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Journal articles on the topic 'First Balkan War'
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1
Stamatović, Aleksandar. "Montenegrin–Bulgarian Relations before and during the First Balkan War." Transylvanian Review 32, no. 4 (2024): 124–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/tr.2023.4.08.
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This article discusses Montenegrin–Bulgarian relations before the First Balkan War, which Montenegro and Bulgaria, together with their allies Serbia and Greece, waged against Turkey. Montenegrin–Bulgarian relations improved from 1878 to 1912. These two states had no territorial conflicts, but both were conscious that war against Turkey would be essential if they were to liberate the Balkans from the Ottoman occupation that had lasted five centuries. There was also an emotional basis for this idea of a war. Both countries were Slavic, a feature also shared by Russia, the protector of the Balkan League. Russia wanted to expel the Ottoman state from the Balkans. The Balkan League of States under its patronage was against the thesis of the Central Powers. The way events turned out at the end of the First Balkan War, as well as the fact that Montenegro was ethnically closer to Serbia than to Bulgaria, led to Montenegro going to war against Bulgaria in 1913, although Montenegro had no particular benefit from that war.
2
Aganson, Olga I. "The First World War and emerging of a new regional order in the Balkans: an augmentation of small states' role." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 1 (January 31, 2020): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2020-1-7-17.
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The First World War launched a tremendous restructuring of the international system. One of its major outcomes was a transformation of the small states of Central and South-Eastern Europe from objects to subjects of international relations. Having emerged or enlarged their territories in wake of multinational empires’ collapse, the small states became key players on the regional level. Reshaping of the Balkan regional order is of a particular interest to researchers as the Balkan instability triggered destruction of the previous international system. The purpose of the article is to understand how a world conflict, which had broken out in South-Eastern Europe, transformed the region. To do this the author dwells upon three sets of question. The first is the Balkan contribution in the origins of the First World War. The second is an interplay of factors which caused reshaping of the Balkan political space during the war years. The third is a new landscape of the postwar order in South-Eastern Europe. Methodological approaches applied here define new and actual character of this article. The author uses conceptual tools of the theory of international relations to analyze a process of region «building» which took place in circumstances of «tectonic» shifts within the international system in the early decades of the 20th century. Thus, the author applies the analytical model of the regional order as well as key definitions of the theory of international relations – great power, small state (the article focuses on Serbia, Romania, Bulgaria and Greece), principle of self-determination. It is concluded that the regional order emerged in the Balkans in wake of the First World War was a result of multi-dimensional interaction of factors. They are as follows: 1) the military, strategic and foreign policy planning of hostile coalitions of powers (the Entente and the bloc of the Central powers), seeking to win the loyalty of regional allies; 2) demonstrated by the small states understanding that the war had opened a «window of opportunity» to put into life their national interests and programs; 3) the decline of traditional multi-ethnic empires, which had formed political atmosphere in the Balkans. It is stated that a landscape of post-war regional order in the Balkans was determined with cooperation and competition of the local national states in the situation when the multi-ethnic empires had disappeared from the Balkan political space while the architects of the Versailles system – Great Britain and France seemed to be less interested in South-Eastern Europe in after war years. It meant that the new Balkan order enjoyed a relative autonomy compared to the previous one.
3
Kudryavtseva, Anastasia A. "The Balkan Peninsula in 1912-1913 and the Aggravation of the Situation on the Eve of the First World War." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 3 (219) (September 25, 2023): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2023-3-92-96.
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The key issues of increasing international tension on the Balkan Peninsula before the First World War are considered. The subject of the study is the Balkan Peninsula, located at the crossroads of civilizations, which has been the sphere of geopolitical interests of various coalitions for thousands of years. The Balkan Wars of 1912-1913 are presented as a pivotal moment in the history of the peninsula in the 20th century. First of all, the process of national liberation of the territories of the Balkans from Ottoman rule, as well as the process of military actions aimed at gaining independence, is considered. The article analyzes the importance played by the countries of the Balkan peninsula during the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913, and also shows the actions of these countries to form the moods they need to achieve the greatest territorial gains. At the same time, the role of the great powers, primarily Russia, in the process of the Balkan conflicts is analyzed. The chronicle of the foreign policy events of the early 20th century related to Russia's participation in the solution of the Balkan issue is researched. On the basis of publications of that time, the existing image of Bulgaria and Serbia is reconstructed, an attempt is made to restore the real picture of the life of these states on the eve of the First World War and its features, to understand the peculiarity of Westernization “in the Balkan way”. The complex of the two Balkan wars of 1912-1913 is considered primarily as a basis for the development of the future conflictogenicity of the region, which led to the First World War.
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Lizunov, Pavel. "The First Balkan War and the St. Petersburg Stock Exchange." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 11-1 (2020): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202011statyi20.
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The article shows the reaction of European stock markets and, first of all, the St. Petersburg Stock Exchange to the First Balkan War. Stock market reports demonstrated that stock exchanges were sensitive to any troubling economic, political and military conflicts. Their mood changed depending on hostilities, rumors and false reports about the state of affairs in the Balkans.
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Vučković, Vladimir. "LONDONSKA KONFERENCIJA, STVARANjE ALBANSKE DRŽAVE 1912. GODINE I ODNOSI BALKANSKIH SAVEZNIKA." Leskovački zbornik 63 (October 2023): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-lxiii.125v.
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The First Balkan War was by its significance and consequences a far more serious event than it was believed up until today. One of the reasons for this could be the start of the Great War which to the largest extent cast a shadow on everything that came before it. However, at conferences in London in 1912/13, decisions were made that would greatly impact the future of the Balkans and Europe as well. The liberation of the great area of European Turkey by Balkan allies came as a big surprise to European forces. The banishment of Turks from Europe further disturbed Europe, especially Austro-Hungary and Russia. The new boarders in the Balkans were supposed to reflect the power and influence of great powers in their geopolitical combinations. Austro-Hungary managed to defeat Russian influence by creating the Albanian state, which Serbia had to accept. Even such a success did not satisfy Vienna, so they embarked on diplomatic action to persuade Bulgarian representatives to attack former allies and thus break up the Balkan alliance, one of the more serious works of Russian diplomacy in the Balkans. Due to their megalomaniacal aspirations for dominance in the Balkans, Bulgaria attacked Serbia and Greece and thus caused the second Balkan War.
