Johnson Controls, Inc. History of protection rhetoric and precedented cases leading up to UAW are provided. Using a feminist analysis, this study argues that the victory for women's labor rights in UAW is short lived, and the cycle of protection rhetoric continues with new pro-business agendas replacing traditional justifications for "protecting" women in the work place. The implications of this and other findings are discussed.
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Egan, Sara Patricia. "Women (Re)incorporated : a thesis examining the application of feminist theory to corporate structures and the legal framework of corporate law." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30296.

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The thesis is about the re-incorporation of women, on feminist terms, in corporate law and structure. Working from the idea of feminism as a theory about exclusion, the thesis endeavours to include women's voices in how the dominant discourse shapes corporations and the securities markets. Moreover, it attempts to capture the feminist continuum and use it as a critique of the existence of the separate entity of the corporation and limited liability. The thesis also joins the corporate governance debate on feminist terms, reshaping its scope to include feminist aspirations. The market for securities and insider trading are also subject to a feminist analysis and the problems in policing and preventing insider trading are rethought through a feminist lens.
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Suarez, Lopez Maria Soledad del Rocio. "'Challenging machismo' : the influence of the Mexican feminist movement on sexual and domestic violence legislation and public policies." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.441597.

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Heenan, Melanie 1968. "Trial and error : rape, law reform and feminism." Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9136.

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Yelverton, Brittany. "The representation of women's reproductive rights in the American feminist blogosphere: an analysis of the debate around women's reproductive rights and abortion legislation in response to the reformation of the United States health care system in 2009/10." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002949.

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This study investigates the representation of women's reproductive rights in the feminist blogopshere during 2009/10 United States health care reform. Focusing on two purposively selected feminist blogsites - Feministing and Jezebel- it critically examines the discursive and rhetorical strategies employed by feminist bloggers to contest the erosion of women's reproductive rights as proposed in health care reform legislation. While the reformation of the U.S. health care system was a lengthy process, my analysis is confined to feminist blog posts published in November 2009, December 2009 and March 2010. These three months have been designated as they are roughly representative of three pivotal stages in health care reform: the drafting of the House of Representatives health care reform bill and Stupak Amendment in November 2009, the creation of the Senate health care bill inclusive of the Nelson compromise in December 2009, and the passage of the finalised health care reform bill, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act and supplementary executive order, in March 2010. This study is informed by feminist poststructuralist theory and Foucault's conceptions of discourse and power - an appropriate framework for identifying and analysing the unequal power relations that exist between men and women in patriarchal societies. Foucault conceives of discourse as both socially constituted and constitutive and contends that through the constitution of knowledge, discourses designate acceptable ways of talking, writing, and behaving, while simultaneously restricting and prohibiting alternatives, thereby granting power and authority to specific discourses. However, Foucault also stresses the multi-directionality of power and asserts that though hegemonic discourses are privileged over others, power lays in discursive practice at all social sites; hence the socially and politically transformative power of contesting discourses. Critical discourse analysis is informed by this critical theory of language and regards the use of language as a form of social practice located within its specific historical context. Therefore, it is through engaging in the struggle over meaning and producing different 'truths' through the reappropriation of language that the possibility of social change exists. Employing narrative, linguistic and rhetorical analysis, this study identifies the discursive strategies and tactics utilised by feminist bloggers to combat and contest anti-choice health care legislation. The study further seeks to determine how arguments supportive of women's reproductive rights are framed and how feminist discourses are privileged while patriarchal discourse is contested. Drawing on public sphere theory, I argue that the feminist blogosphere constitutes a counter-public which facili tates the articulation and circulation of marginalised and counter-discourses. I conclude this study by examining the feminist blogopshere's role in promoting political change and transformation through alternative representations of women and their reproductive rights.
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Panet-Raymond, Louise. "Toward a reconceptualization of battered women : appealing to partial agency." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=78223.

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Despite growing awareness of the severity of domestic violence, the lives of battered women are too often misconstrued by the Canadian public and the judicial system. The author argues that stereotypes of victimized battered women emanating from the courts and feminist theory may both prevent women who kill their partner from making valid claims of self-defence and generally undermine women's fight against oppression. The author reviews the doctrine of the battered woman syndrome and its application in the context of self-defence to illustrate how the courts' treatment of the doctrine conveys a narrow and incomplete depiction of battered women. An alternative theoretical framework based on battered women's partial agency is proposed as a means to address feminist theory's simplified representation of battered women. Various law and policy reform initiatives in the criminal justice system are explored to assess how the law may validate and promote battered women's partial agency.
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López, Melonio María Noel. "Asking “the child question” : - an analysis of the child perspective of Swedish legislation concerning child marriage with special focus on the recognition of those enacted in other countries." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-175438.

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Books on the topic "Feminist legislation"

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Gartner, Rosemary. Feminist perspectives on law. Toronto: Faculty of Law, University of Toronto, 1993.

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Dyzenhaus, David. Feminist perspectives on law. Toronto, Ont: Faculty of Law, University of Toronto, 1991.

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Adams, Wendy. Feminist perspectives on law. Toronto: Faculty of Law, University of Toronto, 1998.

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Coombe, Rosemary. Feminist perspectives on law. Toronto: Faculty of Law, University of Toronto, 1996.

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Colker, Ruth. Feminist perspectives on law. Toronto, Ont: Faculty of Law, University of Toronto, 1989.

