Journal articles: 'Fiji coup 2000'

1

Mason, Anthony. "The media and the coup leader: Sitiveni Rabuka." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 11, no. 2 (2005): 227–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v11i2.1058.

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Brigadier-General Sitiveni Rabuka, the former prime minister of Fiji who gained notoriety for staging twin coups in 1987, has enjoyed a love-hate relationship with the Fiji and Pacific media for almost two decades. University of Canberra PhD student, Anthony Mason, interviewed Rabuka in the course of his research into Australian media coverage of the coups. He also interviewed the former editor of The Fiji Times, Vijendra Kumar. Pacific Journalism Review is publishing the transcripts of these interviews, where both Rabuka and Kumar reflect on the May 1987 coup and its aftermath—helping to put the May 2000 coup into perspective.

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2

Collins, Craig, and Jon Fraenkel. "Conflict Prevention in the Commonwealth: The 2000 Fiji Coup." International Negotiation 17, no. 3 (2012): 449–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341239.

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Abstract The Republic of Fiji experienced three armed coups in less than twenty years – 1987, 2000, and again in 2006 – symptoms of inter-communal tensions in the country and a political, economic and social system unable to manage them. The Commonwealth, through the good offices of its Secretary-General, was the lead international actor in responding to the crisis that followed the 2000 coup. The following study provides an overview of the Commonwealth as an institution, with a focus on its conflict prevention capacity, through the lens of its actions in Fiji at the time. It seeks to identify the nature and impact of Commonwealth engagement, highlighting potentially useful lessons regarding the institution, the individuals who acted on its behalf, and the efficacy of their actions.

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3

Weber, Eberhard. "Looking north or looking anywhere? Indo-Fijian international relations after the coups of May 2000 and December 2006." Bandung: Journal of the Global South 4, no. 1 (2017): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40728-017-0039-4.

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Between 1987 and 2006 Fiji experienced four coups in which Governments were overthrown by their military forces or parts of it. After the fourth coup in December 2006 old metropolitan friends such as Australia, New Zealand, the USA and the EU responded with travel sanctions, cancellation of military cooperation and frozen development assistance. When Fiji was politically isolated it fostered secondary political friendships of olden days and established new ones. The paper searches for evidence of Fiji’s agency to change the structure of its International Relations (IR) after the coup of 2000. Such relations were first shaped in Prime Minister Qarase’s ‘Look North’ policy, but following the coup of December 2006 Fiji’s IR took a new quality once political isolation was overcome and internal power stabilized. The paper concentrates on Indo- Fijian relations, which, however, are embedded in Fiji’s general effort to achieve greater independence from old friends by forcing new international relationships. Of particular interest in this context is, if Fiji’s political orientation after 2006 has just been a temporary necessity born out of political isolation or if Fiji’s policy of fostering South–South relations will remain a decisive element of the country’s foreign policy in the long term. To understand IR in the context of Fiji and India it is essential to look at both countries, their interests and agency. Looking at Fiji alone would leave the question unanswered, why Indian Governments had an interest to cooperate with the country in the Pacific Islands despite hard-core nationalist anti-Indian sentiments and politics pursued in Fiji after the coup of 2000. It also won’t be conclusive why India should be interested at all to foster high profile relations with a tiny country like Fiji in a situation when Indian governments were aiming at much higher goals.

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4

Gounder, Christine. "Fiji 2000: Journalists and the George Speight coup." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 13, no. 1 (2007): 125–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v13i1.888.

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Much criticism of both the local and international media’s role during the May 2000 coup in Fiji emerged after the crisis. Critics included editors and journalists of the local and international media and political and historical analysts who knew the ‘real reasons’ behind the coup and did not see this being reported. This article analyses interviews with 17 journalists, 13 local four foreign reporters, who covered the coup, and their reaction to criticisms made against them over coverage. It also assesses possible effects on some journalists by the so-called Stockholm syndrome because of their close association with businessman George Speight and his fellow captors who held the Mahendra Chaudhry government hostage for 56 days.

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5

Duncan, Lynda. "Coup editorial content: Analysis of the Fiji 2000 political crisis." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 8, no. 1 (2002): 10–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v8i1.727.

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Both the Fiji Times and the Daily Post reinforced the colonial myth that Fijian chiefs are the rightful rulers of Fiji, emphasising that Fiji, and this presumably means Fijians, was not ready for a multiracial constitution.

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6

Ramesh, Sanjay. "Ethnocracy and Post-Ethnocracy in Fiji." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 8, no. 3 (2016): 115–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v8i3.5185.