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Pavlovic, Vojislav. "A third Balkan war: France and the allied attempts at creating a new Balkan alliance 1914-1915." Balcanica, no. 38 (2007): 191–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738191p.
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The initial phase of the First World War in the Balkans 1914-1915 was a natural continuation of the conflicts opened during the Balkan Wars, but national fervor now encompassed all of the Balkans, from Rijeka and Ljubljana to Athens, Sofia and Bucharest, because the role of the Dual Monarchy had changed from that of an arbiter to that of a participant in the conflict. With the demise of the Ottoman Empire, the further survival of the Habsburg Monarchy was challenged by the Serbian government's Yugoslav project, creating conditions for implementing the nationality principle in all of the Balkans. It seemed that, in support of the alliances that were being created in the Balkans and in Europe as a whole, the time had come for the final fulfillment of the national aspirations of the Balkan peoples. The outcome of this third Balkan war no longer depended solely on the balance of power inside the Balkans, but also on the overall course of the war. After the initial victories in 1914, Serbia suffered a defeat in 1915 and her armies were forced to retreat southward to Albania and Greece, but her Yugoslav project was the foundation of her future policies and the basis for materializing the concept of a common South-Slavic state.
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Peza-Perriu, Majlinda. "RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (2018): 2447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28072447m.
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The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.
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Peza-Perriu, Majlinda. "RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (2018): 2447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij29082447m.
Full textAbstract:
The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.
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Ayşe Bilge Gürsoy, Assoc Prof. "Preserving the Memories by Music: The Collective Conscious in Balkan Songs." International Journal of Arts, Humanities & Social Science 04, no. 07 (2023): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.56734/ijahss.v4n7a3.
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Music not only affects the soul but also is a language that we express ourselves and a memory that records our experiences. As seen in the examples of Balkan history, these experiences can be migration, separation, death, and war. Balkan history can be called the history of migrations and wars. Especially the 1878 Ottoman-Russian War, the 1912-13 Balkan Wars, and the First World War caused the migrations of Turks. The recurrent waves of mass migration to mainland Turkey from the Balkans since the late 19th century continuing up to today, about 1/5 of Turkey’s population today is of Balkan origin (Kut, 1997, 42). The pain of migration, separation, suffering, and death seem to live in folk songs called ‘Rumeli Türküleri’ meaning folk songs of Rumelia that draw boundaries between Bulgaria, Greece, and Turkey today. I aim to show the effects of migrations, and wars on people through the study of music. First, I will mention Balkan's historic background, and then I will analyze the lyrics of Rumelian songs together with two examples of songs from Bulgaria and Kosova and analyze the style and rhythm of selected songs. Finally, I will mention how Balkan music keeps legends alive and how it serves as a bridge of friendship between Anatolia and the Balkans today. To show this, I will analyze the folk song ‘Drama Bridge’, which is about Drama that remained within the Greek boundaries after the Balkan Wars, and which is used in the 2010 ECOC (European Capital of Culture) project in Istanbul for the immigrants in Greece and Turkey to understand each other.
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Fotiadou, Stamatia. "Religion as a Reconciling Element in Greek-Bulgarian Relations during the First Balkan War (1912)." Zeszyty Cyrylo-Metodiańskie 13 (December 19, 2024): 125–41. https://doi.org/10.17951/zcm.2024.13.125-141.
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From the mid-19th century, Greek-Bulgarian relations are often portrayed as a continuous narrative of rivalry and dispute. Until then, Greeks and Bulgarians belonged to the multiethnic Orthodox millet and used to perceive each other as allies in their struggle to liberate the oppressed brethren. The waning importance of religious collectivity and the rise of national identity in the Balkans contributed to shaping the image of the hostile national Other. As a consequence, differing attempts to legitimize national claims over future control of Ottoman provinces appeared. The first Balkan War in 1912, however, witnessed a resurgence of religious unity that dominated national narratives, thus reconstructing negative stereotypes of the Other. Within a Balkan war alliance, the Greek and Bulgarian press emphasized Orthodox Christian unity between the two peoples as a motive to fight against Ottoman dominance. This paper examines how Greek and Bulgarian newspapers changed their content during the war of 1912–1913, emphasizing religion as the missing link between the two nations.
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Lityński, Adam. "Od Wielkiej Serbii do Królestwa SHS. Historyka ustroju uwag kilka." Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 20, no. 2 (2021): 145–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2021.20.02.10.
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In the 19th century, the Balkan problem was a major political issue in Europe. The Balkans were under the rule of the Ottoman Empire for hundreds of years. Other great empires became increasingly involved in Balkan affairs: the Russian Empire and the Habsburg Empire of Austria (after 1867 Austria-Hungary). They divided the Balkans into their spheres of influence. The nations of the Balkans were culturally diverse. The process of forming the consciousness of nations was complicated; nationalisms and conflicts were growing. Religions were of great importance – Catholicism, Orthodoxy, Islam. Apart from tiny Montenegro, only the Serbs have fought heroically for independence since the early 19th century, making great sacrifices. Gradually they gained it: first, autonomy within the Ottoman Empire, then they became an independent principality, and finally an independent kingdom. From the mid-19th century until the end of World War I, they passed a total of five constitutions: 1835, 1869, 1888/9, 1901, 1903. They were based partly on the French (1814, 1830) and Belgian (1831) Basic Laws. All constitutions were relatively modern and liberal, at a high European level. In the article the author analyses and presents the most important contents of these constitutions. Over the years, a conviction was developed that it was Serbia that would unite and liberate the Balkan nations under its leadership. The author shows how the end of the First Great War brought a clash between the idea of a Greater Serbia and the ambitions of the Balkan nations living under Austro-Hungarian rule. The Kingdom of Serbs-Croats-Slovenes (Kingdom SHS) was established-full of internal troubles from the beginning.
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Ginio, Eyal. "Ha-Balkan Ha-Bo‘er (The Balkans in Flames)." Archiv orientální 88, no. 3 (2021): 375–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.88.3.375-399.
