Journal articles on the topic 'Feng shui. Architecture'

The development of ecological architectural theory in China and the revival of traditional feng-shui theory have become a huge driving force for the development of eco-building today. In this paper a comparative study of ancestral halls in east Hubei province is made from the perspective of building orientation, topography, building space and building materials and other elements related to both eco-building and feng-shui theory and a conclusion is reached that the essence of feng-shui theory is consistent to the ideology of contemporary ecological architectural theory, which the author hopes will provide some references and a scientific basis for the sustainable development of ecological buildings with Chinese characteristics in China.

The purpose of this study was to examine the applicability of feng shui ideas for sustainable space planning and evaluation in the Korean contemporary architecture system. This study compares theories of feng shui and ecological architecture, draws implications in terms of its practicability with an accreditation system, and explores the possibility of replacing elements from ecological architecture with those of feng shui. First, this study analyzed the terrain, climate, and environment by selecting target sites for planning a hanok, the traditional Korean residence, as a suitable location (called myeong-dang). Simulation assessments were then performed with three-dimensional (3D) mapping techniques to derive the scientific basis of the traditional concept considered in the selection of these spots. Our result from the analysis showed that the terrain element played protective roles for the climate of the region as an environmental control system. Therefore, it can be concluded that feng shui thoughts could be applied to a contemporary architecture system.

Feng shui , Chinese traditional gardening theory and construction theory Constitute the three pillars of the ancient Chinese architecture theory. The influence of Feng shui in residential construction is great, the core content is the knowledge of choosing and dealing with the living environment for people. Therefore, the impact and the use of Feng shui in the design and the layout of interior doors and windows is the content which should be understand for every qualified architect.

Bedroom Feng Shui practices have been criticized as myth over the years but in fact having its scientific origin that is not purely superstitious. This paper aims to examine whether the architects' design practice for bedroom interior arrangement is concurring with the recommended bedroom Feng Shui practices. The study has successfully interviewed 16 architects from diverse backgrounds to avoid bias, seeking their design perspectives in bedroom interior configuration. Subsequently, the interviewees submitted sketches of ideal bedroom layout based on their expertise, with pre-set requirements. Data from semi-structured interviews were analyzed using mixed method approach. In agreement with our expectations, majority of the interviewees have matching thoughts that “bed arrangement” is the primary consideration in bedroom interior configuration. Most of the design outputs were highly attached to favorable Feng Shui conditions. The overall findings implied that bedroom Feng Shui is not merely superstitious but most components are practical design references for architects from diverse backgrounds.

Feng shui is a traditional Chinese art of creating a supportive living environment. Despite many research contributions on feng shui, very few verify (comparatively or experimentally) the actual effectiveness of feng shui recommendations. Even the architectural profession has never clearly denied its opinion on feng shui. This comparative analysis seeks to determine whether 118 selected feng shui school of form recommendations are consistent with the recommendations of Alexander et al.’s pattern language and with selected findings in environmental psychology. The results support this, showing that 34% of the recommendations (or forty recommendations out of 118 in total) are consistent with pattern language and that 45% (or fifty-three recommendations) are fully or partially consistent with the findings of environmental psychology. Altogether, more than half of the recommendations (57%, or sixty-seven recommendations) are consistent (indirectly confirmed) by one or the other knowledge system, which means that it is very likely that these recommendations will actually have the promised impact on users of physical space. Twenty-seven feng shui recommendations (or 23% out of the 118) are doubly consistent, of which most are related to the five-animals feng shui model, the importance of the presence of water and natural light in the living environment, and the importance of the main entrance. The bulk of the recommendations, which remain unaddressed, relate to the Chinese concept of living energy, or qi.

Abstract: “Klenteng” is an Indonesian term for place of worship for Chinese traditional faiths in Indonesia. Sam Poo Kong temple is a heritage building located in Semarang. Chinese temple building is part of the China building architecture, thus Chinese temple apply the feng shui principals, so that people get the fortune, peace, and prosperity from the perfect balance with nature. In this research, to be conducted a review of the use of feng shui principles contained in the layout of the building mass. The research question that arises is "How the application of feng shui to the layout of the building mass in the Sam Poo Kong temple?" This research aims to determine the influence of feng shui contained in the layout of the building mass Sam Poo Kong temple in Semarang. This research use structuralizes qualitative methodology. Analysis process was done by comparing the theory of feng shui with field observations. The building layout, planes, and the filler elements apply the principles of feng shui and it has a good meaning, leads to happiness and welfare in life. Cultural influence of Islam, Buddhist, Hindu, and Chinese cultures convey the meaning and message to the user of the building, all for good purpose in human life. Based on the analysis it can be concluded that the meaning of the layout of the building mass on the Sam Poo Kong temple in accordance with feng shui theory and it brings prosperity.Keywords: feng shui, Sam Poo Kong Temple, the layout of the building massAbstrak: Kelenteng atau Klenteng adalah sebutan untuk tempat ibadah penganut kepercayaan tradisional Tionghoa di Indonesia pada umumnya. Kelenteng Sam Poo Kong merupakan bangunan cagar budaya yang terdapat di kota Semarang. Bangunan kelenteng termasuk dalam bangunan Cina, sehingga dalam tatanan bentuk bangunannya masih mempergunakan kaidah feng shui. Konsep feng shui adalah seni hidup dalam keharmonisan dengan alam, sehingga seseorang mendapatkan keuntungan, ketenangan, dan kemakmuran dari keseimbangan yang sempurna dengan alam. Dalam penelitian ini, akan dilakukan peninjauan penggunaan kaidah feng shui yang terdapat pada tata letak massa bangunannya. Pertanyaan penelitian yang muncul adalah “Bagaimana penerapan fengshui pada tata letak massa bangunan di kawasan Kelenteng Sam Poo Kong?” Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui pengaruh feng shui yang terdapat pada tata letak massa bangunan Kelenteng Sam Poo Kong di Semarang. Metodologi yang digunakan adalah strukturalis kualitatif. Proses analisis dilakukan dengan membandingkan teori feng shui dengan hasil observasi lapangan. Tata letak massa bangunan menerapkan kaidah feng shui serta memiliki makna yang baik, mengarahkan pada kebahagiaan serta keselamatan dalam kehidupan. Pengaruh budaya Islam, Buddha, Hindu, serta Kebudayaan Cina telah bercampur, menyampaikan makna serta pesan kepada pengguna bangunan, semua untuk tujuan kebaikan dalam hidup manusia. Berdasarkan hasil analisis maka dapat disimpulkan bahwa tata letak massa bangunan pada kawasan Kelenteng Sam Poo Kong sesuai dengan feng shui aliran bentuk dan mendatangkan kebaikan.Kata Kunci: feng shui, Kelenteng Sam Poo Kong, tata letak massa bangunan

The symbolic meaning of the city shape is recognizable in the complexity of its architectures. The paper discussed the architectural differences between orient and west. Furthermore, Feng-shui was deeply discussed to identify that the beauty in architecture shows a variety of styles in both orient and west. The following conclusions are drawn: an approach that strengthens the relationship among people, social organization, and architecture objects, it needs to aim at the safeguard of environment as limited resource. This process can derive only from comparison and exchange among different cultures.

The purpose of this research is to examine whether eum-taek, a feng shui theory for the dead, can be applied to Korean modern architecture. In the first step, common environmental factors that are valued in both feng shui and ecological architecture were derived, and then this research reviewed how properly the traditional site assessment method evaluated them; for example, metaphorized basic concepts of the evaluation theory based on territorial settings can be applied to evaluate common environmental factors. For the second step, this paper reviewed whether the evaluation method for feng shui presented in the previous step was applied equally between yang-taek and eum-taek theories, investigated the differences between them in general, and derived environmental factors to be utilized for evaluation in the field of architecture. As a result, it was found that the major concepts presented in the previous step have been commonly used evaluation criteria, regardless of the categories from traditional theories. The third step was to simulate whether sites selected by each theory actually have similar environmental conditions. The simulation analysis found that all analysis sites were able to obtain a higher sun exposure time than the Korean average; therefore, it was considered that their locations could have environmental advantage, in terms of solar radiation and thermal environment. The simulation results confirm that the target sites have a living environment that would be easy for humans to live in. Finally, the simulation results confirm that the eum-taek site has a living environment that is comfortable for humans to live in. If studies of the site assessment method are carried out considering yang-taek and eum-taek with different evaluation categories, the modern applicability of feng shui may increase.

