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1

Guasti, Maria Teresa. "Verb Syntax in Italian Child Grammar: Finite and Nonfinite Verbs." Language Acquisition 3, no. 1 (January 1993): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327817la0301_1.

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Storto, Luciana Raccanello. "Arguments for and Against Verb Second in Karitiana." Revista Linguíʃtica 16, Esp. (November 7, 2020): 316–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31513/linguistica.2020.v16nesp.a21873.

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This paper revisits the hypothesis that Karitiana is a verb second language in which the finite verb occupies a second structural position in the sentence (C). We show that, although embedded clauses are SOV, the finite verb in a transitive declarative sentence is in second position and the default order is SVO. Other sentential types are examined, including negated sentences, focus and discourse topic contexts, and poetic parallelisms, and the conclusion is that there is a phonological requirement in the language that makes a phonological phrase occur before the finite verb. Whereas the V2 phenomenon in Germanic languages is categorical, in Karitiana it is possible for sentences to be verb-initial besides the above-mentioned phonological requirement which, together with verb movement, is responsible for the verb second phenomenon in the language.--------------------------------------------------------------------------------ARGUMENTOS A FAVOR E CONTRA V2 EM KARITIANAEste artigo revisita a hipótese de que a língua Tupi Karitiana é uma língua V2, em que o verbo finito ocupa uma segunda posição estrutural da sentença (C). Mostramos que, apesar de a língua ser SOV nas encaixadas, o verbo finito em uma sentença transitiva declarativa ocorre na segunda posição estrutural da sentença e que em um contexto não marcado a ordem é SVO. Outros tipos sentenciais são examinados, inclusive sentenças negativas, contextos de foco e tópico do discurso, e paralelismos poéticos e conclui-se que há um requerimento fonológico na língua que exige que uma frase fonológica ocorra antes do verbo finito. Enquanto o fenômeno V2 em línguas Germânicas é categórico, em Karitiana é possível a ocorrência de sentenças verbo iniciais, apesar do requerimento supracitado que atua juntamente com o movimento do verbo para a segunda posição.---Original em inglês.
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3

Saxena, Anju. "Finite verb morphology in Kinnauri." Cahiers de linguistique - Asie orientale 24, no. 2 (1995): 257–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/clao.1995.1478.

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SAXENA, Anju. "Finite Verb Morphology in Kinnauri." Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 24, no. 2 (March 30, 1995): 257–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028-90000412.

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The Kinnauri language belongs to the West Himalayish language group, the most underdocumented subgroup of the Bodish branch of the Tibeto-Burman language family (DeLancey 1989). This paper presents a descriptive account of Kinnauri finite verb morphology, concentrating on the copula construction and the inflectional morphology of affirmative finite verbs; the paper further analyzes the morphological distribution as well as the semantic interpretation of various finite verb morphemes.
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Miller, Carol A., and Laurence B. Leonard. "Deficits in Finite Verb Morphology." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 41, no. 3 (June 1998): 701–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/jslhr.4103.701.

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The grammatical morphology deficits common in children with specific language impairment (SLI) are characterized in some models as linguistic deficits. Such models must assume some mechanism for correct productions of finite verb forms. Three such assumptions were tested by analyzing speech samples from 18 children with SLI (aged 3 years 6 months to 6 years 9 months). Assumption 1, that nonfinite forms are used consistently until replaced by memorized finite forms, was tested by examining the distribution of verb types in present thirdperson singular and noun types in present third-person singular contractible copula contexts. Significantly more word types than expected were inflected inconsistently. Both Assumption 2, that finite and nonfinite verb forms are memorized but used indiscriminately, and Assumption 3, that affixation rules are applied indiscriminately, predict random use of finite forms. This prediction was not supported.
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Kuppusamy, C. "Verb Phrase in Tamil." Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities 7, no. 4 (April 1, 2020): 76–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/sijash.v7i4.1921.

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The verb phrase is built up of a verb, which is the head of the construction. Verb occurs as predicate in the rightmost position of a clause. As a predicate it selects arguments (Ex. Subject, Direct object, Indirect object and Locative NPs) and assigns case to its arguments and adverbial adjuncts. Another syntactic property of verbs in Tamil is that they can govern subordinate verb forms. Verb occurring as finite verbs in clause final position can be complemented by non-finite verbs proceeding them. The latter with respect to the interpretation of tense or subject governs these non-finite forms, being subordinate to the finite verb form. If we follow the traditional idea of having a VP node for Tamil, then all the elements, except the subject NP, will have to be grouped under VP.
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Benning, James, and Cyril Béghin. "Life is finite." Vertigo 36, no. 2 (2009): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ver.036.0102.

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8

Norbury, Courtenay Frazier, Dorothy V. M. Bishop, and Josie Briscoe. "Production of English Finite Verb Morphology." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 44, no. 1 (February 2001): 165–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/1092-4388(2001/015).

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9

Argus, Reili. "Finiitverbide kõrvutikasutus laste ja lastele suunatud kõnes ehk Söö söö söö suu tühjaks." Eesti ja soome-ugri keeleteaduse ajakiri. Journal of Estonian and Finno-Ugric Linguistics 10, no. 2 (February 10, 2020): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/jeful.2019.10.2.01.