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Ha-Balkan Ha-Bo‘er (The Balkans in Flames), the memoirs of Yitzhak Halperin, are at the center of this article. Born in Palestine in 1890, Halperin was part of the so-called “first generation” – meaning Jews, natives of the newly established colonies in Palestine, who conversed in the Hebrew language and whose life and social productivity embodied the Zionist vision of the nation. Halperin volunteered to serve in the Ottoman Army in November 1911. Later, during the first weeks of the First Balkan War (October 1912-May 1913), he served on the Macedonian front before fleeing to Salonica, where he deserted. Published in Hebrew in 1932, Halperin’s memoirs can be read against both Zionist and Ottoman contexts. They shed light on various personal experiences and perceptions that can enrich our understanding of his particular ideological and ethnic group. In addition, his memoirs are unique as they describe the daily experiences of an Ottoman rank-and-file soldier who served in the Balkan Wars. As such, it offers different insights into the broader Ottoman context. Halperin’s memoirs expose two main topics: the related issues of identity, sociability, and friendship as they developed among the conscripts during his military service; and his clear disappointment with the poor performance and low morale of the Ottoman army before and during the Balkan Wars.
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Горобець, Ігор, and Андрій Мартинов. "BALKAN INTEGRATION PROCESSES: HISTORY AND MODERNITY." КОНСЕНСУС, no. 2 (2022): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2022-02/077-090.
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The aim of the article is to highlight the attempts of Balkan regional integration in the twentieth century and early XXI century. The Balkan region occupies a special place in European history. Various civilization influences intersect in the Balkans, and trade routes from Europe to the Middle East have traditionally passed. The uneven historical development of the Balkan peoples has led to the severity of the formation of nation-states and the dominance of conflicting internal regional and external interests in the Balkans. The conflict potential of Balkan history was due to the clash of ideas of "great" state formations in the form of "Greater Serbia", "Greater Albania", "Greater Serbia", "Greater Macedonia". An attempt to resolve these contradictions on an international basis was an attempt to implement the Yugoslav project. This project had two different implementation attempts. After the First World War, Yugoslavism was embodied in the format of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. After the Second World War, a more successful attempt at international integration was made in the form of Yugoslav federalism. However, exogenous processes have overturned the achievements of endogenous regional integration. The implementation of the European integration project of the Balkan countries depends on the readiness of the European Union to accept them and on the readiness of the Balkan countries to become part of the European Union. The European integration of the Balkan countries raises the question of the borders of the European Union. Turkey remains on the verge of civilization influences. Turkey's accession to the European Union is of strategic global importance. The qualitative characteristics of the European Union depend on the solution of this issue. The EU does not synchronize the accession process of the Balkan countries with the negotiation process with Turkey. It is impossible to do that, because Turkey is more than all the six Balkan countries that emerged after the breakup of Yugoslavia.
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Iskenderov, Petr. "The First World War of 1914–1918 in the fate of the Balkan peoples." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2024, no. 6 (2024): 36–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202406statyi04.
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The article is devoted to the significance of the First World War in the history of the peoples of the Balkan Peninsula. The author focuses on the relationship between the Balkan countries and the great powers, primarily Russia. Unpublished archival documents are used in the article.
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SAVA, Antoaneta Laura. "The Patriotic Spirit of the Bulgarian Army in the First Balkan War presented in the Reports of Major Gheorghe A. Dabija." Anuarul Institutului de Cercetări Socio-Umane „C.S. Nicolăescu-Plopșor”, no. XXII/2022 (December 19, 2022): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.59277/csnpissh.2022.09.
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"The companion of the 19th and 20th centuries found the Balkan nations in the fullness of the generative process for the legitimation of identity and international recognition. The destiny of becoming a nation has destined those peoples to be truly grumpy and warlike, with territorial claims beyond the limits of the violence allowed by public sensibilities in a prosperous and emancipated Europe. Territorial conquests, followed by expulsions and purifications, of forced cultural assimilation, made the Balkans the “gunpowder barrel” of Europe, detonated by the great European powers in the competition for the Ottoman heritage. Geographically positioned at the periphery of the Balkan world, Romania's national project was focused more on Central and Eastern Europe, where several million Romanians lived under the rule of the Austro-Hungarian and Russian Empires. However, the threatening Russian expansion into the Straits led Carol I to opt for an alliance with the Central Powers. Therefore, during this period the official nationalist rhetoric was focused on the issue of the Balkan Romanians. Context in which the army, together with the other institutions of the Romanian state, was mobilized in the effort to define and affirm the historical right of the Romanian nation in the Balkans, receiving the mission to identify and inform on realities and political-military, economic-social and cultural activities south of the Danube, facts that we bring to attention from the perspective of military documents. "
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Videnovic, Milan. "The outbreak of the First Balkan War and the Italo-Turkish peace negotiations in Lausanne in 1912." Balcanica, no. 54 (2023): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2354103v.
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Analyzing published and unpublished sources, the paper aims to determine to what extent the crisis in the Balkan Peninsula influenced the dynamics and stages of the negotiations in Lausanne between the Italian and Turkish delegations to end the Italo-Turkish War. The analysis spans from mid-July to the signing of the First Treaty of Lausanne (Treaty of Ouchy) and the entry of Serbia, Bulgaria, and Greece in the war against Turkey on 18 October 1912. Italy tried to end its conflict with Turkey and prevent the Balkan countries in their aspiration to disrupt the status quo in the Balkan Peninsula. Italian diplomacy used the friction between the Balkan countries and Turkey to conclude as favorable a treaty as possible, directly pressuring the Turkish delegation at Ouchy and using the great powers? pressure on Turkey. The practical results of signing the Treaty of Lausanne were the establishment of direct Italian rule in Libya and retaining temporary control of the Aegean islands.
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Bregu, Edit, and Irvin Faniko. "The War of Shkodra in the Framework of the Balkan Wars, 1912-1913." Journal of Educational and Social Research 11, no. 1 (2021): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/jesr-2021-0013.