Cosmology is of essence for the life of traditional man not only to live in a meaningful universe, but to bound himself with the universe to achieve well-being as well. Architecture is a way of creating spaces through generic forms and symbols to attain this unity of man and the universe. This article interprets the courtyard house which is a well known archetype of spiritual and celestial qualities and has symbolic generic forms through the perspective of theory and practice of feng shui which is an ancient Chinese philosophy, based on the understanding of physical configuration of geographical settings and application of its principles to the built environment. The courtyard houses represented for this article are chosen on a linear axis starting from Cyprus, passing through Syria, Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, and ending at China. In this article, principles of feng shui are selected and formulated to create an evaluation model showing entrance-courtyard relation, building shape, water element, room arrangement, and door alignment and circulation. Based on this evaluation model, the essential aspects of well-being have been revealed through the elements of architecture. In that sense, this article presents the opportunities and possibilies of an ideal plan layout by bringing an awareness to the cosmology and feng shui to achieve well-being.

The modern social work, speed up the pace of pressure, the change of the living environment and so on factors, will directly affect the modern people's physical and mental. It is very multifarious feng shui principles, but mostly in the final analysis but "symbol" and "implication" principle. From the Angle of design psychology research such problems, the more realistic and profound significance.

House, yard and neighborhood where a person lives affect his life. As legacy of our ancestors, the use of ancient Chinese knowledge of layouting (feng shui) and ancient Javanese knowledge are an approach of eastern culture that needs to be preserved since they are the result of thousand-year wise and sage ancestral experiences. The combination of Chinese and Javanese knowlege help find natural phenomena in relation to the search for life happiness in harmonious balance. Planning the layout of a building needs the study of the characteristics of local condition and prospective residents. Fengshui as one aspect of the approach to natural alignment is used to deal with unbalanced natural or environmental clues around us, which can affect people's lives physically and psychologically. This study aims to identify the relationship between theories and practices as well as to find out to what extent the benefits of feng shui in the design of architecture. The survey results are analyzed by existing ordinances to get evidentiary between theories and practies. Fengshui and ancient Javanese knowledge are some heritages of ancestors’ thousands-year practice in the creating buildings which should be scientifically analyzed and integrated with the science of architecture so that the results obtained will be used in the development of architecture which is useful for occupants.

The article examines a number of causal relationships, historical events and traditional beliefs directly influenced on the Japanese garden structure and layout. The data on the adaptation of the Chinese theory of Feng Shui by the Japanese ethnic group are presented. Based on the survey of 27 landscape architecture objects in Kyoto, created over 1000 years from the Heian period to the end of the Meiji period, the author concludes that one of the most important Japanise garden planning concept is the mountain and water polarity on the North-South axis in gardens.

Abstract: Roof might signifiy the lid of upper house or building; objects which are used as a lid of the upper house. The roof of houses or buildings is one of the essential elements or components that make up the traditional architecture. Since ancient times until now, the shape of the roof is a prominent and essential part, showing the different periods. Chinese building roof is the part which has distinctive features. Indonesia also has a plenty of Chinese architectural styles, one of them is Sam Poo Kong Temple in Semarang. This temple was built in 1724 by the Chinese community in Semarang, as a kind of homage to Admiral Zheng He, widely known as Admiral Cheng Ho. In the area of Sam Poo Kong temple, there are several buildings, including the main building (main temple), Goa Pem ujaan, Goa Pemujaan, kelenteng Kyai Juru Mudi, Dewa Bumi, Kyai Nyai Tumpeng dan Kyai Tjundrik Bumi, dan Kyai Jangkar. Roof in Sam Poo Kong Chinese architecture shows the influence of feng shui. The purpose of this study is to find the shapes and the meanings of the roof of the building Sam Poo Kong as well as the influence of the concept of building in China. The method used in this study is qualitative rationalistic. The data was gained from surveys and literature studies. Some related theories are also significantly used to discuss and review the object roof at Sam Poo Kong. The analysis was conducted by comparing the object with the theory. The result of this research is to find the shapes and the meanings of the roof of the building Sam Poo Kong as well as the influence of the concept of Chineses building.Keywords: shapes, meanings, roof of Sam Poo Kong temple , feng shui, chinese architectureAbstrak: Atap memiliki pengertian sebagai penutup rumah atau bangunan sebelah atas; benda yang dipakai untuk penutup rumah sebelah atas. Atap rumah atau bangunan merupakan salah satu unsur atau komponen penting yang membentuk arsitektur tradisional. Sejak jaman dahulu hingga sekarang, bentuk atap adalah bagian yang menonjol ataupun mencolok, menunjukkan periode yang berbeda-beda. Atap bangunan Tiongkok merupakan bagian yang memiliki ciri khas. Indonesia juga memiliki kekayaan langgam arsitektur Tionghoa, salah satunya ada Kelenteng Sam Poo Kong di Semarang. Kelenteng ini dibangun pertama kali pada tahun 1724 oleh masyarakat Tionghoa di Semarang, sebagai bentuk penghormatan kepada Laksamana Zheng He, lebih dikenal dengan nama Laksamana Cheng Ho. Dalam kawasan Kelenteng Sam Poo Kong terdapat beberapa bangunan kelenteng, diantaranya adalah bangunan utama (kelenteng utama), Goa Pemujaan, kelenteng Kyai Juru Mudi, Dewa Bumi, Kyai Nyai Tumpeng dan Kyai Tjundrik Bumi, dan Kyai Jangkar. Atap yang terdapat di Kelenteng Sam Poo Kong menunjukkan arsitektur Tionghoa yang masih mempergunakan kaidah feng shui serta memiliki bentuk dan makna tertentu. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menemukan bentuk dan makna atap bangunan Kelenteng Sam Poo Kong serta pengaruh konsep bangunan di Tiongkok terhadapnya. Metode yang digunakan adalah rasionalistik kualitatif. Data diperoleh dengan survei lapangan dan studi literatur. Teori terkait digunakan untuk membahas dan mengulas obyek atap pada Kelenteng Sam Poo Kong. Analisis dilakukan dengan membandingkan obyek dengan teori. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah menemukan bentuk dan makna atap bangunan Kelenteng Sam Poo Kong serta pengaruh konsep bangunan di Tiongkok terhadapnyaKata Kunci: bentuk, makna, atap Kelenteng Sam Poo Kong, feng shui, arsitektur Tiongkok

Architecture influences people and the environment from the past, present and the future. Nevertheless architecture and design quality is viewed as subjective, and benchmarks to achieve consensus are necessary for design or evaluation of buildings. This paper establishes architectural design criteria for design quality of multi-storey housing buildings. A set of the criteria was established with literature review, an operational definition and survey on qualified persons or architects in the professional practice of architecture. The literature reviews identified seven concepts for architecture and design quality, and the operational definition translated this architectural design quality to measurable and observable cases and variables. The survey collected these variable data from a purposive sample of 95 respondents, and these data were examined by statistical analysis. The results of the descriptive statistics, inferential t-tests (p ≤ 0.05) and positive hypothesis testing verified that respondents in general agreed to these seven design concepts as architectural design criteria for design quality. These results established the first ever set of seven architectural design criteria which were ranked in descending order of significance as function, socio-culture, site context, cost, aesthetic of art, sustainability, and Feng Shui. These architectural design criteria can be applied to the design or evaluation of multi-storey housing buildings for the good of people and the environment.

Architecture can be viewed as a reflection of value placed on life. In colonial Hong Kong, a distinctive Gothic-style castle, Euston, was built by tycoon Eu Tong Sen (1877–1941) as his family's grand residence. Eu was a prominent figure in South China and Southeast Asia and remains a local legend decades after his death. Eu's castle, being built in 1928 and demolished in the 1980s, was and still is one of the most recognizable monuments in the region. Although Eu did not leave behind any autobiography or memoirs, the monumental castle can be regarded as a symbolic manifestation of his life story. The design of the castle is of mixed ancestry—it is a reconciliation of traditional Chinese design based on feng shui (Chinese geomancy) with European architectural elements. The fusion of East-West architectural building elements, as symbolized by the Eu castle, was a significant achievement symbolizing general social and cultural changes spanning more than a century.

