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Journal articles on the topic 'Fianna Fáel'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Maume, Patrick, and Richard Dunphy. "Demystifying Fianna Fáil." Irish Review (1986-), no. 20 (1997): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29735852.

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2

Beoláin, Caoimhín Ó. "Fianna Fáil ag Filleadh?" Comhar 44, no. 5 (1985): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20555681.

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3

Ryan, Raymond. "The anti-annuity payment campaign, 1934–6." Irish Historical Studies 34, no. 135 (2005): 306–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400004491.

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The retention by the Fianna Fáil government of the land annuities in 1932 and the consequent trade dispute with Great Britain, the ‘economic war’, is a subject extensively covered in the existing historiography, both in terms of the diplomatic and economic facets of the dispute. Opposition by the opponents of Fianna Fáil to the collection of land annuities has been well documented in the context of the political conflict between supporters and opponents of the treaty. Another trend in the historiography has emphasised, as the central characteristic of the anti-annuity payment campaign, the opposition by farmers to the payment of annuities on economic and social rather than on political grounds. Paul Bew and others have argued that large farmers supported the Blueshirts during the ‘economic war’ for material reasons; Mike Cronin has argued that the crisis of the ‘economic war’ encouraged opposition to de Valera’s policies among farmers, rather than pro-Treaty political considerations; and Andrew Orridge has also argued that the anti-annuity payment campaign included both a political element, in the form of Blueshirt hostility to Fianna Fáil, and a non-political element, on the part of farmers protesting at how their dependence on agricultural exports to Britain was threatened by Fianna Fáil policies.
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4

Hopkinson, Michael. "Review: Fianna Fáil and Irish Labour." Scottish Affairs 22 (First Serie, no. 1 (1998): 66–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.1998.0008.

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5

Hayward, Katy, and Jonathan Fallon. "Fianna Fáil: Tenacious Localism, Tenuous Europeanism." Irish Political Studies 24, no. 4 (2009): 491–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907180903274784.

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6

O’Malley, Eoin, and Sean McGraw. "Fianna Fáil: the glue of ambiguity." Irish Political Studies 32, no. 1 (2017): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2016.1271329.

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7

Weeks, Liam. "Fianna Fáil. A Biography of the Party." Irish Political Studies 27, no. 3 (2012): 485–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2012.711929.

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8

McGraw, Sean. "Fianna Fáil: the art of adaptive survival." Irish Political Studies 32, no. 1 (2016): 72–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2016.1271330.

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9

Garry, John, and James R. Tilley. "FIANNA FÁIL ACTIVISTS: COALITION PREFERENCES AND POLICY PRIORITIES." Irish Political Studies 18, no. 2 (2003): 82–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1364298042000227668.

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10

McMahon, Deirdre. "Fianna Fáil, Partition and Northern Ireland 1926–71." Irish Political Studies 30, no. 2 (2014): 315–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2014.942057.

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11

Mockler, Frank. "Organisational change in Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael." Irish Political Studies 9, no. 1 (1994): 165–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907189408406531.

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12

Gadhra, Nollaig Ó. "Cúrsái: Nuair a chúlaigh Fianna Fáil ó aidhm náisiúnta." Comhar 47, no. 9 (1988): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20556572.

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13

O'Donnell, Catherine. "FIANNA FÁIL AND SINN FÉIN: THE 1988 TALKS REAPPRAISED." Irish Political Studies 18, no. 2 (2003): 60–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1364298042000227659.

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14

Puirséil, Niamh. "Fianna Fáil and the evolution of an ambiguous ideology." Irish Political Studies 32, no. 1 (2016): 49–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2016.1269755.

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15

Carty, R. Kenneth. "A natural governing party: Fianna Fáil in comparative perspective." Irish Political Studies 32, no. 1 (2016): 30–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2016.1271331.

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16

Rafter, Kevin. "Fianna Fáil and the professionalisation of political communication in Ireland." Irish Political Studies 32, no. 1 (2016): 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2016.1269756.