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Artiklis kirjeldatakse lapse ja tema vanema suulise argisuhtluse direktiivsetes lausungites kasutatavaid verbi finiitvormide kõrvutikasutusi ning selgitatakse nende rolli nii eesti suulise direktiivse argisuhtluse kui ka keeleomandamise perspektiivist. Verbi finiitvormi kõrvutikasutused on lapsele suunatud kõnes sagedased ja täiskasvanu kõne iga viies direktiivne lausung sisaldab rohkem kui kaht finiitverbi kõrvuti. Samas ei ole aga verbi kõrvutikasutused sagedased laste kõnes, kust võib leida vaid mõned üksikud näited. Vanema kõne verbi kõrvutikasutuste sageduse poolest vaatlusperioodi vältel ei muutu. Verbi finiitvormi kõrvutikasutused on analüüsis jagatud esmalt kaheks – sama ja eri verbi kõrvuti esinemised; eri verbi kõrvuti kasutused omakorda kolmeks: esimese verbina liikumisverbi sisaldavateks ehk tüüpilisteks seriaalkonstruktsioonideks, esimese verbina partiklilaadset verbivormi sisaldavateks ning sidesõnaga ühendatud verbi kõrvutikasutusteks. Kõige enam kasutasid vanemad seriaalkonstruktsioone ja partiklilaadsete verbivormidega algavaid verbi kõrvuti kasutusi, vähem leidus sama verbi korduseid. Lastele suunatud kõne verbi kõrvuti kasutustel on mõned täiskasva nutele suunatud kõnest erinevad jooned, kõige enam on selliseid erijooni partikli laadsete verbivormidega kõrvutikasutustel. Suhtluses on sellistel ühenditel käsu intensiivistamise roll, selle kõrval ka koostöö algatamise, lapse tegevuse pidurdamise, ergutamise, aga ka tegevuse muutmise roll. Abstract. Reili Argus: The co-occurrences of verb finite forms used by children and their caregivers. The article describes the co-occurrences of verb finite forms used by children and their caregivers in directive speech acts of spontaneous everyday speech. The role of co-occurrences of verbs have been described from the perspective of Estonian everyday directive communication and from the perspective of first language acquisition. The co-occurrences of finite verbs are frequent in child directed speech and almost every fifth directive utterance consists of co-occurrence of verb finite forms. These kinds of co-occurrences are not characteristic to children’s speech and only a couple of examples can be found from their data. The frequency of verb co-occurrences does not change during the observation period, so, the clear fine-tuning effect of the child directed speech was not observed in the analyzed data. All instances of verb co-occurrences have been divided into two sub-classes – the repetitions of the same lemma and co-occurrences of different lemmas, last sub-class consists of constructions where the first verb denotes movement, that is typical serial constructions; constructions where the first verb was a particlelike verb form; and constructions with conjunctions. The most frequent type of verb co-occurrences in child directed speech were typical serial constructions and constructions where the first constituent was particle-like verb form, repetitions of same lemma were not so frequent. The co-occurrences of verb finite forms used in child directed speech had some features which are not characteristic to adult directed speech, such different features were registered mostly in constructions with particle-like verb forms. In adult-child interaction, verb co-occurrences have mostly been used for intensifying the command, but also for initiating cooperation, stopping, stimulating, and modifying the child’s activities.
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Hock, Hans Henrich. "Proto-Indo-European verb-finality." Proto-Indo-European Syntax and its Development 3, no. 1 (August 2, 2013): 49–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhl.3.1.04hoc.

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Although the reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European as verb-final is widely accepted, there continue to be dissenting opinions (e.g. Friedrich 1975). See e.g. Pires & Thomason (2008), who question the fruitfulness of Indo-European syntactic reconstruction. In this article I address two issues: First, the reconstructable subordination strategies, including relative-correlative structures, are perfectly in conformity with verb-final typology — pace Lehmann (1974) and Friedrich (1975) who considered relative clauses with finite verbs and relative pronouns incompatible with SOV. Second, verb-final reconstruction makes it possible to account for prosodic and segmental changes that single out finite verbs, such as the non-accentuation of Vedic finite verbs and i-apocope preferentially targeting finite verbs in Italic, Celtic, and Baltic-Slavic. Both developments find a natural, prosodically motivated explanation if we accept PIE as SOV, but not if we do not accept that reconstruction. These facts show that, pace Pires & Thomason (2008), the reconstruction of PIE as verb-final is a fruitful hypothesis.
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Kavčič, Jerneja. "Syntactic variants and natural syntax : Greek infinitive clauses dependent on verbs of speaking and thinking." Linguistica 50, no. 1 (December 29, 2010): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.50.1.169-177.

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This paper explains a very well-known feature of Classical Greek syntax from the perspective of Natural Syntax. Most grammars of Classical Greek state that infinitive clauses could be dependent on both verbs of speaking and thinking in Classical Greek. In contrast, finite dependent clauses could be governed only by verbs of speaking. However, one verb of speaking that regularly governs infinitive clauses is 'say'. In terms of Natural Syntax, infinitive clauses are more natural than finite dependent clauses. The scale > nat (infinitive clause, finite dependent clause) is supported by the criterion of favorable for the speaker and the hearer (criterion A) and the criterion of integration into the clause (criterion D). In addition, verbs of thinking are more natural than verbs of speaking. The scale > nat (verbs of thinking, verbs of speaking) is supported by the criterion of integration into the clause (criterion C), the criterion of frequency (criterion C), and the criterion of favorable for the speaker andthe hearer (criterion A). Natural Syntax predicts that the more natural syntactic variant (i.e., infinitive clauses) associates with more natural parameters (i.e., verbs of thinking) than the less natural syntactic variant (i.e., finite dependent clauses). This type of alignment rule is called parallel alignment. In addition, most of the criteria applied indicate that the verb 'say' is more natural than other verbs of speaking (e.g., it is an enclitic verb). Consequently, it is expected within Natural Syntax that the verb 'say' associates with the more natural syntactic variant (i.e., with infinitive clauses).
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Harrigan, Kaitlyn. "Finite complements trigger reality responses in attitude verb acquisition… but so do non-finite complements." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 5, no. 1 (March 23, 2020): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v5i1.4701.