This paper presents the findings of a study on metaphysical approaches to building design. Three major Asian cultures are reviewed. There are similarities found in principles towards achieving the occupants’ well-being. Functionality became priority and rituals are performed at ensuring the well-being and prosperity of future occupants. Whereas, the Chinese-Buddhist practice which is known as Feng Shui, the Indian-Hindu tradition is based on Vastu-Vidya. The Malay-Islam is extractions from religious teachings written in a manuscript called ‘The Tajul Muluk’. The paper concludes that metaphysical approaches could still play its roles in the building design today.2398-4279 © 2016. The Authors. Published for AMER ABRA by e-International Publishing House, Ltd., UK.. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Peer–review under responsibility of AMER (Association of Malaysian Environment-Behaviour Researchers), ABRA (Association of Behavioural Researchers on Asians) and cE-Bs (Centre for Environment-Behaviour Studies), Faculty of Architecture, Planning & Surveying, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Malaysia.Keywords: Metaphysics; functional; environology

This paper presents the findings of a study on metaphysical approaches to building design. Three major Asian cultures are reviewed. There are similarities found in principles towards achieving the occupants’ well-being. Functionality became priority and rituals are performed at ensuring the well-being and prosperity of future occupants. Whereas, the Chinese-Buddhist practice which is known as Feng Shui, the Indian-Hindu tradition is based on Vastu-Vidya. The Malay-Islam is extractions from religious teachings written in a manuscript called ‘The Tajul Muluk’. The paper concludes that metaphysical approaches could still play its roles in the building design today.2398-4279 © 2016. The Authors. Published for AMER ABRA by e-International Publishing House, Ltd., UK.. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Peer–review under responsibility of AMER (Association of Malaysian Environment-Behaviour Researchers), ABRA (Association of Behavioural Researchers on Asians) and cE-Bs (Centre for Environment-Behaviour Studies), Faculty of Architecture, Planning & Surveying, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Malaysia.Keywords: Metaphysics; functional; environology

The traditional dwelling is an important milestone in the architectural history of China and it has been proved to be adopting of natural environment. In this work, Edong of Hubei Province was selected as research area to investigate the building technology and its aesthetic characteristics of the traditional dwellings. This study has been conducted using the methodologies such as data collection, field investigation and comparative analysis. Main findings of this work are include: the construction site of the traditional dwellings is in accordance with the traditional Chinese feng-shui, which most of the houses built in mountain with facing water as well as located in north with facing south; the structure of the dwellings mainly consists of carrying beam, puncture bucket,Carrying beam and puncture bucket structure hybrid, brick-wood structure; for building materials, stone, wood and brick are the common stuffs. In general, wood pillars with stone foundation which shaped as drum, square, melon, bottle, octagonal-pier and so on. The foundation of the column is formed often related to the pattern of column: square columns are commonly based on a foundation with square top and cylindrical column uses generally a foundation with drum top. This research indicates that the aesthetics of traditional dwellings in eastern Hubei Province are mainly reflected in the natural beauty and sense of form.

The article is devoted to the peculiarities of the national architectural Chinese schools. The numerous studies’ results indicate the necessary number’s lack of theoretical achievements in the analysis of national architectural schools. And their inseparable connection with the specifics of certain Chinese territories. A thorough analysis of national religious and artistic works allows us to predict stylistic national trends. Architectural and artistic processes are presented, which are inclined to study by many scientists. The purpose of this article is to identify the architectural schools` features in China through the relationship between the uses of individual stylistic elements. These elements are correlated with the geographical location of the territory and religious beliefs. The article describes the problem of artistic architectural schools` trends and the regions in which they are located. The concept of style in relation to Chinese arts has been clarified. The main differences between the style of the northern and southern architectural school are described. Their manifestation both in planning, and in a decorative and finishing look of buildings and constructions. It is indicated that buildings, even in adjacent regions, may be denoted by different terms. The preconditions for this phenomenon are the historical feature of the development of China's national architecture and urban planning. It has also had a significant impact on the development of East and South-East Asia. The steady tendency of interrelation between a philosophical and architectural component of a cultural heritage is described. The Chinese tendency to create eastern analogues of European ideal cities due to the work of philosophical and religious currents and their synthesis has been revealed. This approach allowed us to interpret the provisions of Confucianism, Taoism and the Feng Shui system in the formation of historical canons, which became the basis of the entire Chinese tradition architectural schools. In this case, the main elements complement and interdependent on each other. The basic Chinese architects’ rules, which are interrelated with the laws of natural harmony, are indicated. A number of materials used in the buildings’ design and structures in China have been identified. The article provides an example of globalization’s impact on the development of the Chinese architectural school and its gradual return to its origins. The conclusion of the article states that throughout history, the unity of man and nature in religious architecture has been a fundamental philosophical thought of the National Chinese Architecture`s School. And the use of traditional Chinese architectural schools` ideas will allow in modern construction of the XXI century to achieve the unity of the architectural object with the natural landscape.

This paper presents an in-depth study and analysis of the spatial distribution of urban landscapes in Jiangnan cities under the influence of geomorphology and extracts the characteristics to explore the construction mechanism from the perspective of spatial functionality based on the analysis of the process and content of landscape construction. The construction of cities and ponds originated from political influence, environmental constraints, and architectural techniques; the landscape pattern of the combined shape and complementary potential originated from the creation of various types of gardens in various dynasties; the complementary planning of landscape, the traffic creation of the plain and water network, and the production factors of agriculture and sanitation influenced the construction of the countryside landscape; the traditional view of feng shui, poetry and painting, the eight scenes of the city and countryside, and other humanistic intentions influenced the overall situation of the town and the landscape. This paper extracts and analyzes the spatial distribution characteristics of Jiangnan city landscape from several perspectives, and the results can clearly show the distribution of landscape features under the influence of geomorphology and can give the best layout suggestions. From the perspective of spatial variability, the main features of traditional landscape construction in Jiangnan are analyzed through three levels: the characteristics of the process of humanized landscapes evolving into natural landscapes, the comparative analysis of similarities and differences in the construction of cities and towns, and the characteristics of the system of regional landscape construction. Finally, the changes in the landscape pattern of the region under the influence of globalization are analyzed through the changing characteristics of landscape architecture.

This study supplements the function-topological model of analysis of city organization and development with a sectoral model of administrative-territorial division. The function-topological model allows revealing unique features of objects of the same profile, located in different space sectors. Besides, significant objects are usually placed in strictly defined sectors. Identification of general principles of spatial arrangement at all levels from geopolitics to the structure of private farmsteads on the cases of various cities, metropolitan areas and architectural ensembles is of great general scientific significance. It deals with the principles described in regional traditions: the Indian Vastu Vidya and the Chinese Feng Shui. The analysis shows that, on an intuitive level, the same principles are implemented in the activities of specialists, designers, who make decisions about the location of industries, residential areas and architectural complexes. Recognition and study of these principles are hindered by the materialistic attitudes of twentieth-century science. The results of the study lead to a radical step in recognizing many spatial elements of the mythological picture of the world as reliable ones.

Feng shui is one of the most outstanding subjects and popular life principles in the world and is also one of the oldest traditional Chinese philosophies. Feng shui is seen as wisdom that has been accumulating for more than three thousand years of history and experience in architectural theory. The application of feng shui is not only a unique knowledge but is also a complex way to comprehend natural phenomena. The aim of feng shui in architecture is to enhance the quality of life for humans, building, and nature. It is related to the built environment theory. Feng shui had indeed been incorporated into the construction of Chinese mansions in Peninsula Malaysia despite having only a few people who are aware of them. Since feng shui is a complex subject, this paper focuses on one of the feng shui principles: the Five Elements. The Five Elements and their respective shapes are Water, wavy-shaped; Wood, angular-shaped; Fire, triangle; Earth, square; and Metal, circle. These elements are discussed in their association with the case study of Low Ti Kok Mansion. The Low Ti Kok Mansion, which islocated in Kajang, Selangor, has no recorded documentation on feng shui as opposed to the Cheong Fatt Tze Mansion in Penang, which is known for being influenced by feng shui. In this paper, the researcher attempts to investigate and document the case study based on feng shui influences. The objectives of this paper are twofold and they are (1) to understand the feng shui and (2) to examine the Five Elements concept on the Low Ti Kok Mansion. The research approach in this paper is qualitative in nature. Document reviewing and observation have been employed and interpreted in this paper to analyse the case study, which is based on the Five Elements concept. It is found that the Five Elements shapes areclearly shown on the floor plan of Low Ti Kok Mansion.

