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Ludvigsson, Anna. "Feminism on Hold : A feminist legal analysis of Sweden’s refugee and asylum legislation and policy." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-323340.
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In 2014, the Swedish government announced its intentions to conduct an outspoken feminist foreign policy. In the years that have followed that same government have applied legislation and policy in the refugee and asylum area that are inconsistent with some aspects of that policy. The purpose of this thesis is to lay bare some of those inconsistencies. It entails a critical analysis of the Law on temporary limitations to the possibility of being granted a residence permit in Sweden (2016:752), the EU-Turkey Deal as well as the male-network criteria. By applying a feminist legal perspective in the analysis, this thesis will highlight how these laws and policies have gendered implications. The material consists of the legislation and policies in question as well as multitude of reports and statistics aimed at illustrating the consequences of the three chosen examples. The purpose is not to present a complete view of the asylum-seeking process and the laws and policies that effects it but rather to show how the examples analysed here present inconsistencies in relation to the feminist foreign policy. This thesis also places those inconsistencies in a larger context as it poses questions on both inclusion and exclusion in the Swedish feminist ‘project’ as well as places them within the narrative of criticism aimed at the one-sidedness of the wider human rights project.
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Hemström, Cajsa. "Feminist movements as agents of political change : An analysis of feminist social movements’ impact onlabour rights legislation in Morocco." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-391504.
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Inspired by the contestatory debate over whether globalisation has brought more benefits or disadvantages, and feminist movements all over the world gaining more agency and leverage every day, this paper is an attempt to connect said components. Morocco is a case where both are highly present. Elements such as the country’s location with neighbouring countries on two continents, a history of a fight for independence, an economy that has undergone major reorganisation, and exceptional feminist movements, will prove paramount for the paper. The purpose is to study whether the feminist movements in Morocco have had a positive impact on the situation of female labourers, a group that has grown rapidly due to a combination of aforementioned elements. Theories of New Institutional Economics, the disproportionate effects of structural adjustment on women, and the importance of social movements to achieve change will be applied in an attempt to find connections. A frame analysis will be carried out and compared to legislative changes affecting female workers, to test whether these theories can be confirmed or dismissed. The results indicate that there is reason to believe that feminist movements have had an influence on labour rights legislation, and also that Morocco is more complex in this aspect than it might initially have seemed.
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Kulahli, Ayse. "Honour killings in Turkey : women's rights, feminist approaches and domestic legislation at crossroads." Thesis, Brunel University, 2017. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/15690.
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So-called 'honour killings' have become an issue of concern for the international community. In Turkey, in particular, the practice still exists despite the adoption of the relevant human rights instruments. This study evaluates how effective current international human rights law, and in particular the recent Istanbul Convention, have been in eradicating so called 'honour killings' on Turkey. The thesis argues that the improvement of the status of women in Turkey in accordance with gender equality as well as the application of the principle of state due diligence, both requirements of the Istanbul Convention and international human rights law, are fundamental means towards eradicating the killing women in the name of 'honour'. The study looks at the application of such standards as well as the current obstacles using the feminist approaches, in particular the intersectionality approach. Through such lens, the study discusses the strengths and weaknesses of the Turkish Constitution, Turkish Civil Code, Turkish Penal Code and Law to Protect Family and Prevent VAW and questions the judicial approach to the implementation of the women's right to life. It identifies the lacunae in the Turkish legislation that allow inadequate legal protection for women and the inconsistency of the judicial approach to the definition of the so-called honour killings in the judgements. The study then recommends some concrete amendments to the relevant legal provisions in order to better reflect the international framework and the feminist approaches.
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Lowery, Christina. "Protection or Equality? : A Feminist Analysis of Protective Labor Legislation in UAW v. Johnson Controls, Inc." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279082/.
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This study provides a feminist analysis of protective labor legislation in the Supreme Court case of UAW v. Johnson Controls, Inc. History of protection rhetoric and precedented cases leading up to UAW are provided. Using a feminist analysis, this study argues that the victory for women's labor rights in UAW is short lived, and the cycle of protection rhetoric continues with new pro-business agendas replacing traditional justifications for "protecting" women in the work place. The implications of this and other findings are discussed.
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Egan, Sara Patricia. "Women (Re)incorporated : a thesis examining the application of feminist theory to corporate structures and the legal framework of corporate law." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30296.
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The thesis is about the re-incorporation of women, on feminist terms, in corporate law and structure. Working from the idea of feminism as a theory about exclusion, the thesis endeavours to include women's voices in how the dominant discourse shapes corporations and the securities markets. Moreover, it attempts to capture the feminist continuum and use it as a critique of the existence of the separate entity of the corporation and limited liability. The thesis also joins the corporate governance debate on feminist terms, reshaping its scope to include feminist aspirations. The market for securities and insider trading are also subject to a feminist analysis and the problems in policing and preventing insider trading are rethought through a feminist lens.
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Suarez, Lopez Maria Soledad del Rocio. "'Challenging machismo' : the influence of the Mexican feminist movement on sexual and domestic violence legislation and public policies." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.441597.
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Heenan, Melanie 1968. "Trial and error : rape, law reform and feminism." Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9136.
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Yelverton, Brittany. "The representation of women's reproductive rights in the American feminist blogosphere: an analysis of the debate around women's reproductive rights and abortion legislation in response to the reformation of the United States health care system in 2009/10." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002949.
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This study investigates the representation of women's reproductive rights in the feminist blogopshere during 2009/10 United States health care reform. Focusing on two purposively selected feminist blogsites - Feministing and Jezebel- it critically examines the discursive and rhetorical strategies employed by feminist bloggers to contest the erosion of women's reproductive rights as proposed in health care reform legislation. While the reformation of the U.S. health care system was a lengthy process, my analysis is confined to feminist blog posts published in November 2009, December 2009 and March 2010. These three months have been designated as they are roughly representative of three pivotal stages in health care reform: the drafting of the House of Representatives health care reform bill and Stupak Amendment in November 2009, the creation of the Senate health care bill inclusive of the Nelson compromise in December 2009, and the passage of the finalised health care reform bill, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act and supplementary executive order, in March 2010. This study is informed by feminist poststructuralist theory and Foucault's conceptions of discourse and power - an appropriate framework for identifying and analysing the unequal power relations that exist between men and women in patriarchal societies. Foucault conceives of discourse as both socially constituted and constitutive and contends that through the constitution of knowledge, discourses designate acceptable ways of talking, writing, and behaving, while simultaneously restricting and prohibiting alternatives, thereby granting power and authority to specific discourses. However, Foucault also stresses the multi-directionality of power and asserts that though hegemonic discourses are privileged over others, power lays in discursive practice at all social sites; hence the socially and politically transformative power of contesting discourses. Critical discourse analysis is informed by this critical theory of language and regards the use of language as a form of social practice located within its specific historical context. Therefore, it is through engaging in the struggle over meaning and producing different 'truths' through the reappropriation of language that the possibility of social change exists. Employing narrative, linguistic and rhetorical analysis, this study identifies the discursive strategies and tactics utilised by feminist bloggers to combat and contest anti-choice health care legislation. The study further seeks to determine how arguments supportive of women's reproductive rights are framed and how feminist discourses are privileged while patriarchal discourse is contested. Drawing on public sphere theory, I argue that the feminist blogosphere constitutes a counter-public which facili tates the articulation and circulation of marginalised and counter-discourses. I conclude this study by examining the feminist blogopshere's role in promoting political change and transformation through alternative representations of women and their reproductive rights.
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Panet-Raymond, Louise. "Toward a reconceptualization of battered women : appealing to partial agency." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=78223.