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17

O’Halpin, Eunan. "Parliamentary party discipline and tactics: the Fianna Fáil archives, 1926–32." Irish Historical Studies 30, no. 120 (1997): 581–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400013468.

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Academic study of the development of Irish political parties has been hampered by a shortage of primary source material available to historians and political scientists. This is because the headquarters records of parties, where they have survived, are generally fragmentary and ill-organised, and because few national politicians or party organisers have left papers for research.The shortage of primary sources on the major political parties is reflected in the standard academic works dealing with their development, from Maurice Manning’s Irish political parties (1972) and Michael Gallagher’s The Irish Labour Party in transition, 1957–1982 (1982) to Richard Dunphy’s recent The making of Fianna Fáil power in Ireland (1995). These are largely based on secondary sources, on interviews, and on the private papers of individual politicians. Where scholars have had access to party records, furthermore, it has generally been on an informal and improvised basis. It was in such circumstances that John Bowman, while preparing De Valera and the Ulster question, 1917–1973 (1982), and Dermot Keogh, while researching Ireland and Europe, 1919–1948 (1988), were given sight of some of the records of the Fianna Fail national executive committee and the parliamentary party.
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18

Ivory, Gareth. "Fianna Fáil, Constitutional Republicanism, and the Issue of Consent: 1980–1996." Éire-Ireland 32, no. 2-3 (1997): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eir.1997.0018.

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19

Ivory, Gareth. "Fianna Fáil, Northern Ireland and the Limits on Conciliation, 1969–1973." Irish Political Studies 29, no. 4 (2013): 522–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2012.746957.

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20

Staunton, Enda. "The case of Biafra: Ireland and the Nigerian civil war." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 124 (1999): 513–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014395.

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In the 1940s and 1950s, irrespective of the government in power, Irish foreign policy faced strong domestic pressure to remain within parameters defined by religious sentiment, anti-communism and anti-colonialism. Yet two contrasting attitudes, corresponding to party allegiances, were nonetheless discernible: that of Fine Gael, which held constantly to a pro-Western line, and that of Fianna Fáil, which was capable of occasionally departing from it. By the 1960s the two approaches had converged, as Fianna Fáil under Seán Lemass repositioned itself more clearly in the American-led camp, a change most strikingly exemplified by Ireland’s response to the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. Yet before the end of the decade an issue was to arise in which Dublin’s Department of External Affairs was to find itself steering a course independent of forces both within the country and outside it.The war which erupted in Nigeria in the summer of 1967, when its Eastern Region seceded, was to reverberate across the world, causing a response in Ireland unequalled by the reaction to any foreign civil conflict between that of Spain in the 1930s and that of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. It was to bring about the greatest emotional involvement with an African problem since Ireland’s participation in the Congo conflict, leading directly to the foundation of the Africa Concern and Gorta organisations and marking a turning-point in the nature of Irish overseas aid.
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21

Drea, Eoin. "The role of T.A. Smiddy in Fianna Fáil economic policy-making 1932–45." Irish Studies Review 24, no. 2 (2016): 175–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670882.2016.1147137.

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22

Hanley, Brian. "Destiny of the Soldiers: Fianna Fáil, Irish Republicanism and the IRA, 1926–1973." Irish Political Studies 27, no. 1 (2012): 157–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2012.636191.

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23

Bolleyer, Nicole, and Liam Weeks. "From cartel party to traditional membership organisation: the organisational evolution of Fianna Fáil." Irish Political Studies 32, no. 1 (2017): 96–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2016.1272586.

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24

Keogh, Dermot. "Ireland, The Vatican and the Cold War: The Case of Italy, 1948." Historical Journal 34, no. 4 (1991): 931–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017362.