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Fiji’s history is interspersed with ethnic conflict, military coups, new constitutions and democratic elections. Ethnic tensions started to increase in the 1960s and reached its peak with violent indigenous Fijian ethnic assertion in the form of military coups in 1987. Following the coup, the constitution adopted at independence was abrogated and a constitution that provided indigenous political hegemony was promulgated in 1990. However, by 1993, there were serious and irreparable divisions within the indigenous Fijian community, forcing coup leader Sitiveni Rabuka to spearhead a constitution review. The result of the review was the multiracial 1997 Constitution which failed to resolve deep seated ethnic tensions, resulting in another nationalist coup in 2000 and a mutiny at the military barracks in December of that year. Following the failed mutiny, the Commander of the Republic of the Fiji Military Forces, Voreqe Bainimarama, publicly criticised nationalist policies of the government of Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase, culminating in another military coup in 2006. The new military government started plans to de-ethnise the Fijian state and promulgated a constitution that promoted ethnic equality.Post independence Fiji is characterised by these conflicts over ethnocracy. The ethnic hegemony of indigenous Fijian chiefs is set against inter-ethnic counter hegemony. While democratic politics encourages inter-ethic alliance-building, the ethnic hegemony of the chiefs has been asserted by force. Latterly, the fragmentation of the ethnic hegemony has reconfigured inter-ethnic alliances, and the military has emerged as a vehicle for de-ethnicisation. The article analyses this cyclical pattern of ethnic hegemony and multiethnic counter hegemony as a struggle over (and against) Fijian ethnocracy.

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7

Craddock, Patrick. "Fragments from a coup diary." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 15, no. 1 (2009): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v15i1.964.

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Fiji has endured four coups in the past 22 years. On 10 April 2009, President Ratu Josefa Iloilo suspended the Constitution, sacked the judiciary, postponed any general election until 2014 and appointed himself as head of state. He reinstated 2006 coup leader Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama as interim Prime Minister, who in turn reappointed his cabinet in defiance of international condemnation. A censorship crackdown on the media and civil society followed. The author is a media educator and journalist who worked for a total of 11 years at the University of the South Pacific, including experiencing both the 2000 and the 2006 coups. He later returned to Fiji as social media educator for the National Council for Building a Better Fiji (NCBBF). The Council was critical of the media during the period it developed a draft of the People’s Charter. It recommended changes to the law to establish a Media Tribunal, which was also planned to encourage qualified local personnel for editorial, subeditorial and publisher positions; provide a wide diversity of local programmes for television media and develop community radio and community television through a media tax. While the People’s Charter was seen as a necessary and constructive contribution to the future of Fiji, the leadership of Bainimarama was questioned after the repeal of the constitution. This article, opening with the author’s open letter to Bainimarama after the Easter putsch, offers reflections from a coup diary.

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8

Bohane, Ben. "Fiji military exorcise ghosts." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 7, no. 1 (2001): 69–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v7i1.705.

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Fijians were at the polls in the final week of August 2001 following the George Speight attempted coup in May 2000], but with a court martial of rebel soldiers due, Fiji faced not just a divided society but also a divided military. Pictured: Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama in the Queen Elizaneth Barracks, Suva / Ben Bohane

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9

Hughes, Robert. "Fiji Islands: Failure of Constitutionalism?" Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 32, no. 4 (2001): 915. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v32i4.5863.

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On 19 May 2000 Fiji experienced its third coup in 15 years when a group lead by George Speight took hostage members of the People's Coalition government. While the coup itself was "a qualified failure", the aftermath left the constitutional situation in Fiji again in crisis.In this article, the author traces the historical, political, economic and legal factors relevant to the current constitutional situation in Fiji. The author then analyses the predominate constitutional issues facing Fiji. The author suggests that what is urgent is not so much an increased accommodation of indigenous interests in the written constitution, but rather the establishment of some sense of national identity capable of sustaining central government.

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10

van Fossen, Anthony. "George Speight's Coup in Fiji and White-Collar Crime in Queensland." Queensland Review 7, no. 1 (2000): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600002026.

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The dangerous uncertainties and complications of George Speight's coup in Fiji have been partly formed by his association with white-collar crime in Queensland. Speight's involvement in at least one fraudulent financial scheme in Brisbane helped to shape the events leading up to his seizure of parliament and kidnapping of the elected government of Fiji on 19 May 2000. This parody ofa coup, led by Speight (a failed businessman with no military experience) and a small contingent of ascetic SAS-styled soldiers, soon to be joined by a gaggle of rustics and Suva's lumpenproletariat, was a spectacle of the unexpected. Speight's adventurism today imposes immense costs on the people of Fiji. His financial schemes when he was living in Brisbane left a number of victims in Queensland.

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11

Mason, Anthony. "Elite sources, journalistic practice and the status quo." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 13, no. 1 (2007): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v13i1.887.