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Despite growing awareness of the severity of domestic violence, the lives of battered women are too often misconstrued by the Canadian public and the judicial system. The author argues that stereotypes of victimized battered women emanating from the courts and feminist theory may both prevent women who kill their partner from making valid claims of self-defence and generally undermine women's fight against oppression. The author reviews the doctrine of the battered woman syndrome and its application in the context of self-defence to illustrate how the courts' treatment of the doctrine conveys a narrow and incomplete depiction of battered women. An alternative theoretical framework based on battered women's partial agency is proposed as a means to address feminist theory's simplified representation of battered women. Various law and policy reform initiatives in the criminal justice system are explored to assess how the law may validate and promote battered women's partial agency.
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López, Melonio María Noel. "Asking “the child question” : - an analysis of the child perspective of Swedish legislation concerning child marriage with special focus on the recognition of those enacted in other countries." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-175438.
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Spence, RuthAnne. "Raise their voices: Maine legislative women making meaning of feminism." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Cairns, Ilona Catherine MacDonald. "Feminism and the legislative modernisation of Scots criminal law and justice." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2015. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=228971.
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This thesis examines the legislative modernisation of Scots criminal law and justice through a feminist lens. The primary research question that it sets out to answer is whether the legislative modernisation of Scots criminal law and justice – understood as a process that involves increased reliance on legislation and a movement away from the Scottish common law tradition – can meet feminist aims. This thesis approaches this question from a theoretical and practical standpoint, and considers both whether individual, specific areas of Scots criminal law and justice (most notably the corroboration requirement and the partial defence of provocation) can be modernised in a way that is agreeable from a feminist perspective, and whether overall legislative modernisation is likely to be met with feminist approval. Particular attention is paid to feminist ideas about legislative reform, and to the work of feminist legal theorists who have challenged the 'traditional' presentation of law as neutral, autonomous, determinate and self-contained. The relationship between feminism, legal positivism and legal formalism is explored in detail. The central argument of this thesis is that feminist voices should be heard, accurately represented and responded to as the nature, content and form of Scots criminal law and justice continues to evolve and change. This thesis therefore also addresses how the Scottish Government has engaged with feminist ideas to date, and considers what formal policies or procedures are currently in place in Scotland that would facilitate, or hamper, the inclusion of feminist ideas as legislative modernisation continues to occur. In this regard, current 'mainstreaming' practices in Scotland are analysed in some depth. Ultimately, this thesis reaches conclusions that challenge assumptions about the progressiveness of legislative reform and the consequences of the Scottish Government introducing legislation in areas of paradigmatic feminist concern, and the extent to which across-the-board legislative modernisation will have a positive impact on the status of women.
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Kobayashi, Yoshie 1955. "A path toward gender equality : state feminism in Japan." Thesis, University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/3026.
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This dissertation is the first study of state feminism in a non-western nation state, focusing on the activities and roles of the Women's Bureau of the Ministry of Labor in post-World War II Japan. While state feminism theory possesses a strong capability to examine state-society relationships in terms of feminist policymaking, it tends to neglect a state's activity in improving women's status and rights in non-western nations where the feminist movements are apathetic or antagonistic to the state and where the state also creates a vertical relationship with feminist groups. To apply the state feminism theory to examine activities of a state institute for women in non-Western nations, I created new analytical factors, domestic and international master frames, which show how policymakers and activists collaborate on policymaking at a domestic level and how policymakers utilize international standards to create the domestic master frame. Using the two-level-analysis of domestic and international politics in terms of creation of master frames together with the existing institutional and mobilizing structural variables, this dissertation presents a detailed study of the activities and roles of the Japanese women's bureau as an initiator and facilitator of gender equality in the process of agenda setting for the equal opportunity laws by utilizing international influence to persuade the opposition and as an interest mediator in the process of decision-making for them. The empirical evidence presented also demonstrates that the change of roles arose from the lack of the following factors: 1) limited resources and institutional capability caused by the marginalization of the women's bureau within the government, 2) the lack of a domestic master frame on the issue of gender equality between the women's bureau and women activists, and 3) the lack of mobilizing structures that provide women's groups the access to political decision-making to reflect their opinions. The combination of these factors hindered policymaking on gender equality and created a gradual and incremental progress toward gender equality in Japan. The way to gender equality in Japan is different from the western nations. Yet, this is a way that other non-western nations have also advanced and will follow in.Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2002.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 253-274).
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Also available by subscription via World Wide Web
xiii, 274 leaves, bound 29 cm
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Machado, Monica Sapucaia. "A lei de cotas no Poder Legislativo : uma análise da representação feminina na política partidária brasileira." Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2014. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/1114.
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Previous issue date: 2014-04-28This work sought to examine the electoral quotas as a public policy, through the analysis of the Brazilian laws in force, the literature and official data on the participation of women in positions of power, especially in the Brazilian legislat ive power. First of all, we analyzed the right to equality and its variations, as well as the mechanisms to enforce it, with emphasis on affirmative action. We also analyzed the legitimacy of affirmative action to protect the rights of minorities, especially women in positions of power. The regulatory instruments of the electoral quota policy were evaluated, seeking to unravel the difficulties arising from the legal framework of public policy. This paper brought to the spotlight the mechanisms used to implement the policy and possible ways o reduce inequality between men and women in Brazilian politics and the results of women s participation in Brazilian elections since the implementation of affirmative action electoral quotas. In order to do it, we analyzed documents and bibliographies on the right of women, the importance of women's political participation to democracy and electoral quotas on Brazilian politics, as well as official data on election results since 1996. From this research , we concluded that, although important steps have been taken to promote gender equality in Brazil, there is still much to achieve , especially on women's participation in politics.
A partir de estudo bibliográfico e análise de dados oficiais sobre a participação das mulheres nos espaços de poder, em especial no legislativo brasileiro, buscou-se analisar a política pública de cotas eleitorais, por meio da análise das leis que vigorara m e vigoram sobre o tema. Iniciou-se analisando o direito a igualdade e suas vertentes, assim como os mecanismos para efetivar esse direito, com ênfase nas ações afirmativas. Passou-se então analisar a legitimidade das ações afirmativas na proteção dos direitos das minorias, em especial das mulheres nos espaços de poder. Avaliaram-se os instrumentos normativos da política de cotas eleitorais, buscando desvendar as dificuldades oriundas da estrutura legal da política pública. Por meio de análise dos resultados da participação das mulheres nas eleições brasileiras desde a implantação da ação afirmativa de cotas eleitorais, problematizou-se sobre os mecanismos utilizados para implantar a política e os caminhos possíveis para diminuir a desigualdade entre homens e mulheres na política brasileira. Para tanto, foram analisados documentos e bibliografias sobre o direito das mulheres, a importância da participação política das mulheres para a democracia e sobre política de cotas eleitorais brasileira, bem como dados oficiais sobre os resultados eleitorais desde 1996. De tal análise, concluiu-se que, embora importantes passos tenham sido dados para a promoção da igualdade de gênero no Brasil, muito há ainda que avançar, especialmente na participação das mulheres na política.
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Galloway, Kathrine Scott. "Legislating conscience into contract : panacea or pandora's box?" Queensland University of Technology, 2006. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16337/.
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Chapter 11 of the Property Agents and Motor Dealers Act 2000 (Qld) and the Retail Shop Leases Act 1994 (Qld) both introduce procedural requirements to the process for creation of land contracts and were both introduced to address a perceived lack of conscience in each of the industries affected. These represent a recent broadening of the ambit of consumer protection legislation in Queensland which deviates from more traditional methods of statutory intervention into land contracts. This paper focuses on the extent to which the Acts effectively introducing a conscience element into certain land contracts, and the extent to which this alters classical contract law. The effectiveness of the approach is then tested against the critiques of two alternative theories of law - law and economics and feminist contract theory - to see whether the legislative approach answers the deficiencies in contract identified within the terms of each theory.