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Before starting the First Balkan War, the Great Powers were not prepared for a quick victory of the young Balkan allies against an old empire, as it was until 1912 the Great Ottoman Empire. At the Ambassadors Conference in London, Austro-Hungary argued that the involvement of Shkodra City was essential to the economy of the new Albanian state. Meanwhile Russia did not open the way for solving the Shkodra problem, Russian diplomats thought how to satisfy Serbia's ambitions in Northeast Albania, respectively in Kosovo Beyond those considerations of a political character, on 8 October 1912, was the youngest member of the Balkan Alliance, the Shkodra northern neighbor, Montenegro, that rushed to launch military actions, thus opening the first campaign of the First Balkan War. The Montenegrin military assault, as its main strategic objective in this war, was precisely the occupation and annexation of the historic city of Shkodra, a city with a big economic and cultural importance for the Albanian people and territory.
 
 Received: 7 September 2020 / Accepted: 13 December 2020 / Published: 17 January 2021
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Stamova, Marijana. "The Albanian illusions during the Second World War." Vojno-istorijski glasnik, spec br (2022): 236–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vig2200236s.
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The status quo of the Balkans, reached by the Versailles system of peace treaties, was destroyed in the course of the Second World War. From all Balkan states Albania was the first to experience the New Order of Hitler and Mussolini and with their help accomplished its national program, precisely the unification of the Albanian people and the establishment of an Albanian identity in the Balkans. In these years "Greater Albania" was a wartime creature, which did not get international recognition. The end of the war also put to rest the idea of a national unification of the Albanian people. The Albanian state again had its boundaries established after the end of World War I; a large part of the Albanian population was left out of these borders.
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Perkins, James. "Peasants and Politics: Re-thinking the British Imaginative Geography of the Balkans at the Time of the First World War." European History Quarterly 47, no. 1 (2016): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691416672146.
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This article examines British representations of the Balkans in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It does so through focusing on records of political activism and humanitarianism, offering a counterpoint to the key studies of this subject in the 1990s that were based primarily on analysis of travel writing and literary texts. The subjectivities of the political culture that inspired engagement with Balkan questions are scrutinized, exposing the complexity of British perspectives on the region and highlighting intersections between international and domestic debates. Attention is drawn in particular to the idealization of Balkan peasant society and the ‘village community’ in British Liberal political discourse. This is related to tensions around land reform at home, and to the perceived impact of industrialization and urbanization on British society and citizenship. Reassessing the complex imaginative geography of the Balkans in this way provides a fresh transnational perspective on aspects of British domestic political history. It also raises broader arguments about the need to integrate historical analysis of the ‘cultural’ and ‘political’ aspects of British encounters with foreign lands and peoples in the era of the First World War.
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Anđelija, Miladinović. "THE PERCEPTION OF BALKANS IN THE WORKS OF MARY EDITH DURHAM." Časopis KSIO (Journal KSIO) 1, no. 2018. (2019): 41–51. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3235285.
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This paper tries to establish the image of the Balkans in the works of the famous travel writer Mary Edith Durham. Placing her work within the context of orientalism and balkanism the image of the Balkan <em>Other </em>is problematized. Edith Durham’s’ travels through the Balkans in the early 20<sup>th</sup> century shaped her first images of the peninsula. Special concern is given to the first change in the attitude of this travel writer towards the imagined geography of the Balkans that is the change of her position from an observer to a protector of the <em>pet nation </em>– the Albanians<em>.</em> The second change occurs long after the author returns to Britain and in a moment when she tries to position herself as an objective researcher of the “Balkan tangle” and within the context of the first wave of revisionism of the image of the Great War. In that sense, Serbia and Serbs take the role of lead culprits. With this Edith Durham completes the usual circle of balkanism, so common in the Anglo-American world of her time. However, her ethnographic observations, although coming from an amateur are important for later researchers as pioneering work in that field. Her point of view and observations indeed come as a result of her expectations, prejudice and affinity more than objective research that is why critical source-analysis is important because it often shows hidden orientation, tendencies and aspirations of the author as well as the research objective.
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POPOVIĆ, Olivera. "FAMILIARISATION OF ITALIANS WITH MONTENEGRO THROUGH TRAVELOGUES." Lingua Montenegrina 21, no. 1 (2018): 157–77. https://doi.org/10.46584/lm.v21i1.623.
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The present paper provides a panoramic overview of travelogues about Montenegro in Italian, starting with the first ones, published in the 19th century, and concluding with those published during the Balkan Wars (1912–1913). This period represents the most productive phase of Italian travel writing about Montenegro, while the Balkan Wars conclude the long-lasting epoch of the Ottoman presence in the Balkans, i.e. the era of the wars between the Montenegrins and the Turks, which were often a key motif of Italian travelogues about Montenegro. After this prosperous epoch, during which Montenegro achieved its most important national goals, the country lost its statehood at the end of the First World War, so the interest of Italians for the circumstances in it changed and started to express itself mainly through production of political contributions and discussions instead.
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Kolarski, Ljiljana. "THE IMPACT OF THE WAR IN UKRAINE ON THE WESTERN BALKANS." Politika nacionalne bezbednosti 23, no. 2/2022 (2022): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pnb.2322022.5.
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The war in Ukraine represents a turning point in international relations that significantly affects the common foreign and security policy of the European Union. By taking place on European soil and mainly between Russia and Ukraine, it really indirectly affects several countries united in two important entities, the European Union and NATO. In this paper, we will deal with the analysis of the impact of the war in Ukraine on the countries of the Western Balkans, which are in a significant geopolitical position and have developed relations with Russia in the fields of foreign policy, security, and energy. The work aims to contribute to the understanding of the implications that are happening and that may arise in the domain of internal and foreign policy of the Western Balkan countries, and especially regional relations, as a consequence of the war in Ukraine. In the first part of the paper, attention is paid to a theoretical explanation of war and realism in international relations which could be implied to this war. Furthermore, a brief overview of the political events that led to the Russian invasion of Ukraine will be presented in order to understand the next chapter, which is dedicated to considering the response of each Western Balkan state to the beginning of the war and the events that came as a result of it.
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Swoboda, Johannes. "Challenges for EU Accession and the War Against Ukraine." Foreign Policy Review 16, no. 1 (2023): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.21-31.