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The syntactic bootstrapping hypothesis was developed to explain how children learn verbs whose meanings are opaque, e.g. attitude verbs, which refer to the mental state of the subject of the sentence. Belief verbs (like think) take finite complements, while desire verbs (like want) take non-finite complements. Children differentiate these subclasses by three: they are lured by reality when there is a mismatch between the subject’s belief and reality when interpreting think, but not with want. Previous work also shows that when interpreting a less common attitude verb, hope, children are influenced by syntactic frame, supporting view that syntax guides children’s acquisition of attitude verbs. The current study investigates when syntax becomes useful to the learner. Children are presented with sentences including a novel verb with either a finite or a non-finite complement. Children are not influenced by syntax when interpreting a novel attitude verb, suggesting that syntactic complements only become useful for hypothesizing meaning once the learner has some experience with a specific attitude verb.
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Muhartoyo, Muhartoyo. "The Functional Slots of Finite Verb Tagmas." Humaniora 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2012): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v3i1.3235.

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Tagmemic analysis is a comprehensive language analysis introduced by Prof. Kenneth L. Pike and Evelyn G. Pike from the Summer Institute of Linguistic, USA. This analysis enables linguists to study a language, especially the one which has not been studied before, in a more comprehensive manner. This study attempts to reveal functional slots that be filled by finite verb tagmas in English. The data for this study were taken from various published printed media which have high standard English. Ten different sentences were selected to be analyzed using Tagmemic analysis. Slot-role and four-cell analysis were conducted in this study. The result of analysis shows that Predicate Slot in English must be filled by finite verb tagmas. As the predicate is the essential or obligatory element in a clause construction, the ability to identify the occurrence of finite verb tagmas in English is compulsory. Finite verbs tagmas have different roles depending on the type of clauses. Tagmemes following the Predicate slots also vary depending on the transitivity of the finite verbs.
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Šimůnková, Renata. "Non-finite verb phrases in student translations." ACC Journal 21, no. 3 (December 31, 2015): 76–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/004/2015-3-008.

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Aulia, Rima Fitri, and Ichwan Suyudi. "ANALYSIS OF THE FINITE VERB PHRASES IN THE SHORT STORIES THE GIFT OF THE MAGI AND COSMOPOLITE IN A CAFÉ BY O. HENRY." Journal of Language and Literature 7, no. 2 (2019): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.35760/jll.2019.v7i2.2052.

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This research focused on finding the types of finite verb and main verbs. The researcher used the short stories The Gift of The Magi and Cosmopolite in a Café by O.Henry to limit the finding data. The method of this research is qualitative research. The result of this research showed that there are 361 finite verb phrases and divided into two types of finite verbs, 1. Main verbs stand alone which occur mostly with 65.93%, 2. Auxiliaries stand with the main verb with 34.07% which may be modal (29.27%), passive (18.70%), perfective (24.39%), progressive (6.50%), combination of two auxiliaries (12.20%), and the negative do- periphrasis auxiliary (8.94%). Based on 361 datas of finite verb phrases, the researcher found the most dominant type of main verb is action verb with 62.05% and stative verb with 37.95%.
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Källgren, Gunnel, and Ellen F. Prince. "Swedish VP-Topicalization and Yiddish Verb-Topicalization." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 12, no. 1 (June 1989): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s033258650000192x.

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In this paper, we consider Swedish Finite VP-Topicalization and Yiddish Finite-Verb Topicalization, which share certain interesting features that have implications for Germanic syntax and for syntactic theory in general. Although neither construction contains a gap, we argue that both are products of Movement, but with a lexically realized trace, and that this phenomenon is crucially related to Movement of finite verbs. The arguments are based on the distribution of aspectual types, lexical and phonological phenomena, the V/2 Constraint, Subjacency, and discourse phenomena.
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Somers, Katerina. "Verb-third in Otfrid’s Evangelienbuch." NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution 71, no. 1 (April 5, 2018): 56–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00004.som.

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Abstract This article investigates the status of so-called verb-final declaratives in Otfrid’s Evangelienbuch, with a focus on whether clauses in which there is no apparent subordinator and the finite verb occurs later than the expected verb-first or verb-second position can be treated as verb-third (V3) clauses, as they are defined for Old High German in works such as Axel (2007) and Tomaselli (1995). Drawing on a set of 746 clauses, I argue that there is no evidence that the finite verbs in these clauses have undergone verb movement, as is claimed in the aforementioned works, nor are the asyndetic verb-late clauses with a verb in surface third position consistent with the patterns identified in the generative literature for the V3 type.
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Coussé, Evie. "Complex Verb Constructions in Old Dutch." Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 80, no. 3 (November 24, 2020): 286–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-12340196.