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Eamon de Valera and Fianna Fáil lost power in 1948 after sixteen years in office and the five remaining parties in the legislature formed a coalition government. Fine Gael was back in power. The last time the party had held office was in 1932. But they were now only the larger party in an inter-party government which included the Labour party, a splinter group called National Labour (which reunited with the parent party in 1950), Clann na Talmhan, and Clann na Poblachta. This was one of the most ideologically divided governments in the history of the state. It very soon became faction-ridden. Only one thing united this variegated political grouping – the unanimous wish to keep Eamon de Valera and his party in opposition.
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25

McMahon, Deirdre. "Review: De Valera, Fianna Fáil and the Irish Press: The Truth in the News." Irish Economic and Social History 30, no. 1 (2003): 194–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248930303000158.

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26

Murphy, Gary, and John Hogan. "Fianna Fáil, the Trade Union Movement and the Politics of Macroeconomic Crises, 1970–82." Irish Political Studies 23, no. 4 (2008): 577–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907180802452812.

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27

Mitchell, Paul. "Fianna Fáil still dominant in the coalition era: The Irish general election of May 2002." West European Politics 26, no. 2 (2003): 174–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380512331341171.

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28

Mcnally, Mark. "Fianna Fáil and the Spanish civil war 1936–1939: The rhetoric of hegemony and equilibrium." Journal of Political Ideologies 14, no. 1 (2009): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569310802639640.

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29

O’Neill, Timothy. "An Eviction in Kinnitty: Republican Social Agitation and the New Fianna Fáil Government, 1932-1933." Études irlandaises, no. 39-1 (June 30, 2014): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesirlandaises.3776.

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30

O'Neil, Timothy M. "Waging the Economic War: The IRA, Fianna Fáil, and the Boycott British Campaign, 1932–33." New Hibernia Review 21, no. 2 (2017): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nhr.2017.0014.

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31

Girvin, Brian. "‘Lemass's brainchild’: the 1966 Informal Committee on the Constitution and change in Ireland, 1965–73." Irish Historical Studies 38, no. 151 (2013): 406–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400001565.

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Seán Lemass remains an enigmatic figure in the study of contemporary Ireland. He became taoiseach in 1959, after a long and successful career in the leadership of Fianna Fáil. Notwithstanding this, he is widely associated with the transformation of Irish life that began under his stewardship between 1959 and 1966. In 1966, he convened the Informal Committee on the Constitution, often considered to be the most surprising initiative of his career. While change had not occurred by the time he died in 1971, the constitution had by this time become the focus for discussion, controversy and in some cases vilification. The questions this article seeks to answer are why Lemass promoted constitutional change and what were the consequences of this decision. More generally, it will assess the nature of constitutional change in a stable democratic state that is undergoing modernisation.
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32

Devlin, Anna, and Frank Barry. "Protection Versus Free Trade in the Free State Era: The Finance Attitude." Irish Economic and Social History 46, no. 1 (2019): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0332489319853703.

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Belief in the benefits of industrial protection had long been a cornerstone of nationalist ideology. Cumann na nGaedheal followed a policy of selective protection while Fianna Fáil was ideologically committed not just to import-substituting industrialisation but to as high a degree of self-sufficiency as possible. The Departments of Finance and Industry and Commerce differed sharply on the costs and benefits of trade restrictions. This article explores the perspective of the Department of Finance and in particular that of J. J. McElligott, Assistant Secretary from 1923 and Secretary of the Department from 1927 to 1953. It demonstrates the strong continuity between his position and that of T. K. Whitaker, who became Secretary in 1956 and whose 1958 report on Economic Development is widely credited with providing the intellectual foundation for the trade liberalisation process of the following decades.
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33

Murphy, Gary. "Assessing the Relationship between Neoliberalism and Political Corruption: The Fianna Fáil–Progressive Democrat Coalition, 1997–2006." Irish Political Studies 21, no. 3 (2006): 297–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907180600886344.

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34

Garry, John. "The demise of the Fianna Fáil/labour ‘partnership’ government and the rise of the ‘rainbow’ coalition." Irish Political Studies 10, no. 1 (1995): 192–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907189508406546.

