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Journal articles on the topic 'Fiji. Office of the Prime Minister'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 July 2025

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1

Nicholl, Rae. "The case for using electronic technology in Fiji’s general elections." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 13, no. 2 (2007): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v13i2.904.

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On 5 December 2006, the Commander of the Republic of Fiji Military Forces, Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama, announced he had assumed executive power: he dismissed the elected government and declared a State of Emergency. One month later, on 4 January 2007, Bainimarama was appointed interim prime minister by the President of the Fiji Islands and set out the broad objectives of his interim government, which included a commitment to electoral reform. On 20 February 2007, the interim Cabinet approved a ‘road map’, which committed Fiji to a general election and full restoration of parliamentary democr

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2

The Review. "Rabuka and the reporter." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 1, no. 1 (1994): 20–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v1i1.516.

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A controversy over a sexual liaison between Fiji prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka and a Fiji Times journalist led to threats to deregister The Review -- the news magazine that broke the story. In Fiji, during March and April 1994, there was mixed reception about a controversial sex scandal cover story about Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka published in the monthly news magazine The Review. The revelation stunned readers; many were appalled by the fact that Rabuka preached about Christian ethics and a way of life for the country while allegedly committing adultery. 'However unsavoury the detai

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Jha, Rajani Ranjan. "Prime Minister’s Office: The Fulcrum of Indian Administration." Indian Journal of Public Administration 65, no. 1 (2019): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556118822029.

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Prime minister occupies a pivotal position in any parliamentary system of government. At the time of India’s Independence, the prime minister’s office (PMO) started working as a low profile non-constitutional and non-statutory body. But within less than two decades, the PMO emerged as an institution with a formidable influence in policymaking. It was sometimes labelled as the parallel government. This article is a modest attempt to discuss the origin and development of the PMO in India right from Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to PM Narendra Modi. In the process, it deals briefly with the org

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4

Robie, David. "The contempt case of the 'Tongan three'." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 3, no. 2 (1996): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v3i2.575.

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Media commentators see the jailings of two Taimi 'o Tongajournalists and an MP whistleblower in Tonga as the most serious threat to media freedom in the South Pacific since the Fiji coups in 1987. But Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka sees the harsh move as a lesson for journalists. Other critics regard the issue as one of a need for greater professionalism.

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Peters, Guy, and Donald J. Savoie. "Canada : un Premier ministre «présidentiel» et ses contre-pouvoirs." Revue française d'administration publique 83, no. 1 (1997): 491–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1997.3136.

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In Canada the majority of the government’s political advisers are grouped within the office of the Prime Minister and the Privy Council. The role of these structures has evolved notably since the end of the second world war when the office of the Prime minister became situated at the summit of political power while the Privy council came to represent the head of the administration. This redefinition of roles allows the Prime Minister to conduct government policy effectively while preserving a certain autonomy for ministers and for the provinces.

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Mason, Anthony. "The media and the coup leader: Sitiveni Rabuka." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 11, no. 2 (2005): 227–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v11i2.1058.

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Brigadier-General Sitiveni Rabuka, the former prime minister of Fiji who gained notoriety for staging twin coups in 1987, has enjoyed a love-hate relationship with the Fiji and Pacific media for almost two decades. University of Canberra PhD student, Anthony Mason, interviewed Rabuka in the course of his research into Australian media coverage of the coups. He also interviewed the former editor of The Fiji Times, Vijendra Kumar. Pacific Journalism Review is publishing the transcripts of these interviews, where both Rabuka and Kumar reflect on the May 1987 coup and its aftermath—helping to put

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7

Ryoichi, Osamu. "POLITICAL CHANGING FOR PRIME MINISTER OF JAPAN." International Journal of Law Reconstruction 5, no. 1 (2021): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/ijlr.v5i1.15540.