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Colker, Ruth. Feminist perspectives on law. Toronto, Ont: Faculty of Law, University of Toronto, 1988.

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Bunting, Annie. Feminist perspectives on law. Toronto: Faculty of Law, University of Toronto, 1996.

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Bunting, Annie. Feminist perspectives on law. Toronto: Faculty of Law, University of Toronto, 1995.

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Cinsellik, şiddet ve hukuk: Feminist yazılar. Ankara: Dipnot Yayınları, 2013.

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Battered women & feminist lawmaking. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Feminist legislation"

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Conner, Berkley D. "Menstrual Trolls: The Collective Rhetoric of Periods for Pence." In The Palgrave Handbook of Critical Menstruation Studies, 885–99. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-0614-7_64.

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Abstract This chapter explores the protest strategies of Periods for Pence, a collective of Indiana menstruators and allies who organized in response to the passing of extreme antiabortion legislation, House Enrolled Act 1337, by then-Governor Mike Pence in 2016. Through an analysis of the group’s transcribed calls to Pence’s office, as well as various social media posts, Conner illustrates how Periods for Pence engaged in acts of narrative sharing, humor, and symbolic reversal to craft a cohesive account of varied experiences with menstruation. The study also draws on logics of menstruation to rhetorically re-moralize abortion as necessary. Conner concludes by demonstrating how critical study of menstruation-related activism asks scholars to rethink traditional conceptualizations of static “waves” of feminism and feminist rhetorical theorizing.
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Peterson, Anna M. "“Mothers’ Freedom Is the Key to Women’s Emancipation:” Feminist Efforts to Expand Maternity Legislation in the Interwar Period." In Maternity Policy and the Making of the Norwegian Welfare State, 1880-1940, 163–202. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75481-9_6.

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Wagle, Radha, Soma Pillay, and Wendy Wright. "An Analysis of Legislative Measures on Gender Equality and Women’s Inclusion." In Feminist Institutionalism and Gendered Bureaucracies, 137–61. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-2588-9_5.

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Özdemir Sarıgil, Burcu. "Turkey’s Legislative Reforms to Address Violence Against Women, and the EU: Uphill Struggles, Hard-Won Achievements and a Promising Ally." In Feminist Framing of Europeanisation, 157–80. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-52770-9_8.

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Okabe, Tsugumi. "Rule Makers vs. Rule Breakers: The Impact of Legislative Policies on Women Game Developers in the Japanese Game Industry." In Feminism in Play, 125–41. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90539-6_8.

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Coore-Hall, Jacqueline A. "Bringing Women’s Issues to the Legislative Agenda: Gender, Bill Sponsorship and Participation." In Feminist Advocacy and Activism in State Institutions, 43–66. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-34679-9_3.

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Laskar, Pia. "Pink Porn Economy: Genealogies of Transnational LGBTQ Organising." In Pluralistic Struggles in Gender, Sexuality and Coloniality, 177–207. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47432-4_7.

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Abstract Studying pre-2000s pink porn magazines reveals the importance of politics in-between in the development of LGBTQ transnational organising in the twentieth century. The usual historical narratives of LGBTQ politics in the North are based on medical or legislative documents or on self-identified queers’ descriptions of their own interactions with these discourses. However, these discourses and data only capture parts of how twentieth-century queers developed sexual subjectivity, became nationally and transnationally organised, and conducted sexual politics. This chapter uses Claire Colebrook’s (Understanding Deleuze. Australia: Allen and Unwin, 2002) feminist engagement in Deleuze’s and Guattari’s concept device to discuss transnational political networks that rhizomatically connected the makers, disseminators and subscribers of male same-sex porn magazines produced in Denmark and Sweden between 1960 and 1980. The concepts enable an analysis of the messy entanglement of desire, subjectivity processes, consumption, organising and activism, and of the shaping of certain queer communities of belonging while also excluding others. The application of gender analysis to the entanglement of pink porn economies in queer transnational networks sheds a genealogical light on the historical division between the emergence of vis-à-vis lesbian and gay networks and politics—and on the tensions between them regarding so-called positive or negative sexual rights in the decades to come.
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Duggan, Lisa, Nan D. Hunter, and Carole S. Vance. "False Promises: Feminist Antipornography Legislation." In Living with Contradictions, 165–70. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429499142-22.

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"3 Success at a price: passing domestic violence legislation." In Feminist Policymaking in Chile, 97–118. Penn State University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780271050577-006.

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Manuh, Takyiwaa, and Angela Dwamena-Aboagye. "Implementing Domestic Violence Legislation in Ghana." In Feminist Activism,Women’s Rights,and Legal Reform. Zed Books London & New York, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350220102.ch-008.

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Conference papers on the topic "Feminist legislation"

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CAMARGO, gleison, and karen sylvia dreer CAMARGO. "PARTICIPAÇÃO E REPRESENTATIVIDADE FEMININA NAS ELEIÇÕES PARA O LEGISLATIVO 2016 NO NORTE PIONEIRO DO PARANÁ." In XV ENFOC - Encontro de Iniciação Científica, XIV Fórum Científico, VI Seminário PIBID - Programa Institucional de Bolsa de Iniciação à Docência e I Seminário do Programa de Residência Pedagógica. Recife, Brasil: Even3, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.29327/14941.15-40.

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