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35

Marsh, Michael, and James Tilley. "The Attribution of Credit and Blame to Governments and Its Impact on Vote Choice." British Journal of Political Science 40, no. 1 (2009): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123409990275.

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This article examines how voters attribute credit and blame to governments for policy success and failure, and how this affects their party support. Using panel data from Britain between 1997 and 2001 and Ireland between 2002 and 2007 to model attribution, the interaction between partisanship and evaluation of performance is shown to be crucial. Partisanship resolves incongruities between party support and policy evaluation through selective attribution: favoured parties are not blamed for policy failures and less favoured ones are not credited with policy success. Furthermore, attributions caused defections from Labour over the 1997–2001 election cycle in Britain, and defections from the Fianna Fáil/Progressive Democrat coalition over the 2002–07 election cycle in Ireland. Using models of vote switching and controlling for partisanship to minimize endogeneity problems, it is shown that attributed evaluations affect vote intention much more than unattributed evaluations. This result holds across several policy areas and both political systems.
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36

Coulter, Colin, and John Reynolds. "Good times for a change? Ireland since the general election." Soundings 75, no. 75 (2020): 66–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.75.04.2020.

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The 2020 Irish general election result was widely characterised as both a 'shock' and as a victory for the left. These claims are only partially true. The recent turn to the left was not a sudden development, but rather an expression of how the Irish political landscape has changed since the global financial crash. And while the electorate certainly appear more open to left-wing politics, the principal beneficiaries in terms of the popular vote (Sinn Féin) and access to power (the Greens) were parties with only questionable left-wing credentials. Before a new government could even be formed, the advent of the global health pandemic transformed the political terrain once more, with the two traditionally dominant centre-right parties (Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil) agreeing to share power for the first time. While the restoration of the political status quo has exposed the weakness of the republican left, we suggest that the neoliberal policies that lie ahead may in time revive the fortunes of the socialist left.
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37

Fitzpatrick, David. "Select documents XLVI: ‘Unofficial emissaries’: British army boxers in the Irish Free State, 1926." Irish Historical Studies 30, no. 118 (1996): 206–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400012852.

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By October 1926 the Irish Free State seemed to have emerged at last from the prolonged nightmare of the ‘Troubles’. Within three and a half years of the abandonment of armed insurrection by the republicans, Cosgrave’s government had proved unexpectedly effective in securing both internal stability and external reconciliation with its former antagonists. In May 1926 de Valera had committed his followers to parliamentary struggle by founding Fianna Fáil, thereby marginalising intransigent republicanism until it became a lingering irritant rather than an immediate menace to domestic security. The tripartite agreements of December 1925 had perpetuated partition and resolved some of the thorny fiscal problems raised by the Anglo-Irish treaty. The process of reconciliation with Britain was crowned during October and November 1926, when Kevin O’Higgins and the Irish delegation played a creative and enthusiastic role in remodelling the British Empire at the Imperial Conference in London. The consolidation of the Irish Free State as an autonomous dominion of twenty-six counties, comfortably acknowledging its strategic and economic dependence on Britain, seemed virtually assured.
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38

Ó Beacháin, Donnacha. "Was Sinn Féin Dying? A Quantitative Post‐Mortem of the Party's Decline and the Emergence of Fianna Fáil." Irish Political Studies 24, no. 3 (2009): 385–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907180903075785.

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39

Barry, Frank, and Clare O’Mahony. "Regime Change in 1950s Ireland." Irish Economic and Social History 44, no. 1 (2017): 46–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0332489317721406.