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The prime minister of Japan (日本国内閣総理大臣, Nihon-koku naikaku sōridaijin, or shushō (首相)) (informally referred to as the PMOJ) is head of the government of Japan, the chief executive of the National Cabinet and the commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces of Japan; he is appointed by the emperor of Japan after being designated by the National Diet and must enjoy the confidence of the House of Representatives to remain in office. He is the head of the Cabinet and appoints and dismisses the other ministers of state. The literal translation of the Japanese name for the office is Minister for the Compr

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8

Robie, David. "EDITORIAL: Media and free expression." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 5, no. 1 (1999): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v5i1.637.

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When rumours abounded in December 1998 about the impending sale of Papua New Guinea's Post-Courier, arguably the best daily newspaper in the South Pacific, to a consortium headed by a crony Prime Minister Bill Skate the Port Moresby media world was in a spin. It turned out to be a false alarm. However, when controlling shares in the long-struggling Fiji Daily Post were abruptly sold in Feburary 1999 to the Fiji Government, it was a different story. Protests from other media organisations were also strong—but too late.

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9

Grabowski, Radosław. "Skutki prawne wyboru Prezesa Rady Ministrów przez Sejm w trybie art. 154 ust. 3 Konstytucji." Zeszyty Prawnicze Biura Analiz Sejmowych 81, no. 1 (2024): 139–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/zpbas.2024.08.

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The opinion refers to the procedure of the appointment of the Council of Ministers under the basic procedure and the so-called reserve procedures provided for in the Polish Constitution. The author cites the constitutional principle of legalism, and the directive of cooperation to show the assumptions of the parliamentary-cabinet system. The analysis considers the procedure for the election of the Prime Minister in view of the prerogatives of the President and the powers of the Sejm depending on the mode of appointment of the new Council of Ministers. The opinion indicates that the President’s

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10

Burrett, Tina. "Explaining Japan’s Revolving Door Premiership: Applying the Leadership Capital Index." Politics and Governance 4, no. 2 (2016): 36–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i2.575.

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The tenure of Japanese prime ministers is famously short. Between 2006 and 2012 Japan changed prime minister once a year. What factors can explain Japan’s revolving-door premiership? To explore this puzzle, this article applies the <em>Leadership Capital Index</em> (LCI) developed by Bennister, ’t Hart and Worthy (2015) to case studies of the nine Japanese prime ministers holding office between 2000 and 2015. Leadership capital is the aggregate of leaders’ political resources: skills, relations and reputation. The LCI thus allows analysis of the interplay between individual capacit

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11

O'Malley, Eoin. "Investigating the Effects of Directly Electing the Prime Minister." Government and Opposition 41, no. 2 (2006): 137–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00174.x.

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AbstractThere are good prima facie reasons to believe that directly electing a prime minister may provide the holder of that office with a tremendous power resource. Indeed some countries with weak prime ministers have debated this possible change, and one, Israel, carried it through. Using a theoretical argument based on the number of veto points in a political system, this article proposes that a directly elected prime minister will not increase the power of a prime minister. It studies what actually happened in Israel, and offers alternative explanations for the weakness of and lack of cohe

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12

Feldman, Ofer. "Political Reality and Editorial Cartoons in Japan: How the National Dailies Illustrate the Japanese Prime Minister." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 72, no. 3 (1995): 571–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909507200308.

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This report of a content analysis details how editorial cartoons in two Japanese national dailies illustrated six recent Japanese prime ministers during their first three months in office. The findings reveal the growing importance the media allocate to the national political leader as a source of political information and coverage. Nevertheless, the prime minister appears as a passive man who lacks leadership qualities, reflecting to a certain extent the weak position the prime minister has in Japanese politics.

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13

Neary, Ian. "Les services du Premier ministre japonais face aux grands ministères." Revue française d'administration publique 83, no. 1 (1997): 499–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1997.3137.