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Orsato, Andréia. ""Como mulher e deputada" : a presença feminina na Assembléia Legislativa do Rio Grande do Sul (1951-2011)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/78158.
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A presente Tese de Doutorado em Ciência Política analisa as principais características da participação política das deputadas estaduais do Rio Grande do Sul, no período compreendido entre janeiro de 1951 a janeiro de 2011, tema diretamente relacionado com as relações de gênero nos espaços públicos. Ao longo do trabalho são discutidos os fundamentos da concepção liberal-representativa de democracia, condição imperiosa para a compreensão da histórica exclusão das mulheres na esfera das instituições políticas. Tal debate é contraposto por algumas das principais teóricas feministas, cuja perspectiva questiona, não apenas os valores patriarcais presentes em diferentes contextos sociais, mas também reivindica a incorporação política das mulheres nos processos decisórios. A inclusão desse segmento social na esfera pública não tem ocorrido sem resistência masculina ao longo do século XX, o que pode ser observado por meio de alguns dados apresentados que dizem respeito à sub-representação feminina no âmbito do Poder Legislativo em várias regiões do mundo. Partindo destas reflexões e valendo-se de uma metodologia ancorada em apreciação de documentos e na técnica de análise de conteúdo, a presente Tese investiga a participação das mulheres enquanto parlamentares eleitas no Poder Legislativo brasileiro em nível estadual, tomando como caso para análise a Assembleia Legislativa Gaúcha. Para levar à cabo tal intenção foram definidos objetivos específicos a serem detalhador: a) Analisar o perfil das parlamentares gaúchas no período compreendido entre janeiro de 1951 e dezembro de 2012; b) Examinar a participação das deputadas estaduais na composição da Mesa Diretora e nas Comissões Permanentes da Assembleia Legislativa entre janeiro de 1951 e janeiro de 2011 e, por fim, c) Verificar a vinculação das atividades legislativas (projetos e discursos parlamentares) das deputadas estaduais com a problemática das relações sociais de gênero no período compreendido entre janeiro de 1951 e janeiro de 2011. A partir dos dados coletados ao longo dos 60 anos pesquisados os quais apontam para uma crescente presença feminina na Assembleia Legislativa, a realidade no início do século XXI ainda é de sub-representação das mulheres no Legislativo Estadual. Contudo, identificamos também que a participação das mulheres na Assembleia Legislativa do Rio Grande do Sul foi além desta dimensão formal da representação política, avançando no sentido da qualificação dessa presença em prol de um grupo social.This Doctoral Thesis in Political Science analyzes the main features of the political participation of female MPs in the State of Rio Grande do Sul, from January, 1951 to January, 2011, a subject directly related to gender relations in public spaces. Along the study, the foundation of liberal-representative Democracy conception is discussed, an essential requirement for understanding the historical exclusion of women in political institutions. Such debate is opposed by some of the leading feminist theorists, whose perspective points not only patriarchal values which are present in different social contexts, but also claims the political incorporation of women in decision-making. The inclusion of this segment of society at the Public Sphere has not occurred without male resistance throughout the twentieth century, which can be observed through some data presented that concerns the underrepresentation of women at the Legislative sphere all over the world. Based on these considerations and resorting a methodology of appreciation of documents and the technique of Content Analysis, this thesis investigates the participation of women as elected representatives at the Brazilian Legislature for each State, having as basis the analysis of the Legislative Assembly in Rio Grande do Sul. In order to perform such intention, there had been set specific goals to be detailed: a) To analyze the profile of parliamentary women in Rio Grande do Sul from January, 1951 to December, 2012, b) To examine the participation of State Deputies in the composition of the Board of Directors and the Permanent Committees of the Legislative Assembly between January, 1951 and January, 2011, and finally, c) To check the connection of legislative activities (projects and parliamentary speeches) of Deputies under the view of social gender relations between January, 1951 and January, 2011. From the data collected over these past 60 years, which points to a growing female representation at the Legislative Assembly, the reality in the early twenty-first century is still under-representation of women at the State Legislature. However, there has also been noticed that female participation at the Legislative Assembly of Rio Grande do Sul has gone further this formal dimension of Political representation, which is a great progress in the sense of qualifying such participation for the sake of a social group.
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Rebolone, Ana Maria. "Feminists in unchartered water, the legal pursuit of reproductive autonomy in the Supreme Court of Canada in the 1990s." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0003/MQ45377.pdf.
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Medeiros, Sooraya Karoan Lino de. "Lamurientas, faladeiras e mentirosas?: um estudo sobre a condição social feminina no Quatrocentos português." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-26022008-133337/.
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Os registros medievais acerca das mulheres comumente reforçam uma idéia negativa do gênero feminino, delimitando seu espaço de ação ao privado e indicando o casamento como sua função primordial. Acreditamos, porém, que sem um cotejamento com os instrumentos de ação formais disponibilizados pelas mulheres, a aceitação tácita dos postulados oriundos da ética cristã para o conhecimento da condição social feminina leva-nos a uma compreensão não mais que parcial dos papéis desempenhados no conjunto social. Desta feita, para conhecermos a condição social das mulheres de 16 vilas e cidades da região da Estremadura portuguesa, no século XV, recorremos a documentos oficiais para descobrir os direitos postos a sua disposição pela legislação portuguesa. A análise da documentação leva-nos a inferir que a mulher, detentora de uma identidade jurídica identificada na legislação do reino, encontrava nos dispositivos legais enunciados pelo poder real os meios necessários para garantir a manutenção de seu direito à propriedade, bem como a certa liberdade para dispor de seus bens.The medieval records about women usually strengthen the negative concept of the gender, restraining then to the domestic space and indicating the marriage as their main function. We believe, however, that the tacit acceptance of the postulates from the Christian ethic for the comprehension of women\'s social condition without analyzing the instruments they had would lead us to an understanding no more than partial of the rolls they played. Therefore, in our research we seek women in the XV century in 16 villages and towns from the Portuguese Estremadura, to find women in the public spaces we turned to official manuscript documents from Portuguese archives, to find their rights, to the royal legislation. The analysis of the documentation indicates that the women with a juridical identity could find in the legal devices the means to assure the maintenance of their right to properties as well as a certain freedom to administrate their possessions.
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Vamos, Cheryl A. "Examining the Title X Family Planning Program's (Public Law 91-572) legislative history through a feminist lens : a thematic analysis and oral histories with key stakeholders in Florida." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002932.
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Vamos, Cheryl A. "Examining the Title X Family Planning Program’s (Public Law 91-572) Legislative History through a Feminist Lens: A Thematic Analysis and Oral Histories with Key Stakeholders in Florida." Scholar Commons, 2009. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/64.
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The Title X Family Planning Program (Public Law 91-572), enacted by President Richard Nixon in 1970, provides federal funds for voluntary, confidential family planning services to all women, regardless of their age or economic status. This federal legislation aspired to prevent unintended pregnancies and poor birth outcomes to those in most need. However, over the past three decades, Title X has faced political, financial and social challenges. Despite its enormous success in improving the health and well-being of women and children by decreasing unintended pregnancies, the need for abortions and providing key comprehensive preventive services, without a newfound political will similar to that during which it was conceived, the future of Title X may be in jeopardy.