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The war against Ukraine is not the first war on European soil after World War II, the wars of Yugoslav succession are often forgotten when today’s war is being discussed. But today’s war is not just a regional war: it has wider repercussions for overall security in Europe and beyond. At the same time, there is an important connection to the countries that have emerged from Yugoslavia. The quick offer of future EU membership for Ukraine and Moldova (and eventually Georgia) has resulted in mixed feelings in the Western Balkans, and many fear that the new candidates will get priority access to the EU. However, the possibility should also be considered that the geopolitical urgency to defend the new candidates against Russian influence may lead to new opportunities for the Western Balkan countries in the long term.
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Medovarov, Maksim V. "Serbian-Albanian conflict 1913–1914: perception in the Russian press." Slavianovedenie, no. 3 (September 2, 2024): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869544x24030038.
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The article examines the Russian monthly and weekly periodicals’ perception of the fighting between Serbia and Albania between the end of the Second Balkan War (August 1913) and the beginning of the First World War (July 1914). These military clashes, known to contemporaries as the undeclared “Third Balkan War”, caused diplomatic complications and in November 1913 could have led to the outbreak of a major war in Europe. Throughout a year, the great powers with difficulty extinguished the conflict, that became the result of peace treaties imposed by them to the Balkan countries. In the paper, for the first time, the reaction of the Russian reviewers towards the Albanian crisis of 1913–1914 and the military operations in the region, the degree of awareness of the reading public in Russia about the situation in Albania and around it are examined. On the example of Pan-Slavist newspapers “Slavyanskie Izvestia” and “Dym Otechectva”, the liberal magazines “Vestnik Evropy”, “Ogonek”, “Russkoe Bogatstvo” and “Russkaya Mysl’” as well as opinions of Russian travelers, the growing awareness of Russian public about Albania and Albanians is shown.
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Batakovic, Dusan. "Serbia, the Serbo-Albanian conflict and the First Balkan War." Balcanica, no. 45 (2014): 317–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1445317b.
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After the restoration of Serbia in 1830, the areas of medieval Serbia left out of her borders were dubbed Old Serbia - Kosovo, Metohija, Rascia (the former sanjak of Novi Pazar and the neighbouring areas). Old Serbia (from 1877 onwards the vilayet of Kosovo) was dominated by local Albanian pashas, whereas the Christian Orthodox Serbs and their villages were attacked and pillaged by Muslim Albanian brigands. The religious antagonism between Muslims and Christians expanded into national conflict after the 1878 Albanian League had claimed the entire ?Old Serbia for Greater Albania?. The position of Christian Orthodox Serbs, who accounted for a half of the population at the end of the nineteenth century, was dramatically aggravated due to Muslim Albanians' tribal anarchy, Austria-Hungary's pro-Albanian agitation and, after 1908, frequent Albanian rebellions. All efforts of Serbia to reach a peaceful agreement with Muslim Albanian leaders in Old Serbia before the First Balkan War had ended in failure. The First Balkan War was the most popular war in Serbia?s history as it was seen as avenging the 1389 Battle of Kosovo which had sealed the Ottoman penetration into the Serbian lands. In October 1912, Serbia liberated most of Old Serbia, while Montenegro took possesion of half of the Rascia area and the whole of Metohija. While the decimated and discriminated Serb population greeted the Serbian and Montenegrin troops as liberators, most Albanians, who had sided with the Ottomans, saw the establishment of Serbian rule as occupation.
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Volodko, Anna. "Russian Red Cross Society and the Balkan Wars 1912—1913: the Test Before the Storm." ISTORIYA 14, no. 5 (127) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840026726-7.
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At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Russian Red Cross Society (RRCS) was one of the largest national organisations of the international Red Cross movement. In addition to helping victims of various disasters in Russia, medics from the RRCS helped victims of armed conflicts abroad. Following the Russo-Japanese War, serious shortcomings were identified in the Society&apos;s activities and major organisational reforms were undertaken to increase the scale and effectiveness of its work. The first humanitarian operation of RRCS outside Russia, after its reorganization, was the sending of numerous medical missions to the theatre of the First Balkan War on September 25, 1912 — 17 May 1913. During the Second Balkan War from 29 June to 29 July 1913, RRCS missions operated on both sides of the front. The increased efficiency of RRCS, the dedication and professionalism of Russian doctors allowed the Society&apos;s missions in the warring countries to successfully cope with their tasks, making up for the shortcomings of the local military-medical services to a great extent, providing aid to tens of thousands of the wounded and sick. The Balkan campaign made it possible to introduce post-reform organisational innovations on the eve of the First World War.
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Radic, Prvoslav. "From the history of Serbian question in Macedonia: Culturological aspect." Balcanica, no. 32-33 (2002): 227–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0233227r.
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Contemporary Serbian Question in Macedonia is most closely related to major political events in the Balkans in 19th and 20th centuries. Starting from the social and historical processes in this region of the Balkans, the author examines this question through several fundamental periods, wishing to look into the status of Serbian population in Macedonia of the time against this background. The first period began with the First Serbian Uprising (1804) heralding the creation of the first free Serbian state in the Balkans, and ended with the conclusion of Liberation Wars (1878) leaving considerable Serbian territories liberated. The second period started at the time of conclusion of liberation wars and lasted till the beginning of the Balkan Wars in 1912. The third period was the one from the conclusion of Balkan Wars till the end of World War II (1945). The fourth period commenced at the end of World War II and lasted till the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. The last, fifth period refers to the contemporary state of affairs in the Republic of Macedonia since the disintegration of the SFRY, i.e. the independence of the Republic of Macedonia in 1991. The analysis of the status of Serbian Question here is predominantly related to the culturological aspect through examining the circumstances in education literature, and in culture in general. It shows that the status of Serbian ethnic minority in Macedonia was closely related to social, historical and political setting in these areas of the Balkans. In the new social and political environment, the status of the remaining Serbian ethnic minority in Macedonia is uncertain. In the recent decades, unstable political circumstances in this area have had adverse effects on the presence of Serbian ethnic element in Macedonian territories, even more so since it fails to receive sufficient national support from both sides.
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Clemens, Walter C. "Ethnic peace, ethnic conflict: Complexity theory on why the Baltic is not the Balkans." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 43, no. 3 (2010): 245–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2010.07.003.