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The composition and functioning of the office and cabinet of the Prime Minister reflect the difficulties that the Prime Minister has in governing, due notably to the fact that power is shared with administrative vice-ministers. Any reinforcement of the authority of the Prime Minister is carried out via a substantial reform of these two bodies whose missions intersect and, more importantly, whose personnel are one and the same, being in large part composed of civil servants who remain rather too closely attached to their initial administrative origins. This System, which represents a total devo

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Zaleśny, Jacek. "Skutki prawne wyboru Prezesa Rady Ministrów przez Sejm w trybie art. 154 ust. 3 Konstytucji." Zeszyty Prawnicze Biura Analiz Sejmowych 81, no. 1 (2024): 129–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/zpbas.2024.07.

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The subject of the analysis is an attempt to answer the question of whether the election of the Prime Minister by the Sejm under Article 154 para. 3 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland means that the President automatically assumes office, and whether, if this provision is applied, the President takes the oath of office only from members of the Council of Ministers or also from the Prime Minister. The author states that Deputies are the representatives of the Nation, while the President serves as the highest representative of the Republic of Poland, but does not represent the Nation,

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15

Anere, Ray. "Papua New Guinea in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (2012): 227–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.227.

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Abstract The current power struggle has taken on historical proportions, interrupting the four-year-old Somare government in Papua New Guinea one year short of its full five-year term. In August 2011, Speaker of Parliament Jeffrey Nape declared the Office of Prime Minister vacant, resulting in Parliament electing Peter O'Neill as the new prime minister. Late in the year, the Supreme Court ruled otherwise.

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Burki, Shahid Javed. "Pakistan: Growth Set Back by Structural Rigidities (The Quaid-i-Azam Memorial Lecture)." Pakistan Development Review 35, no. 4I (1996): 315–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v35i4ipp.315-342.

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This article has five parts. The first provides an overview of major structural weaknesses in the Pakistani economy—I call them faultlines. The following three parts describe the programme of stabilisation and structural reform introduced by the caretaker administration of Prime Minister Meraj Khalid. This government was in office for 104 days, from November 5, 1996 to February 17, 1997. On February 17, the government headed by Prime Minister Mian Nawaz Sharif took office. The fifth part provides a brief assessment of what lies in Pakistan’s future if the problems created by delayed structural

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17

Ganesan, N. "Malaysia in 2002: Political Consolidation amid Change?" Asian Survey 43, no. 1 (2003): 147–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.1.147.

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In 2002, the Malaysian government underwent significant political consolidation. Despite Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad's sudden announcement in June of his resignation, he will remain in office until October 2003, after which Deputy Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi will replace him as prime minister. The government's political consolidation derived partly from its war on terrorism, which allowed it to marginalize the mainstream opposition. Additionally, opposition parties themselves are in disarray. Economically, the country performed well, and unorthodox measures introduced after the Asian fi

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18

Downs, William M., and Satu Riutta. "Out with ‘Rainbow Government’ and in with ‘Iraqgate’: The Finnish General Election of 2003." Government and Opposition 40, no. 3 (2005): 424–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2005.00158.x.

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AbstractFinland's March 2003 general election saw Anneli Jäätteenmäki lead her opposition Centre Party to a narrow victory over Prime Minister Paavo Lipponen's Social Democrat-led ‘rainbow government’. A generally lacklustre campaign, highlighted by concerns over unemployment, Finland's place in Europe and uncomfortable foreign policy decisions, is notable for making Jäätteenmäki Finland's first female prime minister and for making the country the first in the EU to have women as both prime minister and president. These distinctions proved fleeting, as scandal –‘Iraqgate’– drove Jäätteenmäki f

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19

Brew, Gregory. "Oil and the US Decision to Overthrow Mosaddeq." International Journal of Middle East Studies 56, no. 2 (2024): 288–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074382400059x.

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On August 19, 1953, Prime Minister Mohammed Mosaddeq was removed from office by a coalition of Iranians, including Mohammed Reza Shah Pahlavi (r. 1941–79) and members of the armed forces, supported by the United States and Great Britain. The US provided considerable financial, logistical, and organizational support to the coup, which was code-named Operation TPAJAX by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Although the British had been committed, in one form or another, to removing Mosaddeq since he first became prime minister and nationalized Iran's British-owned oil industry in May 1951, the

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20

Clifford, Chris. "10 Downing Street." Revue française d'administration publique 83, no. 1 (1997): 423–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1997.3130.