This study grounded theoretically and methodologically in a feminist policy analysis approach, critically examined the maturation of Title X by employing a mixed methodology design that consisted of a thematic analysis on Title X's legislative history and the conduction and analysis of oral histories. In Phase I, themes were extracted from the federal bills included in Title X's legislative history, which assisted in the identification of the issues that this policy has endured. In Phase II, a semi-structured interview guide was developed based upon the themes and findings from the thematic analysis as well as from pre-determined constructs from McPhail's Feminist Policy Analysis Framework, to explore key informants' perceptions, recollections and experiences regarding the Title X program. By examining Title X through a feminist lens, various issues were exposed and critically examined, including issues that are typically ignored by traditional policy analyses. Moreover, understanding the historical underpinnings and evolutions of a policy and recognizing past failures and achievements are necessary in order to make informed future decisions. Implications for research, practice and policy are discussed.
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Peterson, Anna M. "The Birth of a Welfare State: Feminists, Midwives, Working Women and the Fight for Norwegian Maternity Leave, 1880-1940." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1373297278.
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Martini, Diandra Avila. "A Bancada Feminina da Câmara dos Deputados: quais interesses que a produção da 54ª Legislatura representa? (2011 a 2014)." Universidade Federal de Pelotas, 2017. http://guaiaca.ufpel.edu.br:8080/handle/prefix/4128.
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O presente trabalho tem como objeto de pesquisa a Bancada Feminina da Câmara Federal, a fim de analisar os Projetos de Lei apresentados pelas deputadas em exercício, no período de 2011 a 2014. Tem por objetivo compreender quais são os interesses defendidos nesses projetos, através de uma análise qualitativa que se desenvolverá em torno de três eixos: descrição, caracterização e análise. Desde a Assembleia Constituinte de 1988, a atuação das deputadas na Câmara Federal passou a ser vista sob uma nova perspectiva. A atuação coletiva dessas representantes no evento que marcou a formulação da Constituição Federal vigente, transmitiu a ideia de uma Bancada Feminina, que veio a se formalizar mais tarde. A criação desta Bancada, no entanto, gerou certa expectativa sobre o comportamento e a atuação das mulheres no cenário político brasileiro. A literatura internacional sobre representação feminina, pautada em dois eixos principais – presença e ideias – já vinha questionando o modo que a atuação das mulheres no cenário político deveria acontecer, colocando sobre as parlamentares uma responsabilidade extra. No Brasil, a institucionalização da Bancada Feminina levou a elaboração de um regimento interno que estipula a representação de interesses femininos. Os estudos recentes sobre as parlamentares brasileiras, no entanto, demonstram que, ao contrário do que propõe o regimento, é baixo o número de projetos voltados à temática das mulheres, bem como o envolvimento das mesmas com a agenda feminista. Assim, levando em consideração os dois eixos principais em que se baseia a literatura sobre representação política feminina – presença e ideias – o presente estudo busca identificar quais são os interesses defendidos nos projetos apresentados por estas parlamentares. A partir de uma categorização temática dos projetos, a análise qualitativa se deu através da identificação de grupos para os quais as proposições eram voltadas. Com isso, considerando-se a organização suprapartidária da Bancada Feminina e o alto número de propostas individuais apresentadas, partiu-se da hipótese de que as deputadas não atuam, em regra, como um coletivo, fazendo-o apenas em determinadas ocasiões. Trata-se, portanto, de um estudo empírico, que busca além de analisar os projetos de lei apresentados, expor a produção legislativa desta organização, com a finalidade de verificar através dos interesses representado pela mesma, se as deputadas brasileiras vêm desempenhando uma política de presença ou de ideias.
The present study has as research subject the Female Front of Deputies’ Federal Chamber, with the aim of analyze the bills introduced by female’s deputies, in the period of 2011 to 2014. Aims to understand what are the interests defended by them in these bills, through a qualitative analysis around three axes: description, characterization and analysis. Since the Constitutive Assembly in 1988, the deputies’ performance at the Federal Chamber it came to be watched under a new perspective. The collective performance of these representatives in the event that marked the formulation of the current Federal Constitution transmitted the idea of a Female Front that came to formalize later. The creation of this Front, however, generated some expectation about women’s performance and behavior at the Brazilian political scene. The international literature about female representation, based on two main streams – presence and idea – already asked the way of women’s performance at the political scene should happen. At Brazil, the institutionalization of Female Front resulted in the elaboration of an internal regiment, which stipulates the representation of female interests. However, recently studies demonstrates that is low the number of bills for female thematic and the involvement of female deputies with the feminist agenda. Therefore, considering the two main streams on the literature about female representation is based – presence and idea – the present study aims identify which are the interests defended in the projects presented by these females’ parliamentarians. From a thematic categorization of the projects, the qualitative analysis took place through the identification of groups for which the propositions were oriented. With this, considering the nonpartisan organization of the Female Front and the higher number of bills proposed individually, it part from the principle that the Female Front, indeed, do not act as a collective, acting as such only on certain occasions. It is therefore an empirical study which seeks not only to analyze the bills presented, but also to expose the legislative production of this organization, in order to verify through the interests represented by the same, if the Brazilian females deputies have been carrying out a policy of presence or ideas.
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Melo, Thais Requião de. "O que há por trás da norma: uma análise do tratamento da mulher no direito de família do código civil de 1916 ao de 2002." Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, 2013. http://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/18536.
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O presente trabalho tem por fito realizar uma análise comparativa da evolução das disposições normativas que tratam da mulher, no direito de família. Para tanto, parti dos elementos integrantes da teoria tridimensional do direito que tem por enfoque a compreensão do direito como resultado do fato, valor e norma. Deste modo, iniciei a discussão partindo das lutas feministas e de sua relevância social e política para um novo posicionamento da mulher na sociedade. O debate em torno da perspectiva patriarcal também é de crucial importância para a análise comparativa realizada a posteriori. O direito enquanto construção social também compõe a estrutura teórica para o exame do direito no contexto da contemporaneidade. Após essas ponderações teóricas, passei à comparação das disposições normativas da codificação de 1916 até a de 2002, que tratavam das mulheres no âmbito do direito de família. Para tanto, a epistemologia feminista foi utilizada como metodologia fulcral para admitir minha participação consciente na produção científica, em uma perspectiva crítica do conhecimento. The aim of this paper is to perform a comparative analysis of the evolution of the regulatory provisions that treat women in family law. Therefore, the parti-dimensional integral elements of the theory of law that is focused on the understanding of law as a result of fact, value and norm. Thus began the discussion starting from the feminist struggles and their social and political relevance to a new position of women in society. The debate around the patriarchal perspective is also of crucial importance for comparative analysis performed retrospectively. The right social construction while also composing the theoretical framework for the examination of the law in the context of post modernity. After these theoretical considerations, I compare the regulatory provisions of the codification of 1916 to 2002, who treated women under family law. Therefore, feminist epistemology and methodology used was central to admit my conscious participation in scientific production, a critical perspective of knowledge.
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Rocha, Thaíssa Tamarindo da. "Proteção constitucional à maternidade no Brasil: um caso de expansão da garantia legal." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2138/tde-30102012-101834/.