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Abstract This article presents a corpus study of complex verb constructions in Old Dutch. A systematic search of the Old Dutch Corpus uncovers a set of fifteen complex verb constructions which all stack two auxiliaries (one finite and one nonfinite) on top of a main verb. The oldest and most frequent complex verb construction in the corpus is a future passive construction combining finite sullan ‘shall’ with nonfinite werthan ‘be’ and a past participle. The article discusses all fifteen complex verb constructions in detail and sketches the wider linguistic context in which they are found.
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Uiboaed, Kristel. "Kollostruktsioonilised meetodid ja konstruktsioonilise varieerumise tuvastamine." Eesti ja soome-ugri keeleteaduse ajakiri. Journal of Estonian and Finno-Ugric Linguistics 4, no. 1 (June 20, 2013): 185–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/jeful.2013.4.1.11.

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Käesolev artikkel uurib kahe verbi ühendeid ja nende varieerumist eesti murretes. Artikkel tutvustab üht kvantitatiivse korpuslingvistika meetodit – kollostruktsioonilist analüüsi – ja rakendab seda eesti murrete verbikonstruktsioonide tuvastamiseks. Kui kõigi murrete verbikonstruktsioonid on tuvastatud, vaadeldakse nende varieerumist murretes ning esitatakse eesti murrete jaotus verbikonstruktsioonide alusel. Tulemused osutavad, et verbikonstruktsioonipõhine varieerumine murretes viib hoopis teistsuguse rühmituseni kui traditsiooniline murdejaotus. Verbikonstruktsioonidevahelised erinevused murretes on kõige suuremad ida- ja läänepoolsemate murrete vahel, kusjuures idapoolsemad murded kasutavad eri konstruktsioone märkimisväärselt vähem kui läänemurded.Collostructional methods and verb constructions in Estonian dialects. The present work studies finite and non-finite verb constructions and their variation in Estonian dialects. Article gives an overview of collostructional methods and applies the method to detect verb constructions in Estonian dialects. Detected constructions are studied further to explore which finite verbs show grammaticalization tendencies in different dialects. Constructionbased division of dialects is presented. Results indicate that construction based classification of dialects leads to different groups compared to traditional dialect classifications. Major differences occur between eastern and western dialects, whereas western dialects use different verb constructions considerably more than eastern dialects do.
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Hutcheson, B. R. "Kuhn's law, finite verb stress, and the critics." Studia Neophilologica 64, no. 2 (January 1992): 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00393279208588093.

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Pintzuk, Susan, and Eric Haeberli. "Structural variation in Old English root clauses." Language Variation and Change 20, no. 3 (October 2008): 367–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095439450800015x.

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AbstractA standard observation concerning basic constituent order in Old English (OE) is that the position of finite verbs varies by clause type. In root clauses, the finite verb tends to occur toward the beginning of the clause, and we frequently find Verb Second (V2) order. In contrast, in subordinate clauses, finite verbs generally occur toward the end of the clause, and these clauses are frequently verb-final. We challenge the traditional assumption that verb-final orders and, hence, the occurrence of the finite verb in a head-final structural position are rare in OE root clauses. We present new data demonstrating that the frequency of head-final structure in OE root clauses is much higher than previously acknowledged. We then explore some of the implications of this finding for the general structural analysis of OE.
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Sahkai, Heete, and Anne Tamm. "Verb placement and accentuation: Does prosody constrain the Estonian V2?" Open Linguistics 5, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 729–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opli-2019-0040.

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AbstractThe paper contributes to the understanding of the variation in finite verb placement in Estonian, a verb-second language, by establishing two descriptive facts. First, it identifies a previously undescribed finite verb position in Estonian declarative main clauses, which will be referred to as ‘clause-medial’. The clause-medial position is located between clause-medial sentence adverbials on the one hand, and VP adverbials and the complements of the verb on the other hand. Secondly, the paper reports two empirical studies providing evidence in support of the hypothesis that the occurrence of a finite verb in the proposed clause-medial position, as opposed to its occurrence in the second position, correlates with its accentuation. While clause-medial verbs tend to bear a nuclear pitch accent, second-position verbs don’t. Finally, the paper briefly discusses some broader implications of the existence of the clause-medial finite verb position and of the interaction between verb placement and prosody.
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MYERS-SCOTTON, CAROL, and JANICE L. JAKE. "Nonfinite verbs and negotiating bilingualism in codeswitching: Implications for a language production model." Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 17, no. 3 (December 16, 2013): 511–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1366728913000758.

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This paper argues that a set of codeswitching data has implications for the nature of cognitive control in bilingualism and for models of language production in general. The data discussed are Embedded Language (EL) nonfinite verbs that occur in Matrix Language (ML) frames with appropriate ML inflectional morphology in some codeswitching (CS) corpora. Notably EL infinitives are involved, as inwo muconçevoirbe nuɖe. . . “they don't imagine that something . . .” (from Ewe–French CS). The main argument is that such nonfinite forms are selected because they only need checking at the lexical-conceptual level of abstract structure with the speaker's intended semantic-pragmatic meaning. That is, they do not project information about syntactic and argument structure that is included in the abstract structure of finite verbs. Nonfinite EL verbs occur because they better satisfy the speaker's intentions regarding semantic and pragmatic meaning than NL finite verbs. The employment of nonfinite EL verbs instead of EL finite verbs partially explains why codeswitching in general and such verb phrases in particular is perceived as fast and effortless. How one lexical entry (the EL nonfinite verb) can take on the morphosyntactic role of another one (the ML finite verb) implies flexibility in cognitive control at an abstract level. It also implies a certain malleability at an abstract level in the ML morphosyntactic frame that makes it possible to take in a nonfinite verb in a slot for a finite verb.
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García Fernández, Luis, and Diego Gabriel Krivochen. "Dependencias no locales y cadenas de verbos auxiliares." Verba: Anuario Galego de Filoloxía 46 (September 9, 2019): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.15304/verba.46.4567.