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The powers of the Prime Minister are not inscribed in the constitution and depend upon the degree of use made of the Prime Minister’s sources of support. Amongst these sources the office of the Prime minister forms an unavoidable part of the decision-making process. The multiplication of its tasks has been relentless and it functions by way of a notable absence of formalism. This structure, which is of a modest size, seems to be adapted to the collegial style of government, but the need remains for a more centralised coordination of the decision-making process.

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21

Kentaro, Awaya, and Timothy Amos. "The Tokyo Tribunal, War Responsibility and the Japanese People." Asia-Pacific Journal 11, S7 (2013): 82–87. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1557466013025710.

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Approaching the 60th anniversary of the opening of the Tokyo Tribunal in 2006, public opinion was divided over Prime Minister Koizumi's visits to Yasukuni Shrine. One reason for opposition to the visit was that Tokyo Tribunal Class A war criminals are enshrined there.On August 15 1985, then Prime Minister Nakasone Yasuhiro, despite strong domestic and international criticism, carried out an official visit to Yasukuni. The government later acknowledged during parliamentary questioning that it had accepted the verdict of the Tokyo Tribunal through the San Francisco Peace Treaty. As a result, Pri

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22

Novak, Andrew. "Averting an African Boycott: British Prime Minister Edward Heath and Rhodesian Participation in the Munich Olympics." Britain and the World 6, no. 1 (2013): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2013.0076.

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In 1968, the British government of Prime Minister Harold Wilson lobbied behind the scenes for Rhodesia's exclusion from the Mexico City Olympics. Three years earlier, the former British colony of Southern Rhodesia had seceded from the British Empire under white minority rule and faced isolation from international sporting events. With the election of Conservative Prime Minister Edward Heath in 1970, British foreign policy shifted more heavily to Europe rather than the former British colonies of the Commonwealth, and Heath sought to allow Rhodesia to compete in the 1972 Munich Games lest it iso

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23

Benoit, William, and Jennifer M. Benoit-Bryan. "A functional analysis of the 2010 Australian Prime Minister debate." Journal of Argumentation in Context 3, no. 2 (2014): 153–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jaic.3.2.03ben.

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This study applied the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse to the July 25, 2010 Australian Prime Minister debate. Attacks were more common than acclaims, both of which occurred more frequently than defenses. Incumbent Prime Minister Gillard acclaimed more, and attacked less, than challenger Abbott. This contrast was particularly acute when the candidates discussed past deeds (record in office). The two candidates discussed policy more than character. When discussing general goals and ideals, they acclaimed more than they attacked. These results are compared with studies of politi

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Kamosiński, Sławomir. "Entrepreneurs and Entrepreneurship in the Exposé of the Prime Ministers: From Tadeusz Mazowiecki to Mateusz Morawiecki." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 38, no. 1 (2020): 130–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sho-2020-0006.

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Abstract The Prime Minister’s program speech, called the exposé, attracts particular attention. Its essence comes down to presenting the government’s program. In a few key words, the Prime Minister often summarizes the framework proposals of his government in terms of economic policy, social policy, education, health care, the army as well as individual social and professional groups. The words spoken by the Prime Minister, asking for confidence in the government that has just been formed set the direction for the entire Council of Ministers for subsequent years. In this regard, there is a nee

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Brookshire, Jerry H., and Peter Hennessy. "The Prime Minister: The Office and Its Holders since 1945." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 35, no. 1 (2003): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054573.

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Rossi, John. "The Prime Minister: The Office and Its Holders since 1945." History: Reviews of New Books 30, no. 1 (2001): 16–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2001.10525933.

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27

Robie, David. "‘Drugs, guns and gangs’: Case studies on Pacific states and how they deploy NZ media regulators." Pacific Journalism Review 18, no. 1 (2012): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v18i1.292.