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Esta dissertação é dedicada à análise da proteção à maternidade no Brasil e à expansão legal desta garantia social nos últimos anos. Em tese, este direito constitucional permite uma condição melhor da mulher no mercado de trabalho e uma maior proteção à criança recém-nascida, além de possibilitar a conciliação entre as responsabilidades do trabalho e da família, adequando-se às exigências da sociedade moderna. Neste sentido, parte-se da hipótese de que a expansão desta garantia legal propicia o aperfeiçoamento da eficácia da proteção social. O objetivo do presente estudo é examinar como a garantia legal de proteção à maternidade evoluiu no cenário normativo nacional e como o avanço obtido em 1988 assegurou a ampliação da eficácia da proteção referida. Através de um balanço jurídicohistórico, a dissertação comprova que, a despeito dos discursos à época da Constituinte, a ampliação do instituto não resultou na queda do emprego feminino, nem mesmo em prejuízo para a atividade empresarial. Mais especificamente, procura-se demonstrar que a expansão da garantia legal pode constituir ferramenta para o aperfeiçoamento da eficácia da proteção (ao contrário do que os conservadores afirmaram e ainda afirmam de modo ideológico e contrafactual). Para isso, a dissertação revê a trajetória do instituto da proteção à maternidade, em perspectiva de balanço, analisando seus avanços no tempo. O que se evita afirmar (e aí se impõe o limite desta argumentação) é que toda expansão da garantia legal necessariamente promova o aperfeiçoamento da eficácia da proteção; também, por outro lado, que somente pela expansão da garantia legal seja possível aperfeiçoar a eficácia da proteção. Procedimentos metodológicos: 1) revisão bibliográfica dos textos constitucionais e das obras que comentam o assunto para a organização do quadro teórico; 2) realização de pesquisa documental para examinar o debate ocorrido na época da Constituinte e da aprovação da atual Lei 11.770/2008; 3) produção de tabelas sobre a evolução do emprego feminino a partir de dados do MTE, assim como quadros comparativos da licençamaternidade com base em publicações do PNUD e da OIT. O tema é extremamente relevante e capaz de provocar uma reflexão acerca do papel decisivo da inserção da proteção social nas Constituições, o que garantiu sua eficácia ao longo do tempo. Além disso, é relevante para criticar a falta de consistência de discursos contrários à ampliação de direitos trabalhistas (em particular, da classe empregadora), bem como indicar a necessidade de aprimoramento da legislação do trabalho acerca da proteção à maternidade, em especial pelos direitos de conciliação entre trabalho e família. Em suma, a dissertação propõe um estudo inédito sobre o tema e apresenta um enfoque alinhado com as tendências internacionais neste campo. Além disso, aponta, por meio da avaliação dos processos jurídico-históricos, diferentes caminhos para aprimorar a eficácia da proteção à maternidade por meio do instrumental normativo.This dissertation is addressed to the analysis of maternity protection in Brazil and the expansion of social insurance law in recent years. In theory, this constitutional right allows a better condition of women in the labor market and greater protection to the newborn child, besides facilitating the conciliation between work responsibilities and family, adjusting to the demands of modern society. In this sense, it is normally assumed that the expansion gives legal guarantee of improving the effectiveness of social protection. The aim of this study is to examine how the legal guarantee of maternity protection in the regulatory landscape has evolved and how the national progress made in 1988 ensured the increased efficacy of such protection. Through a balance of legal and historical vision, the dissertation shows that, despite the speeches at the time of the new Constitutions Congress, not the expansion of the Institute resulted in the decline of female employment, even in injury to the business activity. More specifically, it seeks to demonstrate that the expansion of the legal guarantees can be a tool for enhancing the effectiveness of protection (contrary to what conservatives have said and still say so ideological and counterfactual). For this, the paper reviews the history of the institute of protection of motherhood, analyzing their progress over time. The study avoids stating that any expansion of the legal guarantee necessarily promotes the improvement of the effectiveness of protection. And on the other hand, one cannot think that only the expansion of the legal guarantee to be able to improve the effectiveness of protection. Methodological procedures: 1) literature review of constitutional texts and works that comment on the matter to the organization of the of the theoretical framework; 2) conducting archival research to examine the debate occurred at the time of the Constitutions Congress and the approval of the current law (Lei 11.770/2008); 3) production of tables on the evolution of female employment data from the Labor Ministry, as well as comparative tables of maternity leave based on publications of UNDP and ILO. The theme is extremely relevant and able to cause a reflection on the crucial role of the insertion of social protection in the Federal Constitution, which guaranteed its effectiveness over time. Moreover, it is important to criticize the lack of consistency of the arguments against the extension of labor rights (in particular, by employers) and indicate the need for improvement of labor legislation on the protection of motherhood, especially for the rights of reconciling work and family. In short, the paper proposes a new study about the topic and presents an approach in line with international trends in this field. In addition, he noted, by evaluating the legal and historical processes, different ways to enhance the effectiveness of maternity protection through legal instruments.
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Brasileiro, Aline Alves 1980. "Relação entre amamentação natural e o retorno ao trabalho." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/311870.
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Orientador: Rosana de Fatima Possobon, Antonio Bento Alves de MoraesDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Ciencias Medicas
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Resumo: O objetivo deste estudo foi verificar a manutenção da amamentação natural no período de retorno da mãe ao trabalho, comparando mães participantes do Grupo de Incentivo ao Aleitamento Materno Exclusivo, com mães não participantes do referido grupo. Foi realizado um estudo de intervenção não randomizado, por meio de inquérito entre mães que voltaram a trabalhar após o parto, participantes e não participantes de um grupo de incentivo ao aleitamento materno exclusivo. A amostra consistiu de 200 díades mãe-lactente com idade entre 6 e 10 meses de vida. Para avaliar fatores associados ao retorno ao trabalho, os resultados foram analisados por meio dos testes estatísticos Qui-Quadrado e Exato de Fisher. A idade média da época em que a mãe retornou ao trabalho foi de 3,64 e 4,20 meses após o parto para as mães do Grupo Externo e do Grupo Interno, respectivamente. Foi observada diferença estatística para introdução precoce de outro tipo de leite (p>0001), água (p>0001), chá (p>0001), suco de frutas (p>0001), papa de frutas (p=0016) e papa salgada (p=0023) quando comparados os dois grupos. O Grupo Interno manteve a amamentação exclusiva por mais tempo após o retorno ao trabalho. A manutenção do aleitamento materno exclusivo independe da época de retorno da mãe ao trabalho, da jornada diária, da distância entre mãe-criança, da presença de creche interna ou externa, o nível do cargo ocupado pela mãe e a utilização do posto de coleta de leite materno. Como fator protetor da prática do aleitamento materno exclusivo, aponta-se a utilização do descanso de 30 minutos por turno trabalhado. O apoio foi um fator importante para a manutenção do aleitamento materno exclusivo entre as mulheres trabalhadoras
Abstract: The objective of this study was to verify the maintenance of natural breastfeeding in the period of return of the mother to work, comparing mothers participants of the encouragement Group for the Exclusive Breastfeeding, with mothers not participants of the group. A non-randomized study of intervention was performed through survey among mothers who returned to work after childbirth, participants and non-participants of a group to encourage exclusive breastfeeding. The sample consisted of 200 pain mother-infant aged between 6 and 10 months of life. To avaliate factors associated with the return to work, the results were analyzed by means of statistical tests chi-square and Fisher's Exact. The average age of time when the mother returned to work was 3.64 and 4.20 months after delivery for mothers of the Foreign Group and Internal Group, respectively. Statistical difference was observed for early introduction of another type of milk (p> 0001), water (p> 0001), tea (p> 0001), fruit juice (p> 0001), Pope of fruit (p = 0016) and pope salt (p = 0023) comparing the two groups. The Internal Group maintained the exclusive breastfeeding for a longer time after the return to work. The maintenance of exclusive breastfeeding independs on the time of return of the mother to work, the daily journey, the distance between mother-child, the presence of internal or external day care, level of the position held by the mother and the use of the place of collection of milk. As protective factor of the practice of exclusive breastfeeding, there are the uses of the rest of 30 minutes per shift worked. The support was an important factor for the maintenance of exclusive breastfeeding among women workers
Mestrado
Saude da Criança e do Adolescente
Mestre em Saude da Criança e do Adolescente
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Granger, Amy. "Reproductive Freedom in the United States and Louisiana: An Assessment of the Last Decade, a Review of the Current Climate, And a Scenario for the Future." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2009. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1086.