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El objetivo de este trabajo es entender el comportamiento de las perífrasis verbales y, especialmente, de las perífrasis verbales formadas por más de un auxiliar, es decir, aquellas en las que hay una cadena de auxiliares. Para ello, se aportarán datos que afectan a dos fenómenos de desplazamiento de constituyentes: por un lado, la anteposición de la forma no finita del verbo léxico (específicamente, gerundios) y el consecuente problema de la posición del sujeto y, por otro, la subida de clíticos. Mostraremos que estos casos de anteposición de gerundio presentan dificultades teóricas y empíricas para los modelos de estructura de frase ortodoxos, que pueden no obstante solucionarse adoptando un enfoque de desplazamiento como multidominancia en una gramática de adjunción lexicalizada. La solución propuesta aquí, argumentaremos, puede extenderse a otras áreas de la gramática, como el movimiento Qu-.
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Jang, Heung-seok. "A Study on Finite Clause and Non-finite Clause of Serial-verb Structur." Journal of Chinese Language and Literature 115 (April 30, 2019): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.25021/jcll.2019.4.115.139.

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Theakston, Anna L., Elena V. M. Lieven, and Michael Tomasello. "The Role of the Input in the Acquisition of Third Person Singular Verbs in English." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 46, no. 4 (August 2003): 863–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/1092-4388(2003/067).

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During the early stages of language acquisition, children pass through a stage of development when they produce both finite and nonfinite verb forms in finite contexts (e.g., "it go there," "it goes there"). Theorists who assume that children operate with an abstract understanding of tense and agreement marking from the beginnings of language use tend to explain this phenomenon in terms of either performance limitations in production (e.g., V. Valian, 1991) or the optional use of finite forms in finite contexts due to a lack of knowledge that tense and agreement marking is obligatory (the optional infinitive hypothesis; K. Wexler, 1994, 1996). An alternative explanation, however, is that children's use of nonfinite forms is based on the presence of questions in the input ("Where does it go¿") where the grammatical subject is immediately followed by a nonfinite verb form. To compare these explanations, 2 groups of 24 children aged between 2 years 6 months and 3 years were exposed to 6 known and 3 novel verbs produced in either declaratives or questions or in both declaratives and questions. The children were then questioned to elicit use of the verbs in either finite or nonfinite contexts. The results show that for novel verbs, the children's patterns of verb use were closely related to the patterns of verb use modeled in the language to which they were exposed. For known verbs, there were no differences in the children's use of individual verbs, regardless of the specific patterns of verb use modeled in the language they heard. The implications of these findings for theories of early verb use are discussed.
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Fowkes, Robert A. "Verbal noun as ‘equivalent’ of finite verb in Welsh." WORD 42, no. 1 (April 1991): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00437956.1991.11435830.

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Washington, Jonathan North, and Francis Morton Tyers. "Delineating Turkic non-finite verb forms by syntactic function." Proceedings of the Workshop on Turkic and Languages in Contact with Turkic 4, no. 1 (October 7, 2019): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/ptu.v4i1.4587.

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In this paper, we argue against the primary categories of non-finite verb used in the Turkology literature: “participle” (причастие ‹pričastije›) and “converb” (деепричастие ‹dejepričastije›). We argue that both of these terms conflate several discrete phenomena, and that they furthermore are not coherent as umbrella terms for these phenomena. Based on detailed study of the non-finite verb morphology and syntax of a wide range of Turkic languages (presented here are Turkish, Kazakh, Kyrgyz, Tatar, Tuvan, and Sakha), we instead propose delineation of these categories according to their morphological and syntactic properties. Specifically, we propose that more accurate categories are verbal noun, verbal adjective, verbal adverb, and infinitive. This approach has far-reaching implications to the study of syntactic phenomena in Turkic languages, including phenomena ranging from relative clauses to clause chaining.
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de Vries, Lourens. "From clause conjoining to clause chaining in Dumut languages of New Guinea." Studies in Language 34, no. 2 (August 13, 2010): 327–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.34.2.04vri.

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The Dumut languages Mandobo, South Wambon and North Wambon are a subgroup of the Awyu-Dumut family. They form a dialect chain that represents stages of the development from clause conjoining with independent verb forms to clause chaining with dependent verb forms that express switch-reference. South Wambon represents the first stage in which there is coordination reduction of tense and subject person-number suffixes in thematic continuity conditions. This process created three verb types: fully finite verbs; semi-finite verbs and non-finite verbs. Coordination reduction leaves the coordinating conjunctions intact and this explains the presence of coordinators with all verb types, including dependent verbs. Coordination reduction creates verb forms that signal subject continuity but it does not create subject discontinuity forms and there is no switch-reference in South Wambon. However, the introduction of dependent subject continuity forms gives South Wambon speakers a choice in subject continuity conditions between dependent forms and independent verb forms. Since speakers prefer dependent forms under these conditions, a frequency pattern emerges that associates independent forms with subject discontinuity conditions and that sets the stage for the development of medial verb forms and switch-reference. North Wambon and Mandobo represent the second stage in which subject discontinuity forms develop. North Wambon transforms conjoined semi-finite independent verbs into two types of special medial verb forms that express switch-reference. In Mandobo any medially occurring independent verb form is reinterpreted as a Different Subject form. The two-stage hypothesis revives the coordination reduction theory of Haiman (1983a) as an explanation for the origin of (certain) switch-reference systems by viewing coordination reduction as an explanation of SS forms only. In this way, the two-stage theory overcomes the problems of limited applicability that Roberts (1997: 190) noted for the original theory of Haiman (1983a).
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Parodi, Teresa. "Finiteness and verb placement in second language acquisition." Second Language Research 16, no. 4 (October 2000): 355–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026765830001600403.