PurposeTo examine whether quality-of-life of a home's occupants varies in northern and southern hemisphere homes when the orientation of the home is always to the eastern sun (as prescribed by Maharishi Vedic Architecture) not orientated differently in northern and southern hemispheres to maximise light (as prescribed by western and Feng Shui architecture design).Design/methodology/approachA theoretical discussion of the use of sunlight and orientation in western, Feng Shui and Vedic approach to architecture, and then a cross-sectional quantitative survey conduced in 14 countries.FindingsThe lived experience of 158 home occupants in Maharishi Vedic Architecture did not vary from northern to southern hemispheres.Originality/valueResearch of this type has never been carried out before on Maharishi Vedic Architecture, except for one other study published in 2020 by these authors which considered the lived experience of home occupants. The amount of research on the basics of Vastu architecture is minimal.

AbstractPresent day Beijing developed on the urban layout of the Ming capital, founded in 1420 over the former city of Dadu, the Yuan dynasty capital. The planning of Ming Beijing aimed at conveying a key political message, namely that the ruling dynasty was in charge of the Mandate of Heaven, so that Beijing was the true cosmic centre of the world. We explore here, using satellite imagery and palaeomagnetic data analysys, symbolic aspects of the planning of the city related to astronomical alignments and to the feng shui doctrine, both in its “form” and “compass” schools. In particular, we show that orientations of the axes of the “cosmic” temples and of the Forbidden City were most likely magnetic, while astronomy was used in topographical connections between the temples and in the plan of the Forbidden City in itself.

China is an immense nation and highest population on earth with incredible civilization, it kept up its character over millenniums in spite of its different ethnic gatherings and distinctive geographical conditions. The Ancient Chinese architecture and urban planning are fundamental units of the world architecture and well known of their particular character. In addition, they were an extraordinary wellspring of motivation for some neighbouring nations. Several factors were behind the momentous Chinese architecture and urban planning, and among those was the emperor guidance who unified the government and encouraged regularity in many aspect in Chinese architecture including city planning. The aim of this paper is to examine the impact of nonphysical factors such as Chinese culture and beliefs in shaping the distinct identity of ancient Chinese cities. This is done by studying; feng shui notion, Yin and Yan forces, the theory of five elements and other Metaphysics philosophies of China. Furthermore, this paper scrutinises a number of Chinese ancient capital cities and temples of heaven in Beijing as case studies to measure to what extent the intangible factors contributed in shaping the identity and layout of Chinese cities and architecture.