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Government began legislating abortion in the mid nineteenth century and has controlled access to this service for women ever since. With the creation of hospital boards after WWII, state control over access became further entrenched. Regulations and restrictions since Roe v. Wade limit the availability of abortion services for women served by Medicaid and other social assistance programs. The existence of a class bias around access can be seen throughout the topic's history and legislation has unfairly targeted and therefore disproportionately affects poor women. The data show that these restrictions have no impact on the number of unintended pregnancies over the last 20 plus years. Without the ability to personally fund the procedure, poor women do not enjoy the same choices as women in other social classes. In the next decade, we are likely to experience more of the same without having a realistic conversation about Medicaid funding of abortion.
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Campos, Camila Goulart. "Quebrando Barreiras : uma análise descritiva das carreiras políticas das deputadas eleitas para Assembleias Legislativas/Distrital do Brasil nas eleições de 2010." Universidade Federal de Pelotas, 2015. http://repositorio.ufpel.edu.br:8080/handle/prefix/3103.
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Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq
Este trabalho procurou investigar a presença e a trajetória política das mulheres nos legislativos estaduais do Brasil eleitas no pleito de 2010, com o objetivo de identificar fatores que são preponderantes para a construção de suas carreiras políticas, a partir das redes de contatos que favorecem a entrada e a permanência das mulheres no campo político. Paralelo a isso, analisou-se a existência ou não de diferenças em função da diversidade regional das parlamentares brasileiras. Desse modo, adotou-se como hipótese que as parlamentares eleitas em 2010 possuemcaracterísticas em comum em termos sócio-econômicos e apresentam carreiras políticas similares, fato que foi confirmado na pesquisa. Neste sentido, a presença destas representantes, devido ao acúmulo de capital político, impulsionou a carreira consolidada das parlamentares. A análise dos dados da pesquisa ocorreu através do estudo das trajetórias das deputadas, observando seus perfis através de informações extraídas das páginas eletrônicas das Assembleias Legislativas, Tribunal Superior Eleitoral, Blogs das deputadas estaduais, bem como a análise descritiva e comparativa das parlamentares. Por fim, diante das análises realizadas cabe apontar algumas questões para serem apreciadas com pesquisas futuras, relacionadas às carreiras políticas femininas. Essas se situam, principalmente, no fato de existir um número pequeno de mulheres eleitas aos Parlamentos Regionais (poder supranacional). Isso configura um aspecto de significativa influência para a homogeneidade nas carreias políticas apresentadas neste trabalho. Ou, como indica a bibliografia sobre a carreira política, a homogeneidade nas carreiras políticas está voltada ao fato dessas parlamentares, mesmo sendo mulheres, pertencerem a uma elite política.
This study sought to investigate the presence and women's political career in the state of Brazil elected in the 2010 legislative elections, in order to identify factors that are crucial to building their political careers, from the contact networks that favor the entry and the permanence of women in the political field. Parallel to this, we analyzed the existence of differences depending on the regional diversity of Brazilian parliamentarians. Thus, we adopted as hypothesis the notion that specific characteristics of women who are in electoral politics have a similar political career between state legislators, a fact that was confirmed in the survey. In this sense, the presence of these representatives due to the accumulation of political capital, boosted consolidated parliamentary career. The analysis of the survey data occurred by analyzing the trajectories of MPs, watching their profiles through information extracted from the electronic pages of the Legislative Assemblies, the Superior Electoral Court, Blogs of state deputies, as well as descriptive and comparative analysis of parliamentarians. Finally, on the analyzes it is to point out some issues for consideration in future research related to women's political careers. These are located mainly in the fact that there is a small number of women elected to regional parliaments (supranational power). This sets up an aspect of significant influence to the homogeneity in political carreias presented in this paper. Or, as indicated by the literature on the political career, the homogeneity in political careers is facing the fact that these parliamentarians, even as women belonging to a political elite.
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Storm, Frida. "RISK, RESPECT & UNSPEAKABLE ACTS : Untangling Intimate-Sexual Consent through 'Intuitive Inquiry' & 'Agential Realism'." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Centrum för genusforskning (from 2013), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-83220.
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In an attempt to address the issues in research and theory on consent, this thesis explores what consent can be seen as "doing" through an 'Intuitive Inquiry' (Anderson 2011a) and 'Agential Realism' (Barad 2007). Various manifestations of consent appears through: the experience of the researcher, consent research and theory, consent legislation, interviews with professionals in intimate-sexual consent, and, feminist fanzines. Consent evokes issues around agency, power, communication, respect, violence, risk, morals and ethics that go beyond sexual-intimate negotiation. Consent emerges as multiple, complex and fluid in 'intra-action' (ibid.) with the context. Entanglements and paradoxes of consent are further explored in 'diffractive analysis' (ibid.) through "bodily autonomy" and"rights/obligations". As a phenomenon, consent appears to make agency and power intelligible (to different degrees), but, can not be said to provide a viable strategy against sexual violence. The tenets of consent discourse risk (re)producing anxieties around intimacy and sex, responsibilizing survivors and obfuscating sexual violence. Further and improved research on communication in everyday sexual negotiation, sexual violence, consent legislation and what consent "does" is urgently needed.Through creative method and new epistemology the thesis (re)presents a knowledge process true to lived experience, as well as, an invitation to pull the terrible wonderful world, it's complexities, and us in it, closer.I ett försök att ta itu med problem inom forskning och teori om 'consent' undersöker denna avhandling vad samtycke kan ses som ”göra” genom 'Intuitiv Inquiry' (Anderson 2011a) och'Agential Realism' (Barad 2007). Olika manifestationer av 'consent' framträder genom: forskarens erfarenheter, samtyckes-forskning och teori, samtyckelagstiftning, intervjuer med professionella inom samtycke, och, feministiska fanzines. Samtycke väcker frågor kring agens, makt, kommunikation, respekt, våld, risk, moral och etik som går bortom sexuella-intima förhandlingar. Samtycke framträder som multipelt, komplext och rörligt i 'intra-action' (ibid.) med kontexten. 'Entanglements' och paradoxer inom samtycke undersöks vidare i 'diffraktiv analys' (ibid.) genom "kroppslig autonomi" och"rättigheter/skyldigheter". Som ett fenomen gör samtycke agens och makt möjlig att tänka (iolika grad), men kan inte sägas bidra med en hållbar strategi mot sexuellt våld. Grundsatserna i samtyckesdiskursen riskerar att (re)producera ängsla kring intima-sexuella situationer, responsibilisera offer och dölja sexuellt våld. Ytterligare och förbättrad forskning är i akut behov kring kommunikation i vardagliga sexuella förhandlingar, sexuellt våld, samtyckeslagstiftning och vad samtycke "gör". Genom kreativ metod och ny epistemologi (re)presenterar avhandlingen en kunskapsprocesssom är trogen till levd verklighet, samt en inbjudan att närma sig, den fruktansvärda underbara världen, dess komplexitet, och oss inom den.
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Duchini, Emma. "Essays on skills formation." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/396276.