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The relationship between finiteness and verb placement has often been studied in both first language (L1) and second language (L2) acquisition and many studies claim that, while there is a correlation between finiteness and verb placement in L1 acquisition, these areas represent separate learning tasks in second language acquisition (SLA). The purpose of this article is to provide a new perspective on this elusive question, analysing data from speakers of Romance languages learning German as a second language (L2). Verbs are classified as thematic and nonthematic and analysed with respect to overt subject–verb agreement and verb placement as seen in negation patterns. A clear association between subject–verb agreement and verb placement is seen for nonthematic verbs: they are in most cases morphologically finite and show the syntactical distribution of finite verbs. These verbs are interpreted as a spell-out of agreement features, differing both from the speakers' L1 and from the L2, but conforming to a universal grammar (UG) option.
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31

Broekman, H. W. "Medieval English root clauses." Literator 14, no. 2 (May 3, 1993): 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v14i2.705.

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The movement operation Verb Second moves the finite verb from its base-generated position in VP to C via the I node within the Chomsky (1986) framework. As the finite verb and the complementiser are in complementary distribution, the above predicts that, contrary to fact, Verb Second is not possible in embedded clauses. However, in Frisian and Swedish Verb Second does occur in embedded clauses. This entails that a lexical complementiser does not always prevent a finite verb from undergoing Verb Second. 'The aim of this paper is to provide a survey of Old English and Middle English root clauses particularly with respect to Verb Second. Old English does not strictly conform to Verb Second in declarative root clauses. In Old English finite verbs also occur in first position and in third position in declarative root clauses. A comparison with Icelandic data will be provided as this language displays all three verb placements in declarative head main clauses as well.
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32

OWEN, AMANDA J., and LAURENCE B. LEONARD. "The overgeneralization of non-finite complements to finite contexts: The case of decide." Journal of Child Language 34, no. 3 (July 18, 2007): 545–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000907008033.

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ABSTRACTCurrent views on the acquisition of PRO can roughly be divided into two areas: lexical and syntactic accounts. We present data on one verb, decide, that yields data that not only differs from the data for other similar verbs with the same children, but does not lend itself easily to either type of account. Data from a sentence elicitation task conducted with 20 typically-developing children (4 ; 0–7 ; 11), along with 3 case studies illustrate that children may not be assigning a referent for PRO in an adult-like manner for particular verbs. Instead they may be overgeneralizing the use of non-finite complements to finite contexts.
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33

Aktas, Nihat, Ingrid Bellettre, and Jean-Gabriel Cousin. "Capital Structure Decisions of French Very Small Businesses." Finance 32, no. 1 (2011): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/fina.321.0043.

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34

Eythórsson, Thórhallur. "Negation in C: The Syntax of Negated Verbs in Old Norse." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 25, no. 2 (December 2002): 190–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/033258602321093364.

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The syntax of finite verbs with the negation suffix -a/-at in early Old Norse reveals an asymmetry regarding the position of the verb relative to the subject in main clauses. The subject is regularly preceded by the negated verb, but followed by the verb in affirmative clauses. The asymmetry suggests that the subject is canonically in SpecIP. In affirmative subject-initial main clauses the finite verb moves to I, but the negated verbs obligatorily move to C. The movement of negated verbs to C is triggered by a [+neg] feature in this position. This assumption is independently motivated by the existence of the overt and non-overt negative complementizers in a variety of languages. The analysis advanced here supports the hypothesis that cross-linguistically sentential negation can be structurally represented in C.
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Haegeman, Liliane. "Verb Movement in Embedded Clauses in West Flemish." Linguistic Inquiry 29, no. 4 (October 1998): 631–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438998553905.

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This article analyzes aspects of the distribution of West Flemish verbs in terms of Kayne's (1994) antisymmetry approach. The distribution of the auxiliary in the Infinitivus pro Participio (IPP) construction provides evidence for three functional heads in the lower middle field: Neg, T, and F2. The word order in the IPP construction is derived by head movement of the auxiliary and XP-movement of the IPP complement. The IPP complement moves to [Spec, FP2] to check its formal features; the finite auxiliary moves either to F2 or to a higher functional head, T or Neg; the nonfinite auxiliary remains in F2. The analysis accounts for the finite/nonfinite asymmetry in the distribution of the negative affix en. The article includes concrete proposals for the implementation of feature checking.
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36

Liang, Xiao Yu, and Xin Zhang. "Very Exceptional Group." Advanced Materials Research 1006-1007 (August 2014): 1071–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.1006-1007.1071.

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<p>A finite group is called exceptional if for a Galois extension of number fields with the Galois groups , the zeta function of between and does not appear in the Brauer-Kuroda relation of the Dedekind zeta functions. Furthermore, a finite group is called very exceptional if its nontrivial subgroups are all exceptional. In this paper,a Nilpotent group is very exceptional if and only if it has a unique subgroup of prime order for each divisor of .</p>
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Rachel, Mrs D. Anita, Ms K. Banupriya, and Dr B. SenthilKumar. "A Progress of Herbal Finish Aloe Vera and Neem in Infant Tank Tops in Mother’s View Point." International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development Volume-2, Issue-2 (February 28, 2018): 711–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31142/ijtsrd9486.