I have decided to launch a campaign against the skyscraper, that hideous, mediocre form of architecture…. Today we only have an empty version of it, only competing in height.— Rem Koolhaas, “Kool Enough for Beijing?”Figure 1: The CCTV Headquarters—A Courtyard in the Air. Cher Coad, 2020.Introduction: An Anomaly within an Anomaly Construction of Beijing’s China Central Television Headquarters (henceforth CCTV Headquarters) began in 2004 and the building was officially completed in 2012. It is a project by the Office for Metropolitan Architecture (OMA) headed by Rem Koolhaas (1944-), who has been called “the coolest, hippest, and most cutting-edge architect on the planet”(“Rem Koolhaas Biography”). The CCTV Headquarters is a distinctive feature of downtown Beijing and is heavily associated in the Western world with 21st-century China. It is often used as the backdrop for reports from the China correspondent for the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), Bill Birtles. The construction of the CCTV Headquarters, however, was very much an international enterprise. Koolhaas himself is Dutch, and the building was one of the first projects the OMA did outside of America after 9/11. As Koolhaas describes it: we had incredible emphasis on New York for five years, and America for five years, and what we decided to do after September 11 when we realized that, you know, things were going to be different in America: [was] to also orient ourselves eastwards [Koolhaas goes on to describe two projects: the Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg, Russia and the CCTV Headquarters]. (Rem Koolhaas Interview) Problematically, Koolhaas claims that the building we created for CCTV could never have been conceived by the Chinese and could never have been built by Europeans. It is a hybrid by definition. It was also a partnership, not a foreign imposition…. There was a huge Chinese component from the very beginning. We tried to do a building that conveys that it has emerged from the local situation. (Fraioli 117) Our article reinterprets this reading. We suggest that the OMA’s “incredible emphasis” on America—home of the world’s first skyscraper: the Home Insurance Building built in 1885 in Chicago, Illinois—pivotally spills over into its engagement with China. The emergence of the CCTV Headquarters “from the local situation”, such as it is, is more in spite of Koolhaas’s stated “hybrid” approach than because of it, for what’s missing from his analysis of the CCTV Headquarters’ provenance is the siheyuan or classical Chinese courtyard house. We will argue that the CCTV Headquarters is an anomaly within an anomaly in contemporary Beijing’s urban landscape, to the extent that it turns the typologies of both the (vertical, American) skyscraper and the (horizontal, Chinese) siheyuan on a 90 degree angle. The important point to make here, however, is that these two anomalous elements of the building are not of the same order. While the anomalous re-configuration of the skyscraper typology is clearly part of Koolhaas’s architectural manifesto, it is against his architectural intentionality that the CCTV Headquarters sustains the typology of the siheyuan. This bespeaks the persistent and perhaps functional presence of traditional Chinese architecture and urbanism in the building. Koolhaas’s building contains both starkly evident and more secretive anomalies. Ironically then, there is a certain truth in Koolhaas’s words, beneath the critique we made of it above as an example of American-dominated, homogenising globalisation. And the significance of the CCTV Headquarters’ hybridity as both skyscraper and siheyuan can be elaborated through Daniel M. Abramson’s thesis that a consideration of unbuilt architecture has the potential to re-open architecture to its historical conditions. Roberto Schwarz argues that “forms are the abstract of specific social relationships” (53). Drawing on Schwarz’s work and Abramson’s, we conclude that the historical presence—as secretive anomaly—of the siheyuan in the CCTV Headquarters suggests that the building’s formal debt to the siheyuan (more so than to the American skyscraper) may continue to unsettle the “specific social relationship” of Chinese to Western society (Schwarz 53). The site of this unsettlement, we suggest, is data. The CCTV Headquarters might well be the most data-rich site in all of China—it is, after all, a monumental television station. Suggestively, this wealth of airborne data is literally enclosed within the aerial “courtyard”, with its classical Chinese form, of the CCTV Headquarters. This could hardly be irrelevant in the context of the geo-politics of globalised data. The “form of data”, to coin a phrase, radiates through all the social consequences of data flow and usage, and here the form of data is entwined with a form always already saturated with social consequence. The secretive architectural anomaly of Koolhaas’s building is thus a heterotopic space within the broader Western engagement with China, so much of which relates to flows and captures of data. The Ubiquitous Siheyuan or Classical Chinese Courtyard House According to Ying Liu and Adenrele Awotona, “the courtyard house, a residential compound with buildings surrounding a courtyard on four (or sometimes three) sides, has been representative of housing patterns for over one thousand years in China” (248). Liu and Awotona state that “courtyard house patterns could be found in many parts of China, but the most typical forms are those located in the Old City in Beijing, the capital of China for over eight hundred years” (252). In their reading, the siheyuan is a peculiarly elastic architectural typology, whose influence is present as much in the Forbidden City as in the humble family home (252). Prima facie then, it is not surprising that it has also secreted itself within the architectural form of Koolhaas’s creation. It is important to note, however, that while the “most typical forms” of the siheyuan are indeed still to be found in Beijing, the courtyard house is an increasingly uncommon sight in the Chinese capital. An article in the China Daily from 2004 refers to the “few remaining siheyuan” (“Kool Enough for Beijing?”). That said, all is not lost for the siheyuan. Liu and Awotona discuss how the classical form of the courtyard house has been modified to more effectively house current residents in the older parts of Beijing while protecting “the horizontal planning feature of traditional Beijing” (254). “Basic design principles” (255) of the siheyuan have supported “a transition from the traditional single-household courtyard housing form to a contemporary multi-household courtyard housing form” (254). In this process, approaches of “urban renewal [involving] demolition” and “preservation, renovation and rebuilding” have been taken (255). Donia Zhang extends the work of Liu and Awotona in the elaboration of her thesis that “Chinese-Americans interested in building Chinese-style courtyard houses in America are keen to learn about their architectural heritage” (47). Zhang’s article concludes with an illustration that shows how the siheyuan may be merged with the typical American suburban dwelling (66). The final thing to emphasise about the siheyuan is what Liu and Awotona describe as its “special introverted quality” (249). The form is saturated with social consequence by virtue of its philosophical undergirding. The coincidence of philosophies of Daoism (including feng-shui) and Confucianism in the architecture and spatiality of the classical Chinese courtyard house makes it an exceedingly odd anomaly of passivity and power (250-51). The courtyard itself has a highly charged role in the management of family, social and cultural life, which, we suggest, survives its transposition into novel architectural environments. Figure 2: The CCTV Headquarters—Looking Up at “The Overhang”. Cher Coad, 2020. The CCTV Headquarters: A New Type of Skyscraper? Rem Koolhaas is not the only architect to interrogate the standard skyscraper typology. In his essay from 1999, “The Architecture of the Future”, Norman Foster argues that “the world’s increasing ecological crisis” (278) is in part a function of “unchecked urban sprawl” (279). A new type of skyscraper, he suggests, might at least ameliorate the sprawl of our cities: the Millennium Tower that we have proposed in Tokyo takes a traditional horizontal city quarter—housing, shops, restaurants, cinemas, museums, sporting facilities, green spaces and public transport networks—and turns it on its side to create a super-tall building with a multiplicity of uses … . It would create a virtually self-sufficient, fully self-sustaining community in the sky. (279) Koolhaas follows suit, arguing that “the actual point of the skyscraper—to increase worker density—has been lost. Skyscrapers are now only momentary points of high density spaced so far apart that they don’t actually increase density at all” (“Kool Enough for Beijing?”). Foster’s solution to urban sprawl is to make the horizontal (an urban segment) vertical; Koolhaas’s is to make the vertical horizontal: “we’ve [OMA] come up with two types: a very low-rise series of buildings, or a single, condensed hyperbuilding. What we’re doing with CCTV is a prototype of the hyperbuilding” (“Kool Enough for Beijing?”). Interestingly, the “low-rise” type mentioned here brings to mind the siheyuan—textual evidence, perhaps, that the siheyuan is always already a silent fellow traveller of the CCTV Headquarters project. The CCTV Headquarters is, even at over 200 metres tall itself, an anomaly of horizontalism amidst Beijing’s pervasive skyscraper verticality. As Paul Goldberger reports, “some Beijingers have taken to calling it Big Shorts”, which again evokes horizontality. This is its most obvious anomaly, and a somewhat melancholy reminder of “the horizontal planning feature of traditional Beijing” now mutilated by skyscrapers (Liu and Awotona 254). In the same gesture, however, with which it lays the skyscraper on its side, Koolhaas’s creation raises into the air the shape of the courtyard of a classical Chinese house. To our knowledge, no one has noticed this before, let alone written about it. It is, to be sure, a genuine courtyard shape—not merely an archway or a bridge with unoccupied space between. Pure building entirely surrounds the vertical courtyard shape formed in the air. Most images of the building provide an orientation that maximises the size of its vertical courtyard. To this extent, the (secret) courtyard shape of the building is hidden in plain sight. It is possible, however, to make the courtyard narrow to a mere slit of space, and finally to nothing, by circumnavigating the building. Certain perspectives on the building can even make it look like a more-or-less ordinary skyscraper. But, as a quick google-image search reveals, such views are rare. What seems to make the building special to people is precisely that part of it that is not building. Furthermore, anyone approaching the CCTV Headquarters with the intention of locating a courtyard typology within its form will be disappointed unless they look to its vertical plane. There is no hint of a courtyard at the base of the building. Figure 3: The CCTV Headquarters—View from “The Overhang”. Cher Coad, 2020.Figure 4: The CCTV Headquarters—Looking through the Floor of “The Overhang”. Cher Coad, 2020.Visiting the CCTV Headquarters: A “Special Introverted Quality?” In January 2020, we visited the CCTV Headquarters, ostensibly as audience members for