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The new Irish export-oriented foreign direct investment (FDI) regime of the 1950s was an inter-party government initiative that facilitated the later Whitaker and Lemass–led dismantling of protectionist trade barriers. The potential opposition of protectionist-era industry to the new FDI regime was defused by confining the new tax relief to profits derived solely from exports, by allocating new industrial grants only to firms that ‘would not compete in the home market with existing firms’, and by retaining the Control of Manufactures Acts of the 1930s that imposed restrictions on foreign ownership. The fact that the United States had overtaken the United Kingdom as the major global source of FDI made it easier to secure Fianna Fáil support. US firms were particularly interested in access to European Economic Community (EEC) markets, however, which was not within Ireland’s gift. The export processing zone at Shannon, which might be seen as Lemass’s response to the inter-party initiatives, proved to be of immediate appeal to them. US firms would come to predominate in the non-Shannon region only after Ireland’s entry to the EEC.
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40

Kelly, Stephen. "A “Southern interference in the North's affairs”: the prospect of Fianna Fáil as an all-Ireland party, 1926–2011." Irish Studies Review 22, no. 4 (2014): 415–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670882.2014.955323.

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41

O'Neil, Timothy M. "Handing Away the Trump Card? Peadar O'Donnell, Fianna Fáil, and the Non-Payment of Land Annuities Campaign, 1926–32." New Hibernia Review 12, no. 1 (2008): 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nhr.2008.0026.

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42

Kirby, Peadar. "Civil Society, Social Movements and the Irish State." Irish Journal of Sociology 18, no. 2 (2010): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.18.2.2.

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This article develops a theoretical framework to consider the symbiotic relationship between civil society, social movements and the Irish state. Civil society, largely through social movements, laid the foundations for an independent Irish state in the half-century before independence. Following independence, the nature of the civil society–state relationship changed; civil society became much more dependent on the state. The article empirically traces the nature of society's relationship to the state since the 1920s, and examines the nature of the political system and its major political party, Fianna Fáil, the structure of the economy, and the dominance of particular understandings of the role of civil society and the nature of society itself. The period since the advent of social partnership in 1987 is examined; this period marks a new attempt by the state to co-opt organised civil society making it subservient to its project of the imposition on society of the requirements of global corporate profit-making. The more forceful implementation of a global free-market project by the Irish state since the 1980s, and the co-option of organised civil society into this project, has left huge space for an alternative to emerge, the potential of which was indicated by the success of the ‘No’ campaign in the 2008 Lisbon referendum campaign.
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43

Hanley, Brian. "‘But then they started all this killing’: attitudes to the I.R.A. in the Irish Republic since 1969." Irish Historical Studies 38, no. 151 (2013): 439–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400001589.

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This article examines one of the most intense divisions between Irish nationalists during the Northern Ireland conflict. The Provisional I.R.A. claimed to be waging a similar war to that of the I.R.A. of the revolutionary era (1916–1921); an assertion disputed by many. The argument was significant because all the major political forces in the Irish Republic honoured the memory of what they called the ‘old’ I.R.A. (defined in a popular school history book as ‘the men who fought for Irish freedom between 1916 and 1923’). They argued that in contrast to the Provisionals, the ‘old’ I.R.A. possessed a democratic mandate and avoided causing civilian casualties. Echoes of these disputes resurfaced during Sinn Féin's bid for the Irish presidency during 2011. Commemorating Denis Barry, an anti-treaty I.R.A. prisoner who died on hunger strike in 1923, Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin claimed that in contrast to men like Barry ‘those who waged war in Northern Ireland during the more recent Troubles were an impediment to Irish unity and directly responsible for causing distress and grief to many families. Yet they still seek to hijack history and the achievements of the noble people who fought for Ireland in our War of Independence … to justify their terrorist campaign.’
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44

Drea, Eoin. "The Bank of England, Montagu Norman and the internationalisation of Anglo-Irish monetary relations, 1922–1943." Financial History Review 21, no. 1 (2013): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565013000231.