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Media freedom and the capacity for investigative journalism have been steadily eroded in the South Pacific in the past five years in the wake of an entrenched coup and censorship in Fiji. The muzzling of the Fiji press, for decades one of the Pacific’s media trendsetters, has led to the emergence of a culture of self-censorship and a trend in some Pacific countries to harness New Zealand’s regulatory and self-regulatory media mechanisms to stifle unflattering reportage. The regulatory Broadcasting Standards Authority (BSA) and the self-regulatory NZ Press Council have made a total of four adju

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28

Grzybowski, Marian. "Prime Minister’s Constitutional Position in Hungary, Romania and Poland (a Comparative Analysis)." Gubernaculum et Administratio 1(21) (2020): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/gea.2020.01.01.

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The institution of the prime-minister, formed in monarchical states, has gained a new political environment in the republic affecting the position and nature of the p[rime-minister’s office. This position depended ,to a large extent, on the systemic location and the shape of the function and competences of the elected president of the republic. The systemic solution adopted in this respect were, as a rule, between two border models; the prime-minister’s full dependence on the political (party) and majority forces in the parliament and the political connection of the castoff the prime-minister’

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Żakowski, Karol. "Uwarunkowania krótkotrwałych rządów w Japonii: przykład premiera Sugi Yoshihide." Nowa Polityka Wschodnia 37, no. 2 (2023): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw20233701.

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Japan is one of the countries with the most frequently changing heads of government in the world. The aim of this article is to examine both the structural and individual causes of this situation by using the example of the short term in office of Prime Minister Suga Yoshihide from 2020 to 2021. While such factors as strong ministerial sectionalism in the government, factionalism in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), high frequency of parliamentary and ruling party presidential elections, as well as consensual political culture made it difficult for prime ministers to remain in office for a l

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30

Brown, Archie. "The Change to Engagement in Britain's Cold War Policy: The Origins of the Thatcher-Gorbachev Relationship." Journal of Cold War Studies 10, no. 3 (2008): 3–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.3.3.

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Using previously unseen British Cabinet Office and Foreign Office papers obtained through the UK Freedom of Information Act, this article shows how a change in Britain's stance in the Cold War was initiated in 1983. As a result of this process, the British government of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher decided to move to greater engagement with the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Distrusting the Foreign Office as an institution, Thatcher asked for papers from eight outside academic specialists, on whose analyses she placed considerable weight. The desire for East-West dialogue was strongly fa

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Berz, Jan. "The effect of voters’ economic perception, Brexit and campaigns on the evaluation of party leaders over time." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no. 2 (2020): 202–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148119886220.

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When and why do voters change their evaluation of party leaders? Voters’ evaluations of party leaders are an increasingly important determinant of electoral behaviour. Which factors influence these evaluations of party leaders? Do voters evaluate party leaders who hold the office of prime minister differently from other party leaders, and do electoral campaigns and issues change these evaluations? I use a multilevel growth model with panel data from the United Kingdom to analyse effects over time. I find that campaigns play a significant role and that voters’ stance on Brexit has a considerabl

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Jörn, Fischer, Kaiser André, and Rohlfing Ingo. "The Push and Pull of Ministerial Resignations in Germany, 1969 – 2005." West European Politics 29, no. 4 (2021): 709–35. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4587929.

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When and why are cabinet ministers forced out of office? We argue that ministerial resignations cannot be understood as mechanistic consequences of serious personal or departmental errors as the classical responsibility hypothesis implies. Rather, they follow a systematic political logic. Cabinet ministers have to resign whenever the prime minister perceives the political costs of a minister staying in office to be higher than the benefits of keeping the status quo. We test this argument with resignation events in Germany in the period 1969 to 2005. Based on detailed data collection, we find 1

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Rodd, Adrien. "A road to island sovereignty and empowerment? Fiji’s aims within the Belt and Road Initiative." Island Studies Journal 15, no. 2 (2020): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24043/isj.128.