a recording of a science spectacular show. Towards the end of the recording, we were granted a quick tour of the building. It is rare for foreigners to gain access to the sections of the building we visited. Taking the lift about 40 floors up, we arrived at the cantilever level—known informally as “the overhang”. Glass discs in the floor allow one to walk out over nothingness, looking down on ant-like pedestrians. Looking down like this was also to peer into the vacant “courtyard” of the building—into a structure “turned or pushed inward on itself”, which is the anatomical definition of “introverted” (Oxford Languages Dictionary). Workers in the building evinced no great affection for it, and certainly nothing of our wide-eyed wonder. Somebody said, “it’s just a place to work”. One of this article’s authors, Patrick West, seemed to feel the overhang almost imperceptibly vibrating beneath him. (Still, he has also experienced this sensation in conventional skyscrapers.) We were told the rumour that the building has started to tilt over dangerously. Being high in the air, but also high on the air, with nothing but air beneath us, felt edgy—somehow special—our own little world. Koolhaas promotes the CCTV Headquarters as (in paraphrase) “its own city, its own community” (“Kool Enough for Beijing?”). This resonated with us on our visit. Conventional skyscrapers fracture any sense of community through their segregated floor-upon-floor verticality; there is never enough room for a little patch of horizontal urbanism to unroll. Within “the overhang”, the CCTV Headquarters felt unlike a standard skyscraper, as if we were in an urban space magically levitated from the streets below. Sure, we had been told by one of the building’s inhabitants that it was “just a place to work”—but compared to the bleak sterility of most skyscraper work places, it wasn’t that sterile. The phrase Liu and Awotona use of the siheyuan comes to mind here, as we recall our experience; somehow, we had been inside a different type of building, one with its own “special introverted quality” (249). Special, that is, in the sense of containing just so much of horizontal urbanism as allows the building to retain its introverted quality as “its own city” (“Kool Enough for Beijing?”). Figure 5: The CCTV Headquarters—View from “The Overhang”. Cher Coad, 2020.Figure 6: The CCTV Headquarters—Inside “The Overhang”. Cher Coad, 2020. Unbuilt Architecture: The Visionary and the Contingent Within the present that it constitutes, built architecture is surrounded by unbuilt architecture at two interfaces: where the past ends; where the future begins. The soupy mix of urbanism continually spawns myriad architectural possibilities, and any given skyscraper is haunted by all the skyscrapers it might have been. History and the past hang heavily from them. Meanwhile, architectural programme or ambition—such as it is—pulls in the other direction: towards an idealised (if not impossible to practically realise) future. Along these lines, Koolhaas and the OMA are plainly a future-directed, as well as self-aware, architectural unit: at OMA we try to build in the greatest possible tolerance and the least amount of rigidity in terms of embodying one particular moment. We want our buildings to evolve. A building has at least two lives—the one imagined by its maker and the life it lives afterward—and they are never the same. (Fraioli 115) Koolhaas makes the same point even more starkly with regard to the CCTV Headquarters project through his use of the word “prototype”: “what we’re doing with CCTV is a prototype of the hyperbuilding” (“Kool Enough for Beijing?”). At the same time, however, as the presence of the siheyuan within the architecture of the CCTV Headquarters shows, the work of the OMA cannot escape from the superabundance of history, within which, as Roberto Schwarz claims, “forms are the abstract of specific social relationships” (53). Supporting our contentions here, Daniel M. Abramson notes that unbuilt architecture implies two sub-categories … the visionary unbuilt, and the contingent … . Visionary schemes invite a forward glance, down one true, vanguard path to a reformed society and discipline. The contingent unbuilts, conversely, invite a backward glance, along multiple routes history might have gone, each with its own likelihood and validity; no privileged truths. (Abramson)Introducing Abramson’s theory to the example of the CCTV Headquarters, the “visionary unbuilt” lines up with Koolhaas’ thesis that the building is a future-directed “prototype”. while the clearest candidate for the “contingent unbuilt”, we suggest, is the siheyuan. Why? Firstly, the siheyuan is hidden in plain sight, within the framing architecture of the CCTV Headquarters; secondly, it is ubiquitous in Beijing urbanism—little wonder then that it turns up, unannounced, in this Beijing building; thirdly, and related to the second point, the two buildings share a “special introverted quality” (Liu and Awotona 249). “The contingent”, in this case, is the anomaly nestled within the much more blatant “visionary” (or futuristic) anomaly—the hyperbuilding to come—of the Beijing-embedded CCTV Headquarters. Koolhaas’s building’s most fascinating anomaly relates, not to any forecast of the future, but to the subtle persistence of the past—its muted quotation of the ancient siheyuan form. Our article is, in part, a response to Abramson’s invitation to “pursue … the consequences of the unbuilt … [and thus] to open architectural history more fully to history”. We have supplemented Abramson’s idea with Schwarz’s suggestion that “forms are the abstract of specific social relationships” (53). The anomaly of the siheyuan—alongside that of the hyperbuilding—within the CCTV headquarters, opens the building up (paraphrasing Abramson) to a fuller analysis of its historical positioning within Western and Eastern flows of globalisation (or better, as we are about to suggest, of glocalisation). In parallel, its form (paraphrasing Schwarz) abstracts and re-presents this history’s specific social relationships. Figure 7: The CCTV Headquarters—A Courtyard of Data. Cher Coad, 2020.Conclusion: A Courtyard of Data and Tensions of Glocalisation Koolhaas proposes that the CCTV Headquarters was “a partnership, not a foreign imposition” and that the building “emerged from the local situation” (Fraioli 117). To us, this smacks of Pollyanna globalisation. The CCTV Headquarters is, we suggest, more accurately read as an imposition of the American skyscraper typology, albeit in anomalous form. (One might even argue that the building’s horizontal deviation from the vertical norm reinforces that norm.) Still, amidst a thicket of conventionally vertical skyscrapers, the building’s horizontalism does have the anomalous effect of recalling “the horizontal planning feature of traditional Beijing” (Liu and Awotona 254). Buried within its horizontalism, however, lies a more secretive anomaly in the form of a vertical siheyuan. This anomaly, we contend, motivates a terminological shift from “globalisation” to “glocalisation”, for the latter term better captures the notion of a lack of reconciliation between the “global” and the “local” in the building. Koolhaas’s visionary architectural programme explicitly advances anomaly. The CCTV Headquarters radically reworks the skyscraper typology as the prototype of a hyperbuilding defined by horizontalism. Certainly, such horizontalism recalls the horizontal plane of pre-skyscraper Beijing and, if faintly, that plane’s ubiquitous feature: the classical courtyard house. Simultaneously, however, the siheyuan has a direct if secretive presence within the morphology of the CCTV Headquarters, even as any suggestion of a vertical courtyard is strikingly absent from Koolhaas’s vanguard manifesto. To this extent, the hyperbuilding fits within Abramson’s category of “the visionary unbuilt”, while the siheyuan aligns with Abramson’s “contingent unbuilt” descriptor. The latter is the “might have been” that, largely under the pressure of its ubiquity as Beijing vernacular architecture, “very nearly is”. Drawing on Schwarz’s idea that “forms are the abstract of specific social relationships”, we propose that the siheyuan, as anomalous form of the CCTV Headquarters, is a heterotopic space within the hybrid global harmony (to paraphrase Koolhaas) purportedly represented by the building (53). In this space thus formed collides the built-up historical and philosophical social intensity of the classical Chinese courtyard house and the intensities of data flows and captures that help constitute the predominantly capitalist and neo-liberalist “social relationship” of China and the Western world—the world of the skyscraper (Schwarz). Within the siheyuan of the CCTV Headquarters, globalised data is literally enveloped by Daoism and Confucianism; it is saturated with the social consequence of local place. The term “glocalisation” is, we suggest, to be preferred here to “globalisation”, because of how it better reflects such vernacular interruptions to the hegemony of globalised space. Forms delineate social relationships, and data, which both forms and is formed by social relationships, may be formed by architecture as much as anything else within social space. Attention to the unbuilt architectural forms (vanguard and contingent) contained within the CCTV Headquarters reveals layers of anomaly that might, ultimately, point to another form of architecture entirely, in which glocal tensions are not only recognised, but resolved. Here, Abramson’s historical project intersects, in the final analysis, with a worldwide politics. Figure 8: The CCTV Headquarters—A Sound Stage in Action. Cher Coad, 2020. References Abramson, Daniel M. “Stakes of the Unbuilt.” Aggregate Architectural History Collaborative. 20 July 2020. <http://we-aggregate.org/piece/stakes-of-the-unbuilt>.Foster, N. “The Architecture of the Future.” The Architecture Reader: Essential Writings from Vitruvius to the Present. Ed. A. Krista Sykes. New York: George Braziller, 2007: 276-79. Fraioli, Paul. “The Invention and Reinvention of the City: An Interview with Rem Koolhaas.” Journal of International Affairs 65.2 (Spring/Summer 2012): 113-19. Goldberger, Paul. “Forbidden Cities: Beijing’s Great New Architecture Is a Mixed Blessing for the City.” The New Yorker—The Sky Line. 23 June 2008. <https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2008/06/30/forbidden-cities>.“Kool Enough for Beijing?” China Daily. 2 March 2004. <https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/english/doc/2004-03/02/content_310800.htm>. Liu, Ying, and Adenrele Awotona. “The Traditional Courtyard House in China: Its Formation and Transition.” Evolving Environmental Ideals—Changing Way of Life, Values and Design Practices: IAPS 14 Conference Proceedings. IAPS. Stockholm, Sweden: Royal Institute of Technology, 1996: 248-60. <https://iaps.architexturez.net/system/files/pdf/1202bm1029.content.pdf>.Oxford Languages Dictionary. “Rem Koolhaas Biography.” Encyclopedia of World Biography. 20 July 2020. <https://www.notablebiographies.com/news/Ge-La/Koolhaas-Rem.html>. “Rem Koolhaas Interview.” Manufacturing Intellect. Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. 2003. <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oW187PwSjY0>.Schwarz, Roberto. Misplaced Ideas: Essays on Brazilian Culture. New York: Verso, 1992. Zhang, Donia. “Classical Courtyard Houses of Beijing: Architecture as Cultural Artifact.” Space and Communication 1.1 (Dec. 2015): 47-68.