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The granting of a £7,000m bilateral loan by the British government to the Republic of Ireland in October 2010 highlights the banking co-dependence of modern Anglo-Irish relations. This article provides a Bank-of-England-centred perspective on the development of Irish monetary institutions from the granting of Irish monetary independence in December 1921 to the establishment of the Central Bank of Ireland in 1943. Irrespective of unresolved Anglo-Irish political issues, the Bank of England's Irish policy during this period was based on a strict adherence to Montagu Norman's key central banking principles of co-operation, exclusiveness and political autonomy. This article identifies that the application of these principles survived both the coming to power of Fianna Fáil (Soldiers of Destiny) in Southern Ireland in 1932 and the outbreak of war in 1939. This article also argues that Norman's adherence to a wider internationalist view of monetary relations played an important role in forcing the overwhelmingly Protestant and pro-union Irish commercial banks, headed by the Bank of Ireland, to come to terms with the reality of Irish monetary independence. In this context, Norman's approach to Southern Ireland parallels the transition from Empire to Commonwealth, which began to emerge in the interwar period.
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45

Barry, Frank, and Mícheál Ó Fathartaigh. "The Industrial Development Authority, 1949–58: establishment, evolution and expansion of influence." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 155 (2015): 460–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2014.4.

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Abstract Established in 1949 in the face of Fianna Fáil hostility, and greeted with suspicion by both the department of Industry and Commerce and the department of Finance, the Industrial Development Authority within ten years had carved out a powerful position for itself within the bureaucracy. By the early 1950s, while Seán Lemass was still wedded to the concept of import-substituting industrialisation, the I.D.A. was formulating its vision for ‘industrialisation by invitation’ and lobbying internally for the introduction of export profits tax relief. The adoption of this measure in 1956 initiated the low corporation-tax regime that remains in place to this day. Though frequently conflated, the reorientation of industrial policy in the 1950s and the dismantling of tariff barriers in the 1960s were quite separate initiatives. That the establishment of the I.D.A. and the adoption of export profits tax relief were opposed by the department of Finance and enacted by inter-party governments clearly distinguishes them from the later trade-liberalisation initiative associated with the partnership of T. K. Whitaker and Lemass. The present paper explores the circumstances surrounding the establishment of the I.D.A. and traces its evolution and expanding influence over the first ten years of its existence.
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46

Garvin, Tom. "The making of Fianna Fáil power in Ireland, 1923–1948. By Richard Dunphy. Pp xvi, 340. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1995. £40." Irish Historical Studies 30, no. 118 (1996): 297–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400013092.

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47

Asensio Peral, Germán. "‘One does not take sides in these neutral latitudes': Myles na gCopaleen and The Emergency." International Journal of English Studies 18, no. 1 (2018): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/ijes/2018/1/282551.

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The years of the Second World War (1939-1945), a period known as The Emergency in Ireland, were pivotal for the development of the nation. Immediately after the outburst of the war in the continent, the Fianna Fáil cabinet led by Éamon de Valera declared the state of emergency and adopted a neutrality policy. To ensure this, the government imposed strict censorship control, especially on journalism and the media. The aim of the censorship system was to ensure that war facts were presented as neutrally as possible to avoid any potential retaliation from any of the belligerents. This censorship apparatus, however, affected many intellectuals of the time who felt that their freedom of expression had been restrained even more. One of these dissenting writers was Brian O’Nolan (1911-1966), better known as Flann O’Brien or Myles na gCopaleen. For more than twenty-six years (1940-1966), he wrote a comic and satirical column in The Irish Times entitled Cruiskeen Lawn. In his column, O’Brien commented on varied problems affecting Dublin and Ireland as a whole. One of the many topics he began discussing was precisely Ireland’s neutral position in the war. Therefore, this paper aims at examining Ireland’s neutral position in the war as seen through a selection of columns from Cruiskeen Lawn, devoting special attention to the oppression of censorship and the distracting measures developed by de Valera’s government.
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48

Meehan, Ciara. "Towards a ‘modern progressive society’: the National Coalition and social reform, 1973–7." Irish Historical Studies 38, no. 151 (2013): 457–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400001590.