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In a time of crisis, when there is a signifi cant amount of uncertainty about the means and motivations of those involved, news sources have the ability to determine how an event is represented to an entire society. But who are these sources, and what kinds of institutions do they speak for? Do elite sources dominate the news, and if they do, what is the impact? In the 20th anniversary year of the two Sitiveni Rabuka coups in Fiji, this article takes a mixed methods approach to an investigation of the Australian coverage of the coups in 1987 and 2000. Three Australian broadsheet newspapers—The Australian, The Canberra Times and The Sydney Morning Herald—provide the sample for a content analysis, which focuses on the kinds of sources used in the coup coverage. In particular, it highlights who the sources were and the kinds of institutions they represented. Fifteen journalists who covered the coups in Fiji were interviewed about the experience of covering the coups, including the task of fi nding reliable, credible sources. Their answers are compared with the results of the content analysis in order to gain a broader understanding of how the Fiji coups were covered.

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12

Robie, David. "Pacific freedom of the press: Case studies in independent campus-based media models." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 16, no. 2 (2010): 99–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v16i2.1037.

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South Pacific university-based journalism school publications were innovative newspaper publishers from 1975 onwards and among early pioneers of online publishing in the mid-1990s. Several publications have become established long-term with viable economic models and have had an impact on Oceania’s regional independent publishing. All have been advocates of a free press and freedom of expression under Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Among early trendsetters were Uni Tavur, Liklik Diwai in Papua New Guinea, and Wansolwara and Pacific Journalism Online in Fiji. Wansolwara and its online edition was also the flagbearer for independent publishing under the pressure of two coups d’état in 2000 and 2006 in Fiji. All newspapers have contended with censorship in various forms. Now Wansolwara has embarked on a publishing partnership with a leading post-coup Fiji daily newspaper. This article analyses the independent media published by communication studies educational programmes in Fiji and Papua New Guinea. It examines how a variety of niche publishing formula have boosted independent coverage and issues-based journalism on wide-ranging topics such as human rights, news media facing censorship and freedom of information.

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13

Perrottet, Alex, and David Robie. "Special report: Pacific media freedom 2011: A status report." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 17, no. 2 (2011): 148–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v17i2.356.

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   Pacific media freedom has been under siege for more than a decade, particularly since an attempted coup in Fiji in May 2000, when a television station was attacked and ransacked, a foreign journalist was shot and wounded and a local journalist ended up being imprisoned for treason. Since then various Pacific countries, notably Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Tonga and Vanuatu have faced various periods of media repression. Since the military coup in December 2006, Fiji has faced arguably its worst sustained pressure on the media since the original two Rabuka coups in 1987. The Bainimarama regime in June 2010 imposed a Media Industry Development Decree that enforced draconian curbs on journalists and restrictive controls on foreign ownership of the press. This consolidated systematic state censorship of news organisations that had been imposed in April 2009 with the Public Emergency Regulations that have been rolled over on a monthly basis ever since. Promised relaxation of state censorship after the imposition of the Decree never eventuated. This research report covers the period 1 July 2010-31 August 2011 and examines the trends in the Pacific region. In addition to Pacific Islands Forum member nations, the report covers the French Pacific territories and the former Indonesian colony of East Timor and current provinces known as West Papua. Professor David Robie is convenor of the Pacific Media Watch media freedom project; Alex Perrottet is student contributing editor of the Pacific Media Watch project.  

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14

Drugunalevu, Eliki, and Irene Manarae. "Media freedom in Fiji: Journalism challenges facing Wansolwara, an independent, campus-based newspaper." Pacific Journalism Review 21, no. 1 (2015): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v21i1.154.

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This article is a case study of Wansolwara, the University of the South Pacific (USP) journalism programme student training newspaper. The article compares the outcomes of Wansolwara’s coverage of the 2000 and 2006 Fiji coups in relation to student learning and an alternative media voice in a climate of restrictions. Interviews with student journalists and lecturers involved in the coup coverage indicate that Wansolwara’s status as a campus-based newspaper has been a strategic benefit in filling some gaps in mainstream media reporting, besides providing students with empowering learning experiences. The case study illustrates the importance of an independent, campus-based newspaper somewhat less restrained by commercial pressures and less exposed to direct state coercion.

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15

Ratuva, Steven. "Critical Fiji media studies defy climate of censorship." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 16, no. 1 (2009): 219–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v16i1.1022.

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The special edition on ‘Media and Democracy in Fiji’ of Fijian Studies: A Journal of Contemporary Fiji is an engaging collection of articles of diverse quality presented in varying degrees of intellectual temperaments, some with political passion and unrestrained emotion, some with journalistic vigour and some with serious scholastic zeal. A few articles are outstanding in terms of analytical depth and cutting edge approach while some are lacklustre and lack what it takes to be a journal article. Nevertheless, the intensity of discourse relating to the media in Fiji and the Pacific is enough to inspire one’s sense of appreciation of the role the media and journalists who operate in politically challenging environments like Fiji play. (The last such collection was ‘crisis in coverage’ published after the George Speight attempted coup, May, 2000).