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As Communist rule weakened across East Central Europe and new governments emerged, the Baltic region differed from the Balkans in two ways that need to be explained. The first difference was the near absence of ethnic violence in Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania – compared to civil and cross-border war in most of the former Yugoslavia. The second contrast was the rapid consolidation of democracy and market economics in the Baltic countries compared to halting movements toward political and economic freedom in most Balkan polities.
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Jung, Sang-Su. "July Crisis in 1914 between the Third Balkan War and the First World War." Korean History Education Review 125 (March 31, 2013): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.18622/kher.2013.03.125.293.
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Michailidis, Iakovos. "A ten years’ war aspects of the Greek historiography on the First World War." Balcanica, no. 49 (2018): 171–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1849171m.
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This article tries to provide an evaluation of the Greek historiography on the First World War (WWI) and to illustrate its various research stages and trends. It is argued that the Greek historiography mainly approaches WWI and Greece?s involvement not as an international, but as a domestic phenomenon. Greek involvement in WWI has been looked at through the lens of the Asia Minor Catastrophe in 1922, an episode of the ten-year war of the Greek army starting with the triumphant Balkan Wars and ending with the defeat in the Asia Minor Campaign in 1922.
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HADJIKOSEV, Roman. ""BALKAN COMEDY" BY BORYU ZEVZEKA - ASPECTS OF THE COMIC." Ezikov Svyat volume 19 issue 3, ezs.swu.v19i3 (October 1, 2021): 133–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/ezs.swu.bg.v19i3.15.
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The article presents a little-known Bulgarian literary work, the play "Balkan Comedy" by Boris Rumenov (Boryu Zevzeka). It was written during the Balkan Wars (1912-1918) and presents the relations between the Balkan states at that time in an allegorical way. The play is the most popular work of Boris Rumenov, who, before and after the wars, was the editor-in-chief of one of the most successful humorous newspapers in Bulgaria called "Drum". He and Stoyan Shakle, one of Rumenov’s closest friends, who wrote for the newspaper, founded a touring theater. They performed all over the country for years and the most popular play was "Balkan Comedy". During the First World War, the play was performed on all fronts of the Bulgarian army, usually by amateur actors, and it generated incredible enthusiasm and patriotic inspiration, thus enjoying a huge success. "Balkan Comedy" was an essential part of the theatrical performances, which also included songs, sketches, recitations and other popular forms of entertainment. As it reflected the actual historical events, the play was presented in its first three acts until 1918, and after the end of the war, the author added a fourth act, which, however, had a different emphasis from the end of the third one.
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Kalinin, A. A. "U.S. plans to internationalize the containment of the USSR in the Balkans in the first half of the 1950s." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 6 (2020): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-6-75-53-76.
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The article examines the actions of the US diplomacy aimed at strengthening the US military and political presence in the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean in the first half of the 1950s. The United States began creating mechanisms for mobilizing its allies to contain possible Soviet aggression in the event of a new local conflict on the Balkan Peninsula. This policy led to the need to develop plans for internationalization of alleged conflict. The author uses materials from the US National Archives, the State Archive of the Russian Federation, the electronic archives of the Central Intelligence Agency, North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the US National Security Council, as well as published sources. Special attention is paid to the position of the United States Joint Chiefs of Staff on military strategy in the Eastern Mediterranean. The outbreak of the Korean War became an important milestone in American politics not only for the Far East, but also for other regions of the world. In the Balkans, the Americans were mostly afraid of the aggression of Soviet “satellites” against Greece and Yugoslavia. In response, in the early 1950s the United States formed a new security model in the Balkans, which based on a differentiated approach: Greece became a member of NATO, while Yugoslavia entered the anti-Soviet Balkan Pact affiliated with NATO. Yugoslavia became a bridge between the NATO countries – Italy and Greece. Documents held in the US National Archives show that American military leaders spoke out in favor of Yugoslavia’s membership in NATO and insisted on coordinating the military plans of Italy, Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey. The author concludes that the rapprochement of Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey was situational. The improvement of the situation in the Balkans after the death of Joseph Stalin led to the collapse of the Balkan Pact. The analysis of American policy in the Balkans made it possible to contribute to the study of the means and methods used by the United States to internationalize military conflicts in various regions of the world in the mid-twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.
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Tomanić, Boris. "THE RELATIONS BETWEEN YUGOSLAVIA AND BULGARIA DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR (1939-1945): GENERAL REVIEWS AND ANALYSES." Istorija 20. veka 41, no. 2/2023 (2023): 323–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2023.2.tom.323-344.
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With reference to the unpublished archival materials, the published sources and relevant literature, the article gives a general outline of the relations between two neighboring Balkan states during the Second World War. The first part of the text gives a general overview of how Yugoslavia and Bulgaria found themselves on opposite sides. Then, in the second part, attention is dedicated to the Bulgarian military and civilian apparatus in the annexed and occupied area and to the war crimes against the civilians. In the specific circumstances of the Second World War in the Balkans, the influence of the great powers was decisive, so third segment of the work analyzes their very complex relations towards institutions, groups and individuals from Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. The last part of the article shows the rapprochement of the two countries and the establishment of the diplomatic relations on the end of the Second World War.
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PERKINS, JAMES. "THE CONGO OF EUROPE: THE BALKANS AND EMPIRE IN EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY BRITISH POLITICAL CULTURE." Historical Journal 58, no. 2 (2015): 565–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000260.
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AbstractThis article explores early twentieth-century British political and humanitarian engagement with the Balkans. It focuses on the Balkan Committee, a liberal pressure group that served as the main hub for British interest in the region in the decade before the First World War. Whilst drawing attention to the specific challenges presented by the Balkans to the British liberal mind, it is argued that the Balkan Committee was part of a wider movement of humanitarianism and political activism that encompassed both continental and colonial questions. The issues around which the committee campaigned are related to humanitarian protests against the use of forced labour in Africa, in particular the Congo Reform Association, as well as to the Persia Committee, formed in protest against the 1907 Anglo-Russian agreement. This approach highlights how ‘Europe’ and empire were interconnected agendas within an overarching liberal-internationalist worldview and reformist conscience, despite the different cultural lenses through which humanitarian questions in different parts of the globe were viewed. It is suggested that research into British interaction with the Balkans offers a fruitful means by which to integrate historical analysis of the continental and imperial aspects of Britain's external relations in the ‘age of empire’.