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38

Askedal, John Ole. "Rolf Thieroff. Das finite Verb im Deutschen. Tempus - Modus - Distanz." Studies in Language 17, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 269–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.17.1.16ask.

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39

Shreckhise, Robert. "The Problem of Finite Verb Translation in Exodus 15.1-18." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 32, no. 3 (March 2008): 287–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309089208090802.

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Rudolph, Johanna M., Christine A. Dollaghan, and Simone Crotteau. "The Finite Verb Morphology Composite: Values From a Community Sample." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 62, no. 6 (June 19, 2019): 1813–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/2019_jslhr-l-18-0437.

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41

Gentry, Peter J. "The System of the Finite Verb in Classical Biblical Hebrew." Hebrew Studies 39, no. 1 (1998): 7–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hbr.1998.0003.

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42

Sgall, Petr. "Semantic and pragmatic indeterminacy in English non-finite verb complementation." Lingua 65, no. 1-2 (January 1985): 174–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0024-3841(85)90029-4.

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43

Gagarina, Natalia Vladimirovna, and Dagmar Bittner. "On correlation between the emergence of finite verbs and the development of utterances in Russian and German." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 33 (January 1, 2004): 13–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.33.2003.194.

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The study examines the hypotheses that the acquisition of the finite verb is an indispensable and linking constituent of the development of SVO utterances. Four apparently separate or at least separable processes are analysed over 6 months in one Russian and one German child: a) the emergence of verbs in the child’s utterances, b) the occurrence of correctly inflected (finite) verb forms, c) the development of multi-component utterances containing a verb, and c) the emergence of (potential) subjects and objects. Russian and German exhibit rich verb morphology, and in both languages finiteness is strongly correlated with inflectional categories like person, number and tense. With both children we find a correlation in the temporal order of these four processes and – what is more relevant for our study – a dependency of a certain development on the utterance level on the emergence of finite verbs. Further, our investigation shows that language-specific development comes in to play already when children start to acquire verb inflection and becomes more contrastive when we observe the onset of the production of the SVO utterances.
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44

Puttaswamy, Chaithra. "Multi-verb constructions in Malto." Journal of South Asian Languages and Linguistics 5, no. 1 (October 25, 2018): 79–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jsall-2018-0001.

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Abstract This paper discusses the classification of verbal constructions in Malto based on functions expressed through the co-occurrence of verb words at various levels within clauses. Multi-verb constructions in Malto are discussed within the framework of the theories of juncture and nexus proposed by Van Valin, Robert D, and Randy J LaPolla. 1997. Syntax: Structure, Meaning and Function. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. The functional classes of multi-verb constructions in Malto discussed in this paper include explicator compound verbs, conjunctive participle constructions, and reduplicated verbs. Rank-defining properties where the inflectional properties relate to the concept of finiteness in verbs are compared with rank shift in Malto. This includes several possibilities such as two clauses coalescing into a single core, category change where nominals are derived from verbs by attaching a nominaliser, or verbs functioning as adverbials by virtue of their position relative to a finite verb.
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45

Shahid, Muahamad Ali, Anser Mahmood, Rana Muhammad Basharat Saeed, Muhammd Shaffaqat, and Gulshan Naz. "Discernment of Pitfalls in Understanding Finite and Non-Finite Verb Structures by English Language Learners." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 3, no. 5 (May 26, 2021): 36–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2021.3.5.5.

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The current study was conducted to investigate the "Discernment of Pitfalls in Understanding Finite and Non-Finite Verb Structures by English Language Learners." Data was collected for this purpose from 200 English Language Learners of Intermediate Level at the Hope College of Science & Management, Garden Town Sillanwali, Sargodha Division, Punjab (Pakistan). To achieve the research objectives, the variables were interpreted using three theories: "Linguistic Morphology (Bauer, 2003)," "Syntactic Functions (Jong-Bok Kim and Peter Sells, 2007)," and "The Principle of Semantic Compositionality (Gottlob Frege, 1953)." An experimental approach was used to collect quantitative primary data, with McNemar Test Conduction in two stages: Pre-Test and Post-Test. Convenience sampling techniques were used to collect data. A six-week treatment was carried out to determine the range between two extreme Tests. The mean difference in linguistic competence was 64.69434. P-Values (Probability Values) 000 demonstrated that the Null hypothesis was rejected and the Alternate Hypothesis was accepted. It meant that the English Language Learners did exceptionally well following the teaching intervention. IBM SPSS Statistics was used to analyze the data. The entire project was formatted in APA (American Psychological Association) Sixth Edition formatting style.
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46

Hendriks, Lotte. "Variation in verb cluster interruption." Linguistics in the Netherlands 31 (November 10, 2014): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/avt.31.05hen.