Introduction Our home is the most intimate space we inhabit. It is the centre of daily existence – where our most significant relationships are nurtured – where we can impart a sense of self in both physical and psychological ways. To lose this place is overwhelming, the physical implications far-reaching and the psychological impact momentous. And yet, there is little research on what happens when home is lost as a consequence of relationship breakdown. This paper provides an insight into how the meaning of home changes for those going through separation and divorce. Focusing on heterosexual couples, my research reveals that intense feelings of grief and loss are expressed as individuals in a relationship dispute reflect on different aspects of home which are destroyed as a consequence of their partnership collapse. Attitudes to the physical dwelling often reflect the changing nature of the relationship as it descends into crisis. There is a symbolic element as well, which is mirrored in the ways that the physical space is used to negotiate power imbalances, re-establish another life, maintain continuity for children, and as a bargaining tool to redress intense anger and frustration. A sense of empowerment eventually develops as the loss of the relationship is accepted and life adjustments made. Home: A Place of Profound Symbolic and Physical Meaning Home is the familiar, taken-for-granted world where most of us are nurtured, comforted and loved. Home is where we can dream and hope, relax and be ourselves, laugh and cry. For the majority, home is a safe and welcoming place, although positive associations are not universal as some experience home as a negative, threatening and unloving place. Home transcends the domestic physical structure, encompassing cultural, symbolic and psychological significance, as well as extending to the neighbourhood, city, region and nation. Home provides a sense of belonging in the world and is a refuge from the dangers and uncertainty of the environment at large. It is the centre of important human relationships and their accompanying domestic roles, rituals and routines. Home is where the bonds between partners, child and parent, brother and sister are reinforced, along with extended family members and close friends Home is a symbol of personal identity and worth, where the individual can exercise a degree of power and autonomy denied elsewhere. Significant life events, both sad and happy, learning experiences, and celebrations of varying type and magnitude, all occur at home. These are the bases for our memories of home and its importance to us, serving to imbue the notion with a sense of permanence and continuity over time. Home represents the interface between public and private worlds; a place where cultural and societal norms are symbolically juxtaposed with expressions of individuality. There has been a range of research from “humanistic-literary” to “empirical-behavioural” perspectives showing that home has “complex, multiple but inter-related meanings” (Porteous and Smith 61). And while this intellectual endeavour covers a wide range of disciplines and perspectives (for good overviews see Blunt and Dowling; Mallett; Chapman and Hockey) research on the loss of home is more limited. Nevertheless, there are some notable exceptions. Recent work by Robinson on youth homelessness in Sydney illustrates that the loss of home affects the way in which it is desired and valued, and how its absence impacts on self identity and the grief process. Fried’s seminal and much older study also tells of intense grieving, similar to that associated with the death of a loved one, when residents were forcibly removed from their homes – places perceived as slums by the city planners. Analogous issues of sorrow are detailed by Porteous and Smith in their discussion of situations where individuals and entire communities have lost their homes. The emphasis in this moving text is on the power and lack of understanding displayed by those in authority. Power resides in the ability to destroy the home of others; disrespect is shown to those who are forced to relocate. There is no appreciation of the profound meanings of home which individuals, communities and nations hold. Similarly, Read presents a range of situations involving major disruptions to meanings of home. The impact on individuals as they struggle to deal with losing a house or neighbourhood through fire, flood, financial ruin or demolition for redevelopment, demonstrates the centrality of notions of home and the devastation that results when it is no longer. So too do the many moving personal stories of migrants who have left one nation to settle in another (Herne et al), as well as more academic explorations of the diaspora (Rapport and Dawson) and resettlement and migrant women home-making (Thompson). Meanings of home are also disrupted, changed and lost when families and partnerships fall apart. Given the prevalence of relationship breakdown in our society, it is surprising that very little work has focussed on the changed meanings of home that follow. Cooper Marcus examined disruptions in bonding with the home for those who had to leave or were left following the end of a marriage or partnership. “The home may have been shared for many years; patterns of territory, privacy, and personalisation established; and memories of the past enshrined in objects, rooms, furniture, and plants” (222). Gram-Hanssen and Bech-Danielsen explore both the practical issues of dissolving a home, as well as the emotional responses of those involved. Anthony provides further illumination, recommending design solutions to help better manage housing for families affected by divorce. She concludes her paper by declaring that “…the housing experiences of women, men, and children of divorce deserve much further study” (15). The paucity of research on what happens to meanings of home when a relationship breaks down was a key motivation for the current work – a qualitative study involving self-reflection of the experience of relationship loss; in-depth interviews with nine people (three men and six women from English speaking middle class backgrounds) who had experienced a major partnership breakdown; and focus group sessions and one in-depth interview with nine professional mediators (six women and three men) who work with separating couples. The mediators provided an informed overview of the way in which separating partners negotiate the loss of a shared home across the range of its physical and psychological meanings. Their reflections confirmed that the identified themes in the individual stories were typical of a range of experiences, feelings and actions they had encountered with different clients. Relationship Breakdown and Meanings of Home: What the Research Revealed The Symbolism of Home The interview, focus group and reflective data all confirmed the centrality of home and its multi-dimensional meanings. Different physical and symbolic elements were uncovered, mirroring theoretical schemas in the literature. These meanings go far beyond a physical space and the objects therein. They represent different aspects of the individual’s sense of self, well-being and identity, as well as their roles and feelings of belonging in a family and the broader social and cultural setting. Home was described as a place to be one’s self; where one can relax away from the rest of the world. Participants talked about home creating a sense of belonging and familiarity. This was achieved in many ways including physical renovation of the structure, working in the garden, enjoying the dwelling space and nurturing family relationships. As Helen said, …the home and children go together… I created belonging by creating a space which was mine, which was always decorated in a very particular way which is mine, and which was my place of belonging for me and my kin… that’s my home – it’s just absolutely essential to me. Home was described as an important physical place. This incorporated the dwelling as a structure and the special things that adorn it. Objects such as the marital bed, family photos, artifacts and pets were important symbols of home as a shared place. As the mediators pointed out, in the splitting up process, these often take on huge significance as a couple try to decide who has what. The division is typically the final acknowledgement that the relationship is over. The interviewees told me that home extended beyond the dwelling into the wider neighbourhood. This encompassed networks of friendships, including relationships with local residents, business people and service providers, to the physical places frequented such as parks, shops and cafes. These neighbourhood connections were severed when the relationship broke down. The data revealed home as a shared space where couples undertook daily tasks such as preparing meals together and doing the housework. There was pleasure in these routines which further reinforced home as a central aspect of the partnership, as Laura explained: But for the most part it [my marriage relationship] was very amicable… easy going, and it really was a whole thing of self-expression. And the house was very much about self-expression. Even cooking. We both loved to cook, we’d have lots of dinner parties… things like that. With the loss of the relationship the rhythm and comfort of everyday activities were shattered. Sharing was also linked to the financial aspects of home, with the payment of a mortgage representing a combined effort in working towards ownership of the physical dwelling. While the end of a relationship usually spelt severe financial difficulty, if not disaster, it also meant the loss of that shared commitment to build a secure financial future together extending into old age. The Deteriorating Relationship A decline in the physical qualities of the dwelling often accompanied the demise of the inter-personal relationship. As the partnership descended into crisis, the centrality of home and its importance across both physical and symbolic elements were increasingly threatened. This shift in meaning impacted on the loss experienced and the subsequent translation into conflict and grief. It [the house] was quite run down, but I think it kind of reflected our situation at the time which was fairly strained in terms of finances and lack of certainty about what was happening… tiny little damp house and no [friendship] network and no money and no stability, that’s how it felt. (Jill) Not only did home begin to symbolise a battleground, it started to take on lost dreams and hopes. For Helen, it embodied a force that was greater than the relationship she had shared with her husband. And that home became the symbol of our fight… a symbol of how closely glued we were together… And I think that’s why we had such enormous difficulty breaking up because the house actually held us together in some way … it was as though the house was a sort of a binding force of the relationship. The home as the centre of family relationships and personal identity was threatened by the deteriorating relationship. For Jill this represented ending her dream that being a wife and mother were what she needed to define her identity and purpose in life. I was very unhappy. I’d got these two babies, I’d got what I thought was quite a catch husband, who was doing very well… but yet somehow I felt very unhappy and insecure, very insecure, and I realised that the whole role I had carved out for myself wasn’t going to do it. The End of the Relationship: Disruption, Explosion, Grief and Loss While the relationship can be in crisis for many months, eventually there is a point where any hope of reconciliation disappears. For some separating couples this phase was heralded by a defining, shattering and shocking moment when it was clear that their relationship was over. Both physical and emotional violence were reported by my interviewees, including these comments from Helen. And so my parting from the home was actually very explosive. In fact it was the first time he ever hit me, and it was in the hitting of me that I left home… And while the final