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This thesis examines the role of public policies and institutions in fostering human capital formation
and utilization. In the first chapter, I analyze the impact of college remedial courses
on students’ performance and college completion, using administrative data from the department
of Economics of an Italian university. My results suggest that the complex design of
the policy studied hinders its effectiveness, as it fails both to boost students’ results and to
reduce college drop-out. In the second chapter, a joint work with Clémentine Van Effenterre,
we study mothers’ labor supply response to a reorganization of children’s school schedule, promoted
in France since 2013. We show that mothers react to this intervention by restructuring
their working time in accordance to children’s new schedule. Finally, in the last chapter, I
investigate whether loosening employment protection legislation decreases firms and workers’
investments in training. Exploiting a reform introduced in the United Kingdom in 2012, I find
that reducing job protection in a period of negative wage growth does not lead to an increase
of dismissals or a decline in training investments.Esta tesis examina el papel que las políticas y las instituciones públicas pueden jugar para favorecer la formación y el uso del capital humano. En el primer capítulo, estudio el impacto de los cursos de recuperación ofrecidos en la universidad sobre los resultados de los alumnos y su probabilidad de acabar los estudios universitarios, utilizando datos administrativos de un departamento de Economía de una universidad italiana. Mis resultados sugieren que la complejidad de esta política estorba su eficacia, dado que no consigue mejorar ni el desempeño de los estudiantes ni disminuir su probabilidad de abandonar la universidad. En el segundo capítulo, un trabajo conjunto con Clémentine Van Effenterre, analizamos el impacto de una reorganización del horario escolar de los niños, introducida en Francia a partir de 2013, sobre las decisiones de trabajo de las madres. Mostramos que las mujeres restructuran su semana de trabajo en función del nuevo horario de sus hijos. Finalmente, en el último capítulo, investigo el efecto de una disminución de la protección laboral sobre las decisiones de empresas y trabajadores de invertir en formación. Explotando una reforma introducida en Reino Unido en 2012, encuentro que reducir la protección laboral, en un periodo de crecimiento negativo de los salarios, no implica ni un aumento de despidos ni una disminución de inversiones en capital humano.
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Edmundson, Joshua R. "THE ONE EXHIBITION THE ROOTS OF THE LGBT EQUALITY MOVEMENT ONE MAGAZINE & THE FIRST GAY SUPREME COURT CASE IN U.S. HISTORY 1943-1958." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd/399.
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The ONE Exhibition explores an era in American history marked by intense government sponsored anti-gay persecution and the genesis of the LGBT equality movement. The study begins during World War II, continues through the McCarthy era and the founding of the nation’s first gay magazine, and ends in 1958 with the first gay Supreme Court case in U.S. history.
Central to the story is ONE The Homosexual Magazine, and its founders, as they embarked on a quest for LGBT equality by establishing the first ongoing nationwide forum for gay people in the U.S., and challenged the government’s right to engage in and encourage hateful and discriminatory practices against the LGBT community. Then, when the magazine was banned by the Post Office, the editors and staff took the federal government to court. As such, ONE, Incorporated v. Olesen became the first Supreme Court case in U.S. history that featured the taboo subject of homosexuality, and secured the 1st Amendment right to freedom of speech for the gay press. Thus, ONE magazine and its founders were an integral part of a small group of activists who established the foundations of the modern LGBT equality movement.
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Johnson, Kirsten K. "Undressing the Canadian state : a feminist approach to obscenity legislation in Canada." 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/18120.
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Kramar, Kirsten Johnson. "Undressing the Canadian state : a feminist approach to obscenity legislation in Canada." 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/28827.
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"Legislating for Gender Equality in Korea: The Role of Women and Political Parties in Shaping the Timing of Legislation." Doctoral diss., 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.53588.
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abstract: This study examines the factors that shape the timing of a passage of a piece of controversial gender equality legislation by conducting a case study of the abolition of the family-head system in South Korea. This study draws on the method of process tracing with the data collected from the archives and the interviews. The case study mainly compares the legislative processes for the bills on the abolition of the family-head system in 16th and the 17th National Assemblies, in which the bills resulted to opposite outcomes.
This study argues that the institutions of the legislative process mediate the impact of relevant actors for gender equality policymaking. In the bill initiation stage, only a small number of the elected officials are required to introduce a bill, and women representatives serve a vital role as they are more likely to introduce feminist bills than their male colleagues. This study argues that 1) the background of the women influencing their commitment to feminist agendas, 2) strong women’s movements contributing to issue saliency, and thereby the policy priorities of the issue, and 3) the resources and constraints inside the party for feminist policymaking influenced by party ideology, shape how active women representatives will be in advocating controversial gender equality agendas.
In the later stages of policymaking, the efforts of a small number of women members are offset by that of political parties. Emphasizing the positive agenda control of the majority party and the negative agenda control of the minority parties, this study suggests that party issue positions are critical for the outcome of the bill. To explain the party issue position (re)shape, this study underlines 1) public opinion, 2) the emergence of new voter groups leading to the decline of the cleavage politics, 3) new party entry, and 4) women in the party and the party leadership. The findings highlight that the major parties’ issue positions shift in the 17th National Assembly greatly contributed to amplifying the bargaining power of the key allies and weakening the institutional leverage of the opponents, leading to the successful legislation of the bill.Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation Political Science 2019
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Abu-Odeh, Desiree. "Sexual Violence and Responses to It on American College Campuses, 1952–1980." Thesis, 2021. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-ge23-m748.
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Using archival and oral history sources, my dissertation examines the emergence of what is now known as “sexual violence” and responses to it on American college campuses in the post-World War II period. This history has yet to receive a full account of its own. It demands one, national in scope but with campus-specific detail. Bridging historiographies of rape, higher education, and postwar feminisms, among others, my analysis features cases of sexual violence, activism, and institutional and legal developments throughout the US. These cases include early responses to campus sexual violence at the University of Chicago; anti-rape organizing at the University of Michigan, Barnard College, and Columbia University; Title IX litigation in the case of Alexander v. Yale (2d Cir., 1980); and the proliferation of a national campus anti-harassment movement through the advocacy work of the Project on the Status and Education of Women and student organizing at the University of California, Berkeley.
Across cases, I show how student activists leveraged feminist and sometimes anti-racist analyses to fundamentally shift understandings of sexual violence and force universities and the state to address the problem. I argue that unprecedented growth in women’s college enrollment and entry into previously closed-off professions, the new feminist movements, and emerging anti-discrimination regulations provided women a context and tools to mold the American university. After World War II, when Black Americans moved in record numbers from the South to Northern cities, campus sexual violence was understood in thinly veiled racist terms as part of a broader crime problem. The perceived crime problem and specter of interracial rape sparked calls for universities to ensure safer campuses. In response, urban universities advanced robust neighborhood renewal and campus security programs. Shortly thereafter, feminists of the 1960s and 1970s developed an anti-rape consciousness and new theories of sexual violence. Students used feminist analyses of gendered power and new knowledge about experiences of sexual violence to shift who was perceived as a threat to campus women, from Black and brown strangers to university faculty and peers. By changing how campus sexual violence was understood, from a threat outside the university to a threat within, activists placed responsibility for rape and sexual harassment with university administrators. Students leveraged anti-discrimination law – namely Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 – to force university administrators and the state to recognize and address campus sexual violence as illegal sex discrimination. In response to student demands, the state began to grapple with the full regulatory implications of Title IX. And universities established policies prohibiting harassment, grievance procedures, and institutions to serve people who experienced sexual violence.
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Correia, Cristina Patrícia Costa Constantino. "A sexualidade feminina na Idade Média portuguesa - norma e transgressão." Master's thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/21576.
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Esta dissertação, intitulada A sexualidade feminina na Idade Média- norma e
transgressão, visa entender alguns aspetos da sexualidade feminina e a forma como a
mesma é preconizada pela sociedade e pelas normas legislativas patentes,
nomeadamente no Livro das Leis e Posturas, n’As Ordenações de D. Duarte e n’As
Ordenações Afonsinas.
Com o objetivo de contextualizar o objeto em estudo, começa-se por fazer um
enquadramento da temática, tentando-se entender a relação que a mulher tinha com
o seu corpo e com a sua própria sexualidade. No capítulo inicial exploram-se também
as diferentes conceções acerca desta temática. Assim, é analisada a doutrina da Igreja;
a legislação sobre questões de cariz sexual e por fim a sexualidade na poesia
trovadoresca.