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16

Hereniko, Vilsoni. "Interdisciplinary Approaches in Pacific Studies: Understanding the Fiji Coup of 19 May 2000." Contemporary Pacific 15, no. 1 (2003): 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2003.0012.

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17

Emde, Sina. "Feared Rumours and Rumours of Fear: The Politicisation of Ethnicity During the Fiji Coup in May 2000." Oceania 75, no. 4 (2005): 387–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1834-4461.2005.tb02898.x.

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18

Trnka, Susanna. "Specters of Uncertainty: Violence, Humor, and the Uncanny in Indo-Fijian Communities Following the May 2000 Fiji Coup." Ethos 39, no. 3 (2011): 331–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1352.2011.01196.x.

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19

Kelsey, Jane. "Going Nowhere in a Hurry? The Pacific's EPA Negotiations with the European Union." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 38, no. 1 (2007): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v38i1.5659.

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This paper explores the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiation process of the EU-ACP with a focus on the Pacific region. To comply with the requirements of the Cotonou Agreement 2000 and the requirements of the WTO EPAs must be negotiated before 2008. They will replace the trade arrangements between the EU and the ACP States pursuant to the Cotonou Agreement 2000. The Pacific states have proposed a creative EPA text to address their concerns about the effects of any new agreement with the EU. Professor Kelsey's view is that the Pacific 'wish list' contains two intrinsic tensions : one between its trade liberalisation and development agendas, and the other between the affirmation of sovereign integrity and supranational institutional arrangements. Moreover, the EU and the Pacific states have different trade interests and the demands made by the Pacific states have largely been rejected by the EU. The conclusion is that the production of a final text of the Pacific EPA is not imminent.This paper was written prior to the military coup in Fiji on 5 December 2006 and does not discuss the significant implications of that event for the negotiations.

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20

Rao, Maheshwar. "Challenges and Issues for Tourism in the South Pacific Island States: The Case of the Fiji Islands." Tourism Economics 8, no. 4 (2002): 401–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5367/000000002101298205.

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The paper identifies and analyses challenges and issues facing the tourism industry in the most developed South Pacific island state, the Fiji Islands. Many of the challenges identified can be attributed to the interplay among historical factors and events, and the vested interests associated with them. The colonization of Fiji, the historical role of foreign capital in its growth and development, the conflicting socio-economic and political demands of the two major ethnic groups (the indigenous Fijians and immigrant Indo-Fijians), the issue of property rights, and more recently the coups of 1987 and 2000 and the resultant political instability are discussed in relation to the growth and development of the tourism industry. The author also discusses the impact of the coups on the tourism industry and the role of private–public partnerships in the industry's recovery following the coups.

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21

Ratuva, Steven. "Ethnicity, affirmative action and coups in Fiji: indigenous development policies between the 2000 and 2006 coups." Social Identities 20, no. 2-3 (2014): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504630.2014.881281.

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22

Perrottet, Alex, and David Robie. "Pacific Journalism Monographs No 1: Pacific Media Freedom 2011: A status report." Pacific Journalism Monographs : Te Koakoa: Ngā Rangahau, no. 1 (October 3, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjm.v0i1.2.

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Pacific media freedom has been under siege for more than a decade, particularly since an attempted coup in Fiji in May 2000, when a television station was attacked and ransacked, a foreign journalist was shot and wounded and a local journalist ended up being imprisoned for treason. Since then various Pacific countries, notably Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Tonga and Vanuatu have faced various periods of media repression. Since the military coup in December 2006, Fiji has faced arguably its worst sustained pressure on the media since the original two Rabuka coups in 1987. The Bainimarama regime in June 2010 imposed a Media Industry Development Decree that enforced draconian curbs on journalists and restrictive controls on foreign ownership of the press. This consolidated systematic state censorship of news organisations that had been imposed in April 2009 with the Public Emergency Regulations that have been rolled over on a monthly basis ever since. Promised relaxation of state censorship after the imposition of the Decree never eventuated. This research monograph covers the period 1 July 2010-30 June 2011 and examines the trends in the Pacific region. In addition to Pacific Islands Forum member nations, it covers the French Pacific territories and the former Indonesian colony of East Timor and current twin provinces known collectively as West Papua.

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23

Holden, Paul. "The Limits of Electoral Engineering: The Alternative Vote and the 2000 Coup in Fiji." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2530303.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Fiji coup 2000'

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