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The 1970s was a time of crisis internationally, when governments struggled to cope with rising inflation and public indebtedness in the aftermath of the first oil shock. It was also a period of social change, of demands for divorce and abortion, and second-wave feminism campaigned for greater rights for women. But as many of the contributors toThe shock of the globalhave shown, amidst the political, social and economic turmoil, there was development and transformation. Ireland was not isolated from many of these trends that marked the 1970s. This article is concerned with the Fine Gael–Labour government of 1973 to 1977, in particular with the social reform agenda pursued by a coalition of one party (Fine Gael) that had advocated a ‘Just Society’ in the 1960s, and another (Labour) that had declared that the seventies would be socialist. They presented themselves at the 1973 general election as the socially progressive parties in the political system, attempting to outflank Fianna Fáil, which, in contrast, emphasised the Northern Ireland security question during the campaign. As the National Coalition grappled with fiscal expansion and the effects of stagflation, important changes occurred in the realm of social policy. Legislation affecting the status of women, recognising female heads of household and offering support to families of physically and mentally disabled children were all indicators of change.
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49

O’Halpin, Eunan. "Historical revisit: Dorothy Macardle, The Irish Republic (1937)." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 123 (1999): 389–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140001422x.

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Dorothy Macardle’s vast The Irish Republic first appeared in 1937, the year in which her inspiration and her patron de Valera unveiled Bunreacht na hÉireann, his own monument to pragmatic republicanism. Macardle, in Joseph Lee’s phrase the ‘hagiographer royal to the Irish Republic’, is rather out of fashion as a narrator of and commentator on the emergence of independent Ireland; it appears to be largely committed republicans and those who study them who now acknowledge and draw on her ‘classic’ work. The book itself is long out of print. Yet in its construction, its breadth of treatment, its declared ambition and its obvious subtexts, it stands apart both from militant republican writing of the period and from more formally dispassionate academic works. It is also a monument to the emergence of the ‘slightly constitutional’ politics of the first generation of Fianna Fáil, the party created by de Valera to bring the majority of republicans across the Rubicon from revolutionary to democratic politics. Finally, in its faithful and adoring exegesis of most of de Valera’s twists and turns during his tortuous progress from armed opponent to consolidator of the twenty-six-county state, it provides a possible historical template for laying aside the armed struggle which has contemporary resonances for a republican movement attempting to talk its way into a new form of non-violent politics in Northern Ireland without passing under the yoke of unequivocal decommissioning: in that context, a senior Irish official recently pointed somewhat wistfully to de Valera’s statement of 23 July 1923 (as reproduced by Macardle) that ‘the war, so far as we are concerned, is finished’ (p. 787).
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FitzPatrick Dean, Joan. "Irish Stage Censorship in the 1950s." Theatre Survey 42, no. 2 (2001): 137–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557401000072.

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At the end of the 1940s, individuals and groups, as well as the government in Ireland, recognized the need for and benefits of arts enterprises. The Inter-Party coalition, which came to power in early 1948 (under John Costello), recognized the importance of tourism as an industry and the potential of theatre to attract foreign visitors to Ireland. In 1949, the Cultural Relations Committee of Ireland, operating under the auspices of the Minister for External Affairs, undertook production of a series of pamphlets designed “to give a broad, vivid, and informed survey of Irish life and culture.”1 In 1951, the Republic of Ireland established the Arts Council; the first National Fleadh (Festival) for traditional music was held in Mullingar; Liam Miller founded the Dolmen Press; and Comhaltas Ceoltoiri Eireann (Traditional Irish Music Advisory) was established. Even after the 1951 election returned de Valera and Fianna Fáil to power, organizational infrastructures to support the arts continued to appear: the Irish tourist board (Bord Failte) and Gael-Linn (an organization to promote Irish language, literature, and culture) both debuted in 1952. Cork held its first International Choral and Folk Dance Festival and its first International Film Festival in 1953. Some of these developments may have anticipated the imminent inauguration of regular air passenger service to North America, but all responded to cultural opportunities precluded during what Ireland knows as the Emergency and other nations as World War II. These agencies and events all sought to project a positive, progressive image of Ireland. Most important, they all mark a departure from the isolationism that prevailed in Ireland before and during the Emergency and that characterized de Valera's tenure as Taoiseach in the 1930s and 1940s.
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