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Kotov, Boris S. "“Germany and the Balkan Feud”: The Russian Press Assessment of German Policy During the Two Balkan Wars of 1912–1913." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 3 (July 19, 2024): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0130386424030094.
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By analysing leading Russian newspapers on the eve of the Great War, the author illustrates the perception of German policy by Russian public opinion during the two Balkan wars of 1912–1913. He concludes that during the ten months of the Balkan crisis, the attitude of the Russian press towards Germany underwent a significant transformation. In the first two months of the Balkan War (October and November 1912), when Berlin was not openly declaring its support for Austrian claims, one could find favourable comments on German policy in Russian newspapers. The attitude of the Russian press to Germany shifted in a negative direction under the influence of Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg’s speech in the Reichstag on 2 December 1912, when for the first time since the beginning of the Balkan War Berlin publicly declared its readiness to back its Austrian ally’s claims with arms in hand. Russian society experienced even greater disappointment in German politics after the start of the London Meeting of Ambassadors, at which the German representative supported the proposals of the Austrian side, and after a new speech by Bethmann-Hollweg in the German parliament on April 7, 1913, when the Reich Chancellor declared “racial opposites” between the Slavic and German peoples and laid full responsibility for maintaining a tense the situation in Europe affects the pan-Slavic circles of Russia. These two speeches by the head of the German government and Berlin’s support for Austrian claims at the London Conference were negatively perceived by the overwhelming majority of the Russian press. At the same time, the disagreements between Germany and Austria-Hungary that emerged during the Bucharest Peace Conference and immediately after it gave the Russian press reason to declare a serious crisis of the Triple Alliance. The article concludes that there was a significant increase in anti-German sentiment in Russia under the influence of German behavior during the Balkan crisis of 1912–1913. Thus, the two Balkan Wars became an important milestone not only in the history of international relations at the beginning of the 20th century, but also in the propaganda preparations for the First World War.
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Basciani, Alberto. "Beyond nationalism? The inter-war period and some features of the complex transformation of southeastern Europe." Balcanica, no. 55 (2024): 185–209. https://doi.org/10.2298/balc2455185b.
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In Southeastern Europe, the end of the First World War marked a profound geopolitical transformation and the start of an important and conflicting process of modernisation of the economic, social and political structures of the countries in the region. Agrarian reforms, changes in political structures, increasing urbanisation, population growth, and ad hoc legislation for minority rights protection were some of the most important issues addressed in those years. This essay aims to elucidate the main knots and contradictions in the internal and international life of the countries of Balkan Europe, showing how efforts to change political and social structures encountered enormous obstacles in the intrinsic weakness of those socio-economic structures, but also in the will of important segments of the Balkan ruling classes, especially those who had realised the nationalistic dreams of the decades before the Great War, to reassert the supremacy of their respective power and ethnic groups. Yet there were changes, and important ones at that. In foreign policy, for example, the Balkans was the only region in Europe where an attempt was made to turn the so-called ?spirit of Locarno? into a concrete achievement, albeit unsuccessfully.
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Erickson, Edward J., and Richard C. Hall. "The Balkan Wars, 1912-1913: Prelude to the First World War." Journal of Military History 65, no. 2 (2001): 516. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677204.
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Glišić, Iva, and Tijana Vujošević. "Zenitism and orientalism." Zbornik Akademije umetnosti, no. 9 (2021): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zbaku2109029g.
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Reflecting on the centenary of the birth of Zenitism, this essay examines how the movement engaged with stereotypes about the Slavic Orient, and in particular the discourse on Balkanism. The European orientalist reading of the Balkans became especially profound in years surrounding the World War I. Seeking to invert derogatory characterisations of the Balkan Peninsula, Zenitists would embark on a mission to "Balkanise Europe" by presenting the artist from the East as a rejuvenating, revolutionary force emerging from a cultural tabula rasa. Zenitism sought to destabilise the dominant Orient-Occident discourse by establishing parallels between existing negative stereotypes of the Balkans and the aesthetic tropes of the European avantgarde. Specifically, Zenitists established the Balkan "Barbarogenius" as the archetypal modernist primitive - precisely the figure conjured by the European intelligentsia as the saviour for its listless modern condition. In addition, the Zenitist movement established an analogy between the hallmark fragmentation of the Balkans and the cultural cacophony of the avant-garde. The political and aesthetic strategies of the movement, the authors assert, bear a striking similarity with those of the Black Atlantic, and its 'in-betweenness'-its ambition to straddle two opposing worlds. Organised around its eponymous journal Zenit, which was conceptualised as "the first Balkan journal in Europe and the first European journal in the Balkans," Zenitism employed European avant-garde aesthetic strategies while simultaneously rejecting European claims to cultural supremacy. For Yugoslav, Soviet, and Western European audiences, the journal had two parallel goals: the creative "Balkanisation" of Europe, and a commitment to dismantling Yugoslav "nesting orientalisms" by fighting against the reproduction of negative stereotypes among the region's own inhabitants. Against a backdrop of European crisis and a global demand for a renewed emancipatory struggle, the ambition of Zenitism holds strong appeal today.
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Lyulchak, Alexander. "Imagining an imminent Victory: an imagological analysis of the Ottoman caricature of the beginning of the First Balkan War." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 4 (April 2022): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2022.4.36384.
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The article presents the results of the study of the images of the Ottoman caricature of the initial period of the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) from the point of view of the efficiency and effectiveness of the work of the Ottoman military propaganda. Starting with the Russian-Turkish War of 1877-1878. The Ottoman Empire did not win a single war. In many ways, the reason for the defeats of the Ottoman Empire was its technological backwardness from other countries. By the time the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913 began, propaganda had already been spread throughout Europe as a purposeful method of fighting against the enemy. Nevertheless, by the beginning of the 1910s, the Ottoman Empire also had propaganda tools and knew how to use them. Methodologically, the article is based on the tools of imagology, the essence of which is to study the nature, character, purpose and meaning of the image. This approach makes it possible to decode caricature images of Ottoman magazines in more detail. The author examines the issue of efficiency and effectiveness of Ottoman propaganda in coverage through the caricature prism of the initial period of the Balkan Wars (1912-1913). The results of the analysis of the cartoons show to what extent the Ottoman propaganda was able to use the mechanisms available to it to mobilize the masses within the country. Special attention is paid to the cartoons of the Balkan Wars from the magazines "Cem" ("Cem") and "Black-eyed" ("Karag&#246;z"), one of the most popular publications of the early 1910s. They allow us to see how the Ottoman visual propaganda was used in the period before the First World War (1914-1918), which remains little studied in Western and Russian Ottoman studies.
