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Journal articles on the topic 'Final unstressed vowels'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Guierre, Lionel. "Unstressed word-final vowels." Cahiers Charles V 19, no. 1 (1995): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cchav.1995.1125.

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2

Colantoni, Laura, Ruth Martínez, Natalia Mazzaro, Ana T. Pérez-Leroux, and Natalia Rinaldi. "A Phonetic Account of Spanish-English Bilinguals’ Divergence with Agreement." Languages 5, no. 4 (2020): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages5040058.

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Does bilingual language influence in the domain of phonetics impact the morphosyntactic domain? Spanish gender is encoded by word-final, unstressed vowels (/a e o/), which may diphthongize in word-boundary vowel sequences. English neutralizes unstressed final vowels and separates across-word vocalic sequences. The realization of gender vowels as schwa, due to cross-linguistic influence, may remain undetected if not directly analyzed. To explore the potential over-reporting of gender accuracy, we conducted parallel phonetic and morphosyntactic analyses of read and semi-spontaneous speech produc
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3

Ciszewski, Tomasz. "Is Metrical Foot a Phonetic Object?" Research in Language 8 (October 19, 2010): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10015-010-0001-x.

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The assumption behind this pilot study is that metrical feet are not ‘groups of syllables’ or ‘interstress intervals’ but rather ‘groups of vowels’ extracted from the phonetic material contained between two stresses. We analysed the duration, pitch, intensity and acoustic energy of all vowels in isolated pronunciations of 72 initially stressed items (mono-, di- and trisyllables). The results reveal that pre-fortis clipping of the stressed vowel and final lengthening are interrelated, which suggests that stressed and unstressed final vowels are able to ‘negotiate’ their durations. Such ‘communi
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4

Balšaitytė, Danutė. "Quantitative Reduction of Vowels Following Soft Consonants in the Russian Speech of Lithuanians." Respectus Philologicus 21, no. 26 (2012): 160–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/respectus.2012.26.15484.

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This investigation of the acoustic characteristics of phonetic units in the Russian speech of Lithuanians is important for a description of the mechanisms of speech production in a situation of the interference of two languages (native and studied), and for the solution of applied problems of teaching (or correcting) Russian phonetics to Lithuanians.The article analyses the average duration (in milliseconds) of the Russian stressed vowels [i], [e], [a], [u], and their unstressed allophones, when they follow soft consonants in the speech of Lithuanians. The results of the spectral analysis show
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5

Ciszewski, Tomasz. "Stressed Vowel Duration and Phonemic Length Contrast." Research in Language 10, no. 2 (2012): 215–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10015-011-0049-2.

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It has been generally accepted that greater vowel/syllable duration is a reliable correlate of stress and that absolute durational differences between vowels underlie phonemic length contrasts. In this paper we shall demonstrate that duration is not an independent stress correlate, but rather it is derivative of another stress correlate, namely pitch. Phonemic contrast, on the other hand, is qualitative rather than quantitative.
 These findings are based on the results of an experiment in which four speakers of SBrE read 162 mono-, di- and trisyllabic target items (made of CV sequences) b
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6

WANG, YUANYUAN, AMANDA SEIDL, and ALEJANDRINA CRISTIA. "Acoustic-phonetic differences between infant- and adult-directed speech: the role of stress and utterance position." Journal of Child Language 42, no. 4 (2014): 821–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000914000439.

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AbstractPrevious studies have shown that infant-directed speech (IDS) differs from adult-directed speech (ADS) on a variety of dimensions. The aim of the current study was to investigate whether acoustic differences between IDS and ADS in English are modulated by prosodic structure. We compared vowels across the two registers (IDS, ADS) in both stressed and unstressed syllables, and in both utterance-medial and -final positions. Vowels in target bisyllabic trochees in the speech of twenty mothers of 4- and 11-month-olds were analyzed. While stressed and unstressed vowels differed between IDS a
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7

Silva, David James. "The variable deletion of unstressed vowels in Faialense Portuguese." Language Variation and Change 9, no. 3 (1997): 295–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394500001939.

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ABSTRACTTo verify anecdotal claims regarding the nature of unstressed vowel deletion in Azorean (European) Portuguese, conversational data from a native speaker of the island of Faial have been analyzed to determine the segmental and prosodic contexts favoring elision. Results of a quantitative analysis indicate that unstressed [u] and schwa are the most likely vowels to be deleted; moreover, deletion is highly favored when the unstressed vowel occurs in word-final position at the end of an utterance. Factors such as rhythmic preservation, syllable structure, and functional load are discounted
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8

Kariņš, A. Krišjānis. "Vowel deletion in Latvian." Language Variation and Change 7, no. 1 (1995): 15–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394500000880.