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Though peripheral to China’s policies of global engagement, the small island developing states (SIDS) of the Pacific are becoming an annex to Beijing’s project for a 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Traditionally part of the West’s exclusive sphere of influence, the Pacific Islands have become a contested space, seeking to benefit from the rivalries between the major powers. Among the foremost of these small island states is Fiji, whose Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama has enhanced Fiji’s engagement with China. His government has sought to raise Fiji’s

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Bernaczyk, Michał. "Objęcie urzędu przez Prezesa Rady Ministrów wybranego przez Sejm w trybie art. 154 ust. 3 Konstytucji RP." Zeszyty Prawnicze Biura Analiz Sejmowych 81, no. 1 (2024): 148–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/zpbas.2024.09.

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This opinion aims to answer the question regarding the beginning of the operation of the newly elected “parliamentary” Council of Ministers under Article 154 para. 3 of the Polish Constitution. The scope of competences of the President of the Republic in the process of appointing the Council of Ministers under the emergency procedure is analyzed in detail. The author’s position is that the President is obliged to immediately take the oath of office from the newly elected Prime Minister and Ministers and issue a decision on the appointment of the Council of Ministers consistent with the content

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Mulgan, Aurelia George. "Japan's ‘Un-Westminster’ System: Impediments to Reform in a Crisis Economy." Government and Opposition 38, no. 1 (2003): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.t01-1-00005.

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AbstractJapan's Prime Minister Koizumi is attempting a bold program of ‘structural reform’ in order to revive a moribund economy. However, his actual achievements after more than a year in office have fallen far short of his original goals. Such lack of progress for a prime minister bent on reform can only be understood in the context of Japan's ‘Un-Westminster’ system in which the cabinet is not an authoritative decisionmaking body for government policy. Although modelled along Westminster lines, Japan does not have strong cabinet government; it has party-bureaucratic government. In practice

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Perera, Binendri. "The unresolved constitutional dilemma: Persisting Imbalance of power exposed by the Constitutional Coup 2018." Verfassung in Recht und Übersee 54, no. 1 (2021): 116–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-2021-1-116.

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On 26th October 2018, Sri Lankan President surprised the nation with his abrupt removal of the Prime Minister in office and the appointment of another Prime Minister on ambivalent constitutional grounds. Through his actions, President Sirisena was attempting to bring to the power the former strongman Rajapaksa from his own party to entrench himself as well as their party, while undercutting Wickremasinghe and his party. Constitutional Coup 2018 was executed meticulously to ensure that the President and his old enemy, now his new-found ally could capture governmental power. The result was that

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Jun, Uwe, and Marius Minas. "Die saarländische Landtagswahl vom 27. März 2022: Der Triumph von Anke Rehlingers SPD." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 53, no. 3 (2022): 527–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2022-3-527.

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Tue SPD fully lived up to its role as favorite and won the Saarland state election in March 2022 with an absolute majority of the seats in the state parliament. As has often been the case in recent state elections, the popularity of top candidates for the office of prime minis- ter played a decisive role. Here, deputy Prime Minister Anke Rehlinger, who has long been rooted in Saar politics, was clearly ahead of the incumbent Tobias Hans, who had been in office for four years. Tue Social Democrats won voters from both the CDU and the Left-Party. Tue CDU never came out of the defensive in the en

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De Klerk, F. W. "On leadership." Verbum et Ecclesia 23, no. 3 (2002): 608–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v23i3.1227.

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To paraphrase Shakespeare: Some men are born to leadership. Others achieve leadership. And others have leadership thrust upon them. In my case, it could be said that, in part, I was born into a long tradition of political service and leadership. My father was a senior cabinet minister and President of the Senate. My uncle, J. G. Strydom, was Prime Minister. In other respects, I achieved leadership. I served long apprenticeships as a student leader; as a leader in various Afrikaans cultural organisations; as a back-bencher; as a cabinet minister and as a senior office-bearer in my party.