stage was not always dramatic or violent, there was a realisation that this was the end of the dream – the end of home. A deep sadness resulted, as evident in Greg’s story: I was there in the house by myself and I can remember the house was empty, all the furniture had been shifted out…I actually shed a few tears as I left the house because…the strongest feeling I had was that this was a house that had such a potential for me. It had such a potential for a good loving relationship and I just felt that it did represent, leaving then, represented the kind of the dashing of the hope that I had in that relationship. In some cases the end of the relationship was accompanied by feelings of guilt for shattering the home. In other cases, the home became a battleground as the partners fought over who was going to move out. …if they’re separated under the one roof and nobody’s moved out, but certainly in one person’s mind the marriage is over, and sometimes in both… there’s a big tussle about who’s going to move out and nobody wants to go… (Mediator) The loss of home could also bring with it a fear of never having another, as well as a rude awakening that the lost home was taken for granted. Cathy spoke of this terror. I became so obsessed with the notion that I’d never have a home again, and I remember thinking how could I have taken so much for granted? The end of a relationship was accompanied by a growing realisation of impending loss – the loss of familiar and well-loved surroundings. This encompassed the local neighbourhood, the dwelling space and the daily routine of married life. I can remember feeling, [and] knowing the relationship was coming to an end, and knowing that we were going to be selling the house and we were going to be splitting…, feeling quite sad walking down the street the last few times… realising I wouldn’t be doing this much longer. I was very conscious of the fact that I was… going up and down those railway station escalators for the last few times, and going down the street for the last few times, and suddenly…[I felt]… an impending sense of loss because I liked the neighbourhood… There was also a loss in the sense of not having a physical space which I kind of wanted to live in… [I] don’t like living in small units or rented rooms… I just prefer what I see as a proper house… so downsizing [my accommodation] just kind of makes the whole emotional situation worse …there was [also] a lack of domesticity, and the kind of sharing of meals and so on that does…make you feel some sort of warmth… (Greg) Transitions: Developing New Meanings of Home Once there was an acknowledgment – whether a defining moment or a gradual process – that the relationship was over, a transitional phase dawned when new meanings of home began to emerge. Of the people I interviewed, some stayed on in the once shared dwelling, and others moved out to occupy a new space. Both actions required physical and psychological adjustments which took time and energy, as well as a determination to adapt. Organising parenting arrangements, dividing possessions and tentative steps towards the establishment of another life characterised this phase. While individual stories revealed a variety of transitional approaches, there were unifying themes across the data. The transition could start by moving into a new space, which as one mediator explained, might not feel like home at all. …[one partner has] left and often left with very little, maybe just a suitcase of clothes, and so their sense of home is still the marital home or the family home, but they’re camping at a unit somewhere, or mother’s spare room or a relative’s backyard or garage or something… They’re truly homeless. For others, while setting up a new space was initially very hard and alien, with effort and time, it could take on a home-like quality, as Helen found. I did take things from the house. I took all the things I’d hidden in cupboards that were not used or second-hand… things that weren’t used everyday or on display or anything… things I’d take like if you were going camping… I wasn’t at home… it was awful…[but gradually]… I put things around… to make it homely for me and I would spend hours doing it, Just hours… paintings on the wall are important, and a stereo system and music was important. My books were important…and photographs became very important. Changes in tenure could also bring about profound feelings of loss. This was Keith’s experience: Well I’m renting now which is a bit difficult after having your own home… you feel a bit stifled in the fact that you can’t decorate it, and you can’t do things, or you can’t fix things… now I’m in a place which is drab and the colours are horrible and I don’t particularly like it and it’s awful. The experience of remaining in the home once one’s partner leaves is different to being the one to leave the formerly shared space. However, similar adaptation strategies were required as can be seen from Barbara’s experience: …so, I rearranged the lounge room and I rearranged the bedroom…I probably did that fairly promptly actually, so that I wasn’t walking back into the same mental images all the time…I’m now beginning to have that sense of wanting to put my mark on it, so I’ve started some painting and doing things… Laura talked about how she initially felt scared living on her own, despite occupying familiar surroundings, but this gradually changed as she altered the once shared physical space. Sally spoke about reclaiming the physical space on her own and through these deliberative actions, empowering herself as a single person. Those with dependent children struggled in different ways during this transition period. Individual needs to either move or reclaim the existing space were often subjugated to the requirements of their off-spring – where it might be best for them to live and with whom they should principally reside. I think the biggest issue is where the children are going to be. So whoever wants the children also wants the family home. And that’s where the pull and tug starts… it’s a big desire not to disrupt the children and to keep a smooth life for them. (Mediator) Finally, there was a sense of moving along. Meanings of home changed as the strength of the emotional attachment weakened and those involved began to see that another life was possible. The old meanings of home had to be confronted and prized apart, just as the connections between the partners were painstakingly severed, one by one. Sally likened this time consuming and arduous process to laboriously unpicking the threads of a tightly woven cloth. Empowerment: Meanings of Home to Mirror a New Life …I’ve realized too that I’m the person I am today because of that experience. (Sally) The stories of participants in this research ended with hope for the future. Perhaps this reflects my interviewees’ determination to build a new life following the loss of their relationship, most having the personal resources to work through their loss, grief and conflict. This is not however, always the case. Divorce can lead to long lasting feelings of failure, disappointment and a sense that one has “an inability to love or care…” (Ambrose 87). However, “with acceptance of the separation many come to see the break-up as having been beneficial and report feeling they have an improved quality of life” (88). This positive stance is mirrored in my mediator focus group data and other literature (for example, Cooper Marcus 222-238). Out of the painful loss of home emerges a re-evaluation of one’s priorities and a revitalized sense of self, as illustrated by Barbara’s words below. That’s come out of the separation, suddenly going, ‘Oh, hang on, I can do what I want to do, when I want to do it’. It’s quite nice really… I’ve decided [to] start pursuing a few of the things I always wanted to do, so I’m using a bit of the space [in the house] to study… I’m doing a lot of stuff that nurtures me and my interest and my space… Feelings of liberation were entwined with meanings of home as spaces were decorated afresh, and in some cases, a true home founded for the first time. [since the end of the relationship]… I actually see my space differently, I want less around me, I’ve been really clearing out things, throwing things out, clearing cupboards… kind of feung shui-ing every corner and just really keeping it clear and clean… I’ve painted the whole house. It was like it needed a fresh coat of something over it… (Laura) Empowerment embodied lessons learnt and in some cases, a more cautious redefining of home. Barbara put it this way: I’m really scared of losing what I’ve now got [my home on my own] and that sense of independence… maybe I will not go into a relationship because I don’t want to put that at risk. Finally, meanings of home took on different dimensions that reflected the new life and hope it engendered. …it’s very interesting to me to be in a house now that is a very solid, square, double brick house… [I feel] that it’s much more representative of who I am now… the solidness is very much me… I feel as though I inhabit my home more now… I have much more sense of peace around my home now than I did then in the previous house… it’s the space where I feel extremely comfortable… a space to meditate on… I’m home – I can now be myself… (Helen) I don’t know whether… [my meaning of home] is actually a physical structure any more…Now it’s come more into … surrounding myself with things that I love, like you know bits and pieces that you can take, your photographs and your pet… it’s really much more about being happy I think, and being happy in a space with somebody that you love, rather than living in a box like a prison, with somebody that you really despise (Keith) Conclusion … the physical moving out from my own home was probably the hardest thing I’ve ever had to do in my entire life. (Jane) The trauma of divorce is a crisis that occurs in many of our lives, and one which often triggers a profound dislocation in person-dwelling relations. (Cooper Marcus 222) This paper has presented insights into the ways in which multi-dimensional meanings of home change when an intimate familial relationship breaks down. The nature and degree of the impacts vary from one individual to another, as do the ways in which the identifiable stages of relationship breakdown play out in different partnership situations. Nevertheless, this research revealed a transformative journey – from the devastation of the initial loss to an eventual redefining of home across its symbolic, psychological and physical constructs. References Ambrose, Peter J. Surviving Divorce: Men beyond Marriage. Sussex: Wheatsheaf Books, 1983. Anthony, Kathryn H. “Bitter Homes and Gardens: The Meanings of Home to Families of Divorce.” Journal of Architectural and Planning Research 14.1 (1997): 1-19. 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Smith. Domicide: The Global Destruction of Home. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queens UP, 2001. Rapport, Nigel, and Andrew Dawson, eds. Migrants of Identity: Perceptions of Home in a World of Movement. New York: Oxford, 1998. Read, Peter. Returning to Nothing: The Meaning of Lost Places. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1996. Robinson, Catherine. “‘I Think Home Is More than a Building’: Young Home(less) People on the Cusp of Home, Self and Something Else.” Urban Policy and Research 20.1 (2002): 27–38. Robinson, Catherine. “Grieving Home.” Social and Cultural Geography 6.1 (2005): 47–60. Thompson, Susan. “Suburbs of Opportunity: The Power of Home for Migrant Women.” In K. Gibson and S. Watson, eds. Metropolis Now: Planning and the Urban in Contemporary Australia. Australia: Pluto Press, 1994. 33-45. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Thompson, Susan. "Home and Loss: Renegotiating Meanings of Home in the Wake of Relationship Breakdown." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/07-thompson.php>. APA Style Thompson, S. (Aug. 2007) "Home and Loss: Renegotiating Meanings of Home in the Wake of Relationship Breakdown," M/C Journal, 10(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/07-thompson.php>.