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ABSTRACTThis article investigates the constraints on variable deletion of short vowels in word-final unstressed syllables found in the variety of Latvian spoken in Riga. The affected vowels are almost always inflectional endings. Results from a variable rule analysis of 8 native speakers from Riga indicate that internal phonological and prosodic factors (especially distance from the main word stress) act as the strongest constraints on vowel deletion, along with the educational level of the speaker. The functional constraint of the recoverability of the deleted vowel is not significant.
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9

Jurgec, Peter. "Opacity in Šmartno Slovenian." Phonology 36, no. 2 (2019): 265–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675719000137.

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Šmartno is a critically endangered dialect of Slovenian that exhibits three interacting processes: final devoicing, unstressed high vowel deletion and vowel–glide coalescence. Their interaction is opaque: final obstruents devoice, unless they become final due to vowel deletion; high vowels delete, but not when created by coalescence. These patterns constitute a synchronic chain shift that leads to two emergent contrasts: final obstruent voicing and vowel length (due to compensatory lengthening). The paper examines all nominal paradigms, and complements them with an acoustic analysis of vowel d
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10

Cychnerska, Anna. "Realizacja samoglasnika /e/ pod naglaskom i u ostalim pozicijama prozodijske reči u makedonskom jeziku. Sondažna istraživanja." Slavia Meridionalis 15 (September 25, 2015): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2015.015.

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Realization of the vowel /e/ in stressed and unstressed positions in the prosodic word in Macedonian. Preliminary studyAccording to the information in "Phonology of the contemporary standard Macedonian language" by I. Sawicka and L. Spasov (1991) realization of the Macedonian middle vowels /e/ and /o/ is higher, for example, than middle Polish or Serbian vowels. It is also believed that the Macedonian stressed vowels are higher than vowels in unstressed position.This article presents the preliminary results of the controls F1 and F2 of the vowel /e/ in various positions within the prosodic wor
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11

Kehoe, Margaret M. "Prosodic Patterns in Children’s Multisyllabic Word Productions." Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools 32, no. 4 (2001): 284–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/0161-1461(2001/025).

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This paper reviews results from a series of studies that examined the influence of metrical and segmental effects on English-speaking children’s multisyllabic word productions. Three different approaches (prosodic structure, trochaic template, and perceptual salience) that have been proposed in the literature to account for children’s prosodic patterns are presented and evaluated. An analysis of children’s truncation or syllable deletion patterns revealed the following robust findings: (a) Stressed and word-final unstressed syllables are preserved more frequently than nonfinal unstressed sylla
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12

Faust, Noam, and Nicola Lampitelli. "Virtual Length and the Two I's of Qaraqosh Neo-Aramaic." Journal of Semitic Studies 65, no. 1 (2020): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgz036.

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Abstract This paper examines the differences in form between weak-final (III-j) verbs and strong verbs in the Neo-Aramaic dialect of Qaraqosh (Khan 2002). The analysis, conducted in the autosegmental theory of Strict CV (Lowenstamm 1996, Scheer 2004), derives these differences from the interaction of the common template with the weak radical of weak verbs. In addition, it accounts for two surprising facts about this lan-guage: (i) the distribution of the vowel [I], which only contrasts with other relevant vowels in the final unstressed position; and (ii) the marking, unique among Semitic langu
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13

Dmitrieva, Olga. "The Role of Perception in the Typology of Geminate Consonants: Effects of Manner of Articulation, Segmental Environment, Position, and Stress." Language and Speech 61, no. 1 (2017): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0023830917696113.

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The present study seeks to answer the question of whether consonant duration is perceived differently across consonants of different manners of articulation and in different contextual environments and whether such differences may be related to the typology of geminates. The results of the cross-linguistic identification experiment suggest higher perceptual acuity in labeling short and long consonants in sonorants than in obstruents. Duration categories were also more consistently and clearly labeled in the intervocalic than in the preconsonantal environment, in the word-initial than in the wo
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14

Carter, Paul, and John Local. "F2 variation in Newcastle and Leeds English liquid systems." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 37, no. 2 (2007): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100307002939.