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Robie, David. "EDITORIAL: Millennium mayhem." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 6, no. 1 (2000): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v6i1.664.

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The Pacific has entered the third millennium after a tempestuous time in the final year of the 20th Century. All the recent events have had an impact on the region's media.The fragile peace in Bougainville has continued to experience hiccups; the state of emergency in the Solomon Islands over ethnic unrest and even the historic change of government in the Fiji Islands with the country's first Indo-Fijian prime minister. have unleashed tensions. But the major upheaval, of course, has been East Timor's devastating transition to independence from Indonesia and in the resurgence of West Papua ( re

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Jäckle, Sebastian. "Voluntary Withdrawals, Forced Resignations, Collective Retirements or Just Bad Fortune? A Competing Risks Analysis of Ministerial Turnover in the German Länder (1990-2010)." German Politics and Society 34, no. 1 (2016): 54–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340103.

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This paper explores the determinants of ministerial duration within the German Länder between 1990 and 2010. In arguing that different terminal events ceasing ministerial tenures should be analyzed separately, it distinguishes four exit types: voluntary, forced, collective (ministers leaving office because their whole party does so) and exits that are neither volitional acts of the minister nor politically induced. Depending on the exit type, competing-risks Cox-models show different effects for one and the same variable on the hazard for ministerial turnover. Seniority in high-level politics

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Kamimura, Susumu. "Policy-Making Powers of the Japanese Prime Minister after the 2001 Reforms." Developments in Administration 2, no. 2 (2017): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.46996/dina.v2i2.5189.

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Japan’s central government reforms in 2001 introduced a new approach to policy decision making, by implementing institutional measures that gave the Prime Minister a genuine center of power. These measures included legal clarification of the Prime Minister’s power to make proposals at Cabinet meetings, reinforced the Cabinet Secretariat’s planning function, and created the Cabinet Office (in particular, the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy). This paper examines the context behind this drastic transformation, and how these changes were implemented. It also documents the consequences of thi

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Tudoroiu, Theodor. "No, Prime Minister: PhD Plagiarism of High Level Public Officials." European Review 25, no. 4 (2017): 623–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798717000229.

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Based on a public office definition of corruption, this article uses the case studies of doctoral plagiarism of German Minister of Defence Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg, Hungarian President Pàl Schmitt, Romanian Prime Minister Victor Ponta, and Russian President Vladimir Putin in order to show that, by shattering citizens’ confidence in and respect for political class, political parties, state institutions and rule of law, academic plagiarism of high-ranking politicians intertwines with and enforces the most serious democratic failures in their respective countries: degeneration of political cult

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POPA, Alina-Roxana. ""The Power of Words: Some Notes on the Language of Political Discourse in an Exchange from a Prime Minister’s Questions (PMQs) Session"." ANALELE UNIVERSITĂȚII DIN CRAIOVA SERIA ȘTIINȚE FILOLOGICE LIMBI STRĂINE APLICATE 2023, no. 1 (2023): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.52744/aucsflsa.2023.01.03.

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The paper dwells on the language of a political dialogue between two members of the UK Parliament in the House of Commons during the weekly event called Prime Minister’s Questions, which took place on the 29th March 2023. At the time, standing in for the Prime Minister was the Conservative Deputy Prime Minster, Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice, Dominic Raab; the other MP is Shadow Minister for the Cabinet Office, Deputy Leader of the Opposition and Deputy Leader of the Labour Party, Angela Rayner. The present analysis highlights textual and linguistic features of the discours

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Bryden, Penny. "Foreign policy advice in the Prime Minister’s Office: Mackenzie King to Brian Mulroney." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 4 (2020): 516–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020976614.