No capítulo II é observada a norma dos comportamentos sexuais; ou seja, a
sexualidade no casamento. Neste capítulo é investigado o conceito de casamento, os
diferentes tipos de casamento e de que forma a Igreja influenciava e tentava
regulamentar o mesmo.
Por fim, no capítulo III é tratada a transgressão, nomeadamente a prostituição, o
adultério e a barregania. Neste último capítulo são analisadas diversas peças
legislativas da época, de forma a entender-se qual a posição socialmente adotada
perante os comportamentos considerados transgressores e ainda como os mesmos
eram tratados a nível legal designadamente nas fontes legislativas já referidas.This dissertation, titled A sexualidade feminina na Idade Média- norma e transgressão, sets out to understand some specific aspects of the feminine sexuality and the way it is perceived by society as well as in the ruling body of laws enacted at the time, namely in the Livro das Leis e Posturas, n’As Ordenações de D. Duarte and n’As Ordenações Afonsinas. With the purpose of contextualising the study, the starting point is an outline of the topic to try to understand the tripartite relationship held between woman, body and sexuality. The first chapter also explores the different approaches to the topic. Thus, a thorough analysis of the Church’s doctrine and the legislation of sexual affairs is made. In a similar fashion, insights on how sexuality was displayed in medieval Portuguese lyrics is offered. The second chapter discusses the norm of sexual behaviour, i.e. how sexuality is appraised within marriage. This section has its focus on marriage – how is marriage defined, what type of marriages existed during the Middle Ages and how did Church try to influence and regulate marriage. Finally, chapter three examines transgression, specifically cases of prostitution, adultery and barregania. This last section surveys in-depth the aforementioned ruling body of laws enacted at the time, aiming at understanding which was the socially held stance towards acts of transgression as well as highlighting the legal framework of such acts.
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Chireshe, Excellent. "The utility of the Zimbabwean Domestic Violence Act : Christian and Muslim women's experiences." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/10393.
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The study investigated Zimbabwean Christian and Muslim women who had experienced domestic violence with a view to finding out the extent to which these women used provisions of the Domestic Violence Act of 2006. The study was conducted in urban Masvingo and its surroundings. The methodology applied to the empirical investigation was qualitative and was informed by the phenomenological, feminist and pragmatic theoretical frameworks.
Data was collected, by means of in-depth semi-structured interviews, from 30 participants, 22 Christian and 8 Muslim, who were selected using purposive sampling and snowball sampling techniques. In investigating the women’s experiences, some questions guided the study. These include: Where and to what extent does a select group of Christian and Muslim women who fall victim to domestic violence normally seek help? How do religious and cultural beliefs and practices influence the response to domestic violence by the abused as well as those to whom they report? To what extent do religious communities prevent selected victims of domestic violence from seeking legal assistance?
Data was analysed by coding responses according to themes. The study revealed that the participants perceived domestic violence as having diverse causes and most of them saw their religion as crucial in addressing their plight. It emerged that a majority of the participants sought help from their religious communities as well as relatives and friends. Mixed responses emanated from these sources of help. The most common response, based largely on religious and cultural beliefs, was to encourage participants to avoid reporting to authorities. It also emerged that most of the participants were not willing to seek help from the police, courts or legal practitioners to seek redress because of the advice they received as well as their own internalised beliefs. Religious, social, and economic factors prevented most participants from appealing to provisions of the Domestic Violence Act.It was concluded that the Zimbabwean Domestic Violence Act had limited usefulness for participants because of religious, social and economic factors. It was recommended that if relevant stakeholders could jointly work together, domestic violence would be alleviated. Recommendations for further research were also made.Religious Studies & Arabic
D. Litt. et Phil. (Religious Studies)
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Mykitiuk, Roxanne. "Legal Texts, Human Bodies: Reading Embodiment in the Biotech Age." Thesis, 2013. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8959QQ2.
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This dissertation consists of two separately published articles and one book chapter linked together by their investigation of the legal regulation of reproductive and genetic technologies. In "Fragmenting the Body" I explore how law is to understand the relationship between the person and the body, and the body and its parts in the context of the instrumental uses to which reproductive and genetic material can be put. Drawing on feminist and postmodernist theories, the article critiques the liberal legal conception of personhood and argues in favour of an embodied account of personhood as central to the legal metaphors and categories we should use in analyzing novel social and material arrangements.
"Public Bodies, Private Parts: Genetics in a Post-Keynesian Era" analyzes the use of the new genetics and the role of geneticization in the privatization orientation of the Canadian state from 1990-2002. The chapter defines and explores the relationships among genetics, geneticization and privatization, and demonstrates how a new discourse of health is central to the privatization agenda. The chapter examines three policy/legal initiatives of the Canadian government regulating the new genetics and demonstrates how law operates to further the values and objectives of privatization. Finally, the chapter addresses the gendered impact of the relationship between the new genetics and privatization.
In "Beyond Conception: Legal Determinations of Filiation in the Context of Assisted Reproductive Technologies" I argue that legal determinations of filiation are normative ideological constructions about how societal relations between children and parents should be ordered. They are based on particular understandings of the relationship between social and biological facts and operate to create asymmetrical relationships between the categories of maternity and paternity. I suggest that developments in reproductive and genetic filiation offer the potential for an expanded understanding of relatedness which does not take the two-parent -one of each sex--model of the family as its normative form.
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Frías, Sonia M. "Gender, the State and patriarchy: partner violence in Mexico." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3878.
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This dissertation focuses in the phenomenon of partner violence in Mexico. It examines the causes of partner violence at multiple levels of analysis. At the micro level it examines characteristics of individual victims, the family and the relationship. At the macro level the focus is on the legal and social structures that define domestic violence and the State's response. Throughout the analysis, the State plays a central role as the set of institutional arrangements that define the rules of the game and that determine the possibilities for change and the potential roles and effectiveness of key players including the feminist movement. Throughout the analysis I examine the confluence of forces that influence the State's attempts to reduce individual women's risk of partner violence through its legislative, judicial and police powers in a historically defined situation characterized by pervasive structural patriarchy. A major objective is to asses the influence of the pervasive patriarchy in the system on individual women's risk of partner violence. The approach adopted in this dissertation is based on the assumption that patriarchy is a social system that permeates social institutions and that becomes internalized and part of the normative everyday reality that structures individual's interpretations and motivations. This research demonstrates that, on average, the structural gender inequality between Mexican men and women is high. This inequality is revealed through qualitative and quantitative analyses that demonstrate empirically the influence of the patriarchal system both on individual experiences of partner violence, and on the State's response. Adopting a feminist post-structuralist approach to the analysis of the State's role, the research reveals inconsistencies between the discourses and practices of the Mexican State regarding partner violence. By analyzing administrative family violence legislation, I determine whether the Mexican State has in fact made substantively meaningful attempts to challenge patriarchy and to end violence against women in the family realm. The family violence legislation has two often inherently contradictory purposes. On the one hand the objective is to protect the family as a core social institution. The second, which is often in conflict with the first objective, is to protect women from abuse by their partners. This dissertation demonstrates that these conflicting objectives and the embededness of patriarchy throughout the social help explain why certain branches of the Mexican State tend to strengthen patriarchy and reify women's subordinate position in the family. The way in which the State interprets and implements family violence legislation reveals the inability and/or unwillingness of the State to protect women's rights and highlights the patriarchal assumptions pervading the State's actions. Finally, this research looks at feminist and women's movements and NGOs to determine whether they have been effective in influencing the State to adopt measures to guarantee women a life free of violence. I looked not only for their influence on the legislative level, but also surveyed the role they continue to play in implementing antiviolence laws.text
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Hollingsworth, Marcia, Bernard Zylstra, and Albert M. Wolters. "Perspective vol. 14 no. 4 (Aug 1980)." 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10756/251303.
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