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In this paper we present a production study designed to explore the relationship between three observations which have previously been made about liquids in British English: first, that laterals have prosodically-determined ‘clear’ (syllable-initial) and ‘dark’ (syllable-final) variants; second, that some varieties of English have either clear [1] in all positions or dark [l] in all positions; third, that some varieties with clear [1] have dark [r] while some varieties with dark [1] have clear [r] (in broad phonetic transcription). We take F2 as an acoustic correlate of clearness/darkness and
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15

LOURIDO, GISELA TOMÉ, and BRONWEN G. EVANS. "The effects of language dominance switch in bilinguals: Galician new speakers' speech production and perception." Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 22, no. 3 (2018): 637–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1366728918000603.

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It has long been debated whether speech production and perception remain flexible in adulthood. The current study investigates the effects of language dominance switch in Galician new speakers (neofalantes) who are raised with Spanish as a primary language and learn Galician at an early age in a bilingual environment, but in adolescence, decide to switch to using Galician almost exclusively, for ideological reasons. Results showed that neofalantes pattern with Spanish-dominants in their perception and production of mid-vowel and fricative contrasts, but with Galician-dominants in their realisa
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16

Baumann, Andreas, Christina Prömer, and Nikolaus Ritt. "Word form shapes are selected to be morphotactically indicative." Folia Linguistica 40, no. 1 (2019): 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flih-2019-0007.

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Abstract This paper explores the hypothesis that morphotactically ambiguous segment sequences should be dispreferred and selected against in the evolution of languages. We define morphotactically ambiguous sequences as sequences that can occur both within morphemes and across boundaries, such as final /nd/ or /mz/ in ModE, which occur in simple forms like wind or alms and in complex ones like sinned or seems. We test the hypothesis in two diachronic corpus studies of Middle and Early Modern English word forms ending in clusters of sonorants followed by /d/ or /t/ and /s/ or /z/. These clusters
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17

Stemberger, Joseph Paul, and Mario E. Chávez-Peón. "Overgeneralization in the processing of complex forms in Valley Zapotec child language." Semantic Considerations of Lexical Processing 9, no. 1 (2014): 107–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ml.9.1.05ste.

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Models of language learning and processing differ in their level of emphasis on the storage of individual meaningful units versus combinations of meaningful units. While there is evidence for the storage of larger stretches of speech, a separate issue is how much such stored forms contribute to processing, as compared to morphologically simpler forms. We examine the acquisition of one aspect of the phonology of Valley Zapotec: complementarity of segmental length based on subsegmental features: vowels before fortis consonants are short (VCː), and vowels before lenis consonants are long (VːC). T
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18

Telford Rose, Sulare L., Kay T. Payne, Tamirand N. De Lisser, Ovetta L. Harris, and Martine Elie. "A Comparative Phonological Analysis of Guyanese Creole and Standard American English: A Guide for Speech-Language Pathologists." Perspectives of the ASHA Special Interest Groups 5, no. 6 (2020): 1813–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/2020_persp-20-00173.

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Purpose Speech-language pathologists (SLPs) are responsible for differentially diagnosing a speech or language difference versus disorder. However, in the absence of data on particular cultural or linguistic groups, misdiagnosis increases. This study seeks to bridge the gap in available resources for SLPs focusing on the phonological features of Guyanese Creole (GC), a Caribbean English–lexified Creole. This study addresses the following question: What are the differences between the phonological features of GC and Standard American English (SAE), which may potentially cause SLPs to misdiagnos
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19

BRITTON, DEREK. "A history of hyper-rhoticity in English." English Language and Linguistics 11, no. 3 (2007): 525–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674307002377.

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This article investigates the history of what Wells (1982), in his account of present-day accents of English, calls ‘hyper-rhoticity’. That is, the appearance, in rhotic accents, of epenthetic, unetymological rhyme-/r/, usually taking the form of /r/-colouring in modern accents. It is attested most commonly in final unstressed syllables, but may also occur in syllable rhymes after a long, stressed vowel. The article traces the history of this phenomenon and attempts to show that Early Modern English data which have hitherto been interpreted as evidence for loss of /r/ in such contexts are bett
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20

Zuraw, Kie, Kathleen Chase O'Flynn, and Kaeli Ward. "Non-native contrasts in Tongan loans." Phonology 36, no. 1 (2019): 127–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095267571900006x.