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Except for finite verbs in main clauses, verbs in Standard Dutch cluster together in a clause-final position. In certain Dutch dialects, non-verbal material can occur within this verb cluster (Verhasselt 1961; Koelmans 1965, among many others). These dialects vary with respect to which types of elements can interrupt the verb cluster, varying from particles to various types of arguments and adverbs (Barbiers, van der Auwera, Bennis, Boef, de Vogelaer & van der Ham 2008). A study amongst forty Dutch dialect speakers reveals an ordered ranking of grammatical types, reflecting their acceptability in a verb cluster. I argue that this ranking directly follows from syntactic principles: The syntactic size and position of the intervening element affect its acceptance in a verb cluster. Potentially, these principles interact with a preference of performance dubbed ‘minimize domains’ (Hawkins 1994, 2003, 2004), which requires both the higher verb and the intervening element to be adjacent to the main verb, leading to two conflicting structures.
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47

Bentzen, Kristine, Piotr Garbacz, Caroline Heycock, and Gunnar Hrafn Hrafnbjargarson. "On variation in Faroese verb placement." Nordlyd 36, no. 2 (January 18, 2010): pp. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/12.227.

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<p class="NL-Abstract" style="margin: 0cm 14.2pt 12pt;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Times;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB">In this paper, we present and discuss results from an investigation of verb placement in modern Faroese in which we collected data from speakers from a number of different dialect areas in the Faroe Islands. Altogether we interviewed 54 informants, aged 15&ndash;67, 29 women and 25 men. Therefore, our study not only investigates the geographical variation claimed to be present in Faroese with respect to verb placement, but also gender and age variation. O</span><span lang="EN-US">ur results indicate that verb movement in non-V2 contexts is no longer commonly available to the speakers of Faroese. However, our results also suggest that verb movement across adverbs like <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">often</em> and <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">already</em> tends to be more acceptable than movement across negation and other adverbs like <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">never </em>and<em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> undoubtedly</em>. Furthermore, movement of finite auxiliaries generally receives a slightly higher score than movement of finite main verbs. Our results do not show any differences in the judgements of speakers below and above the age of 25. Contrary to Jonas (1996), we find that speakers in the North are, if anything, more likely to accept verb movement than speakers in the South.</span></span></span></p>
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48

Hoekstra, Jarich. "Beyond Do-Support and Tun-Periphrasis: The Case of Finite Verb Doubling in Karrharde North Frisian." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 28, no. 4 (November 11, 2016): 317–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542716000155.

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All West Germanic languages possess periphrastic verb constructions in which a finite dummy auxiliary ‘do’ combines with an infinitival thematic verb (compare do-support in English and tun-periphrasis in German). In Frisian, periphrastic verb constructions are not very common. It is all the more surprising, therefore, to find a general periphrastic verb construction in Karrharde North Frisian that seems to go beyond the typology of these constructions in West Germanic to some extent: The construction is rather unconstrained, it features a mysterious dummy auxiliary wer- and, most strikingly, both the dummy auxiliary and the thematic verb are finite. In this article, the basic data on finite verb doubling in Karrharde North Frisian is presented, and the origin of the dummy auxiliary wer- is tracked down. A synchronic analysis of the construction is proposed that relates it to the periphrastic verb constructions in other West Germanic languages. It is shown that finite verb doubling is in most respects a garden variety periphrastic verb construction, and that its special properties can be traced back to the fact that the dummy auxiliary developed from the complementizer wer ‘if, whether’ (possibly under language contact with Danish).
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49

DYE, CRISTINA D. "Reduced auxiliaries in early child language: Converging observational and experimental evidence from French." Journal of Linguistics 47, no. 2 (December 14, 2010): 301–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002222671000037x.

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Since early studies in language development, scholars have noticed that function words, in particular auxiliaries, often appear to be missing in early speech, with the result that child utterances sometimes exhibit verbs with non-finite morphology in seemingly matrix clauses. This has led to the idea of a ‘deficit’ in the child's syntactic representations. In contrast with previous studies, this article explores the possibility that the child's phonology may considerably impact her overt realization of auxiliaries. Specifically, it examines the hypothesis that non-finite verbs in early speech are in fact attempted periphrastics (i.e. auxiliary/modal+non-finite verb) in which the auxiliaries are just reduced phonetically, often to the point where they remain unpronounced. We studied 28 normally developing French-speaking children aged between 23 and 37 months. New observational data uncovered a continuum in a given child's phonetic realizations of auxiliaries. Children showed various levels of auxiliary reduction, suggesting that their non-finite verbs are best analyzed as being part of periphrastics involving an auxiliary form that represents the endpoint on this continuum, i.e. is (completely) deleted. Further examination of these verbs revealed that their semantics corresponds to the semantics of adult periphrastics. Additionally, the results of an experiment where children imitated sentences with either periphrastic or synthetic verbs showed that responses with non-finite verbs were predominantly produced when the target sentence involved a periphrastic, rather than a synthetic verb.
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50

VAN BERGEN, LINDA. "Ne + infinitive constructions in Old English." English Language and Linguistics 16, no. 3 (October 22, 2012): 487–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674312000202.

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The occurrence of the Old English negative particle ne ‘not’ preceding a bare infinitive rather than a finite verb is a largely neglected or overlooked phenomenon. It is attested in constructions with uton ‘let's’ and in conjoined clauses with omission of the finite verb (Mitchell 1985). This article discusses evidence gathered mainly from the York–Toronto–Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose, showing that it is a phenomenon that needs to be taken seriously in descriptions and analyses of Old English. It is argued that the factor shared by the two constructions is the lack of an available finite verb for ne to attach to. It is also found that the use of ne for the purpose of negative concord appears to be more variable with infinitives than it is with finite verbs. Whether attachment of ne to a non-finite verb in the absence of a finite one is restricted to bare infinitives is difficult to determine because of the limited evidence relating to other non-finite forms, but there are some indications that use of ne may have been possible with present participles. Finally, some implications that the ne + infinitive pattern has for the formal analysis of Old English are discussed.
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