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The Department of External Affairs (DEA) has always been anomalous—more closely associated with the prime minister than any other department, yet also more independent from cabinet in its necessarily far-flung structure than any other department. The unique position of the DEA has meant that its influence has been closely tied to changes in the structure of the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO). This article examines the ways that the advisory capacity of the DEA has gradually been eroded, while the foreign policy advice from the PMO has concomitantly increased, in the period between the 1930s and

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Ştefan, Laurenţiu. "Party Leaders vs. Technocrats." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 2 (2020): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.2.47.

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This article takes a close look at the selection and survival of prime ministers in Romania. While many factors are deemed important in understanding why prime ministers are “weak” or “strong,” have short or long tenures in office (including the relationship with the president and with the governing parties), this article focuses on the level of party credentials as a critical factor in both the selection and the survival of the prime ministers. Following Grotz and Weber (2017), I argue that a better understanding of how impactful this factor is comes only after a full assessment of the politi

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Rahayu, Risma Ratri, and Ula Nisa El Fauziah. "SPEECH ACTS OF U.K. PRIME MINISTER BORISH JOHNSON’S SPEECH." PROJECT (Professional Journal of English Education) 4, no. 4 (2021): 609. http://dx.doi.org/10.22460/project.v4i4.p609-616.

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Abstract This research was to investigate speech acts of Borish Jonshon’s speech concern in the illocutionary act and the use of speech act analysis by Hymes (2014). The speech was held in Prime Minister’s office and Borish Johnson has used a national TV address at 8.30 p.m. The data of this research taken from the script and speech video of the U.K. Prime Minister named Borish Johnson on 23 March 2020 which talked about Covid-19. The research applied descriptive qualitative as a method and hold in Yule’s speech act theory. Based on the analysis, the researcher was found and analyze 222 uttera

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Raunio, Tapio, and Thomas Sedelius. "Shifting Power-Centres of Semi-Presidentialism: Exploring Executive Coordination in Lithuania." Government and Opposition 54, no. 4 (2017): 637–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.31.

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Despite more than two decades of research on semi-presidential regimes, we still know very little about the actual coordination between the president and the prime minister. Through an in-depth analysis of Lithuanian semi-presidentialism, this article underscores the importance of institutional design on intra-executive balance of power. Drawing primarily on interviews with top-level civil servants and office-holders, it argues that in the absence of written rules or other strong norms guiding intra-executive coordination, presidents enjoy more discretion in designing their own modes of operat

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SIMONIYA, Aida A. "NEW APPOINTMENTS TO ASEAN AND THE UN HAVE NOT YET LED TO A BREAKTHROUGH IN RELATIONS WITH MYANMAR." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 1 (54) (2022): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-1-1-54-139-159.

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The crisis in Myanmar has also affected the beginning of the activities of high-ranking officials who recently took office. Cambodia, represented by Prime Minister Hun Sen, took over the baton as ASEAN Chairman, Singaporean diplomat Noelene Heizer was appointed Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General to Myanmar. Cambodia's Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn replaced Erivan Yusof as ASEAN's Special Envoy for Myanmar. The Prime Minister of Cambodia caused dissatisfaction of his ASEAN colleagues and outrage of the world community due to his visit to Myanmar a week after officially taking office. The

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Bartle, John. "Anthony Seldon: The Impossible Office? The History of the British Prime Minister." Society 58, no. 6 (2021): 545–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-021-00647-y.

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Bochorodycz, Beata. "Premier Japonii Abe Shinzō jako światowy przywódca Wolnego i Otwartego Indo-Pacyfiku." Gdańskie Studia Azji Wschodniej, no. 21 (August 30, 2022): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23538724gs.22.019.16135.

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Prime Minister of Japan, as the global leader of Free and Open Indo-Pacific This article attempts to summarize the debate on the legacy of Prime Minister Abe Shinzō (1954–2022) and to assess his impact on state policy, with a particular focus on foreign policy. Abe was assassinated on July 8, 2022, during an electoral campaign two days before the elections to the lower house of parliament. His death helped to secure the majority for the ruling Liberal-Democratic Party, but also sent a wave of shock and disbelief, as Japan is one of the safest countries in the world, while Abe was one of the mo

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