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We present three case studies of marginal contrasts in Tongan loans from English, working with data from three speakers. Although Tongan lacks contrasts in stress or in CC vs. CVC sequences, secondary stress in loans is contrastive, and is sensitive to whether a vowel has a correspondent in the English source word; vowel deletion is also sensitive to whether a vowel is epenthetic as compared to the English source; and final vowel length is sensitive to whether the penultimate vowel is epenthetic, and if not, whether it corresponds to a stressed or unstressed vowel in the English source. We pro
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21

Almbark, Rana, Nadia Bouchhioua, and Sam Hellmuth. "Is there an interlanguage intelligibility benefit in perception of English word stress?" Loquens 6, no. 1 (2019): 061. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/loquens.2019.061.

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This paper asks whether there is an ‘interlanguage intelligibility benefit’ in perception of word-stress, as has been reported for global sentence recognition. L1 English listeners, and L2 English listeners who are L1 speakers of Arabic dialects from Jordan and Egypt, performed a binary forced-choice identification task on English near-minimal pairs (such as[ˈɒbdʒɛkt] ~ [əbˈdʒɛkt]) produced by an L1 English speaker, and two L2 English speakers from Jordan and Egypt respectively. The results show an overall advantage for L1 English listeners, which replicates the findings of an earlier study fo
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22

Kaplan, Aaron. "Persistence and Opacity in Eastern Andalusian Harmony." Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology 9 (May 1, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/amp.v9i0.4899.

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This paper proposes a novel account of a derivationally opaque aspect of ATR harmony in Eastern Andalusian. Harmony in the language is driven by Positional Licensing: [-ATR] originating on final vowels must spread to the stressed vowel. Intervening post-tonic vowels optionally also harmonize, as do pretonic vowels. Typically in licensing-driven systems, if harmony is unable to reach the licensor, harmony does not affect non-licensing positions either. Not so in Eastern Andalusian: high vowels do not harmonize, but a stressed high vowel does not prevent unstressed vowels from harmonizing as nor
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23

Rathcke, Tamara, та Christine Mooshammer. "‘Grandpa’ or ‘opera’? Production and perception of unstressed /a/ and /əʁ/ in German". Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 25 листопада 2020, 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100320000110.

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In the description of German phonology, two distinct phonetic symbols are currently recommended for the transcription of the vowels [a] (a central low vowel, phonemically /a/) and [ɐ] (phonemically /əʁ/) in word-final, unstressed positions. The present study examines whether differences between these two vowels exist in production and perception of Standard German speakers from the north of Germany. In Experiment 1, six speakers produced a series of minimal pairs that were embedded in meaningful sentences and varied with respect to their accentuation and position within a prosodic phrase. In E
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24

Lunden, Anya. "Stress avoidance in hiatus." Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology 5 (February 10, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/amp.v5i0.4247.

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Multiple languages avoid stressing the first of two vowels in hiatus. Evidence that this avoidance has a perceptual basis is shown by the results of a perceptual study. Antepenultimate and penultimate stress versions of 40 three-syllable Norwegian nonce words were played to English listeners, who were asked to identify whether stress was on the first or second syllable. It was found that listeners had significantly more trouble correctly identifying penultimate stress in cases of hiatus (that is, where the penultimate vowel was immediately followed by the vowel of the final syllable). Steriade
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25

Penney, Joshua, Felicity Cox, and Anita Szakay. "Glottalisation of word-final stops in Australian English unstressed syllables." Journal of the International Phonetic Association, April 16, 2019, 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100319000045.

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Glottalisation functions as a cue to coda stop voicelessness in many varieties of English, occurring most commonly for alveolar stops, although varieties differ according to the context and frequency with which glottalisation is used. In Australian English, younger speakers glottalise voiceless coda stops at much higher rates than older speakers suggesting a recent change to the variety, yet this change has only been examined in stressed syllables for stops with alveolar place of articulation. In addition, research has found that glottalisation occurs in a trading relationship with preceding v
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26

Chong, Adam, and Megha Sundara. "Perceptual Similarity Modulates Context Effects in Online Compensation for Phonological Variation." Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology 2 (June 1, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/amp.v2i0.3761.

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Using a cross-modal word identification task and an eye-tracking visual-world experiment, we investigated the importance of phonological context in the recovery of tap variants of /t/- and /d/-final words in American English. In Experiment 1, listeners were less accurate when they heard a tap variant of a /t/ word in a non-licensing environment (before a consonant) than when they heard it in a licensing environment (before an unstressed vowel). Contrastively, there was no difference in accuracy for tap variants of /d/ words across different contexts. Similarly, in Experiment 2, listeners looke
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