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Frolov, Vasily. "The image of Bulgaria on the pages of the newspaper «Russian invalid» during the First World War (1916–1917)." Metamorphoses of history, no. 32 (2024): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/s241436770030800-0.
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The article examines and analyzes the image of Bulgaria, which was created by domestic journalists on the pages of the periodical «Russian invalid» during the First World War (1916–1917), when the Russian Empire was in active military confrontation with the countries of the Quadruple Alliance, and the Bulgarian Kingdom, being a member of the military-political alliance of the Central Powers, actively participated in military operations on the Thessaloniki Front against Russia’s allies – Serbia and Romania. Correspondents of the «Russian invalid» on the pages of their publication in 1916–1917. Attention was paid to Bulgaria, but to a much lesser extent than to Germany, Austria-Hungary and Turkey. Most of the information about the Bulgarian Kingdom was posted in the headings «External News», «Military Review», «Balkan Peninsula» and «Serbian Front». Based on the results of the analysis of the materials presented on the pages of «Russian invalid», the following distinctive features of the image of Bulgaria formed by the journalists of this newspaper in 1916–1917 were identified: - a minor ally of the Hohenzollern Empire on the Balkan Peninsula, which was under complete control from Berlin; - a country that sought to realize its territorial claims through participation in the world war; - a state that had great political ambitions, but did not have the necessary resources to achieve them; - a country in which there was no public consensus regarding the participation of their armed forces in the war on the side of the Quadruple Alliance. In conclusion, it is concluded that the Bulgarian Kingdom in «Russian invalid» appeared as a state that sought to defend its state interests, including trying to revise the results of the Second Balkan War, which were perceived by the Bulgarian political elite as «the first national catastrophe».
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Kovic, Milos. "Austria-Hungary’s “civilizing mission” in the Balkans a view from Belgrade (1903-1914)." Balcanica, no. 48 (2017): 107–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1748107k.
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The conflict between Serbia and Austria-Hungary in the years preceding the First World War is looked at in the global context of the ?age of empire?. The Balkans was to Austria-Hungary what Africa or Asia was to the other colonial powers of the period. The usual ideological justification for the Dual Monarchy?s imperialistic expansion was its ?civilizing mission? in the ?half-savage? Balkans. The paper shows that the leading Serbian intellectuals of the time gathered round the Srpski knjizevni glasnik (Serbian Literary Herald) were well aware of the colonial rationale and ?civilizing? ambitions of the Habsburg Balkan policy, and responded in their public work, including both scholarly and literary production, to the necessity of resistance to the neighbouring empire?s ?cultural mission?.
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Oczko, Anna. "Aromanian – Language or Dialect? Overview of Historical and Contemporary Opinions." Romanica Cracoviensia 21, no. 2 (2021): 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843917rc.21.011.14066.
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This article aims at presenting two concepts from the modern typology of the Romance languages, with a special focus on the Aromanian ethnolect. The first concept, which is widely accepted in the Romanian linguistics and was most prevalent before the Second World War, does not recognise Aromanian as a separate language, but treats it as one of four dialects of the Romanian language. The second movement, much closer to modern Romanist research at the international level, opts for a full autonomy of all Balkan Romance ethnolects and attributes to them statuses of national languages. It also negates the existence of a common Romanian language in the first millennium, arguing that the Balkan Romance languages developed independently from a late form of Balkan Latin around the 11th century.
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Gusev, Nikita. "Appeals to the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878 in times of military conflicts of the first half of the 20th century." Slavs and Russia, no. 2019 (2019): 342–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8570.2019.15.
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This article examines the emergence of the memory of the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-1878 in Russia in the fi rst half of the twentieth century. It considers the three key, non-anniversary, and therefore in their true colours, mentions of the war - the Balkan wars, the First World War and the entrance of the Red army into the territory of Bulgaria in 1944. The difference between those moments is traced, the instrumental nature of historical memory is also high-lighted.
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Micu, Andrei Alexandru. "The Post-Conflict Reconstruction and the Implications of Kosovo-Serbia Tensions for the Regional Security." Euro-Atlantic Studies, no. 1 (2018): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31178/eas.2018.1.6.
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The Western Balkans is an area of discontinuity in terms of European integration, the state of the affairs representing a direct effect of the civil war that led to the collapse of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The concerns about the Balkan geopolitical climate dominate the last decade of the 20th century, with the humanitarian implications that exacerbated nationalism episodes brought to the forefront, at a time when the Communist regimes were already gone, and the Euro-Atlantic integration was the goal the main post-revolutionary agenda at the East. The study case follows the security impact that the of Kosovo-Serbia binomial has, the first being the province that later became a self-governing state, at the periphery of European construction, but with the security guaranteed by NATO's permanent mission on site. The specificity of the developments between Belgrade and Pristina is one of the issues to be considered when analyzing the European paradigm on the medium and long-term developments of the region is debated. At a time when European actors continue to develop a common identity based on secular European ideas, Kosovo is one of the exceptions that come to confirm the rule. Therefore, European integration must be doubled by redrawing intra-regional relations, with the aim of reconciling and normalizing relations.On the other hand, the phenomenology in Yugoslavia is a complex one, practically distinguishing an overlapping of processes: the fall of communism, the collapse of federal statehood, territorial secessionism among the hereditary republics, and then a civil war between the former Yugoslavia. From a historical perspective, the Balkan space is one of the most animated spaces of the nationalist movements, movements on the basis of which we have paradoxical processes: the formation of the state entity after the First World War, and its disintegration with the end of the Cold War.
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Dopchie, Robert, and Liridon Lika. "The EU Enlargement Strategy in the Western Balkans: Assessing the Implications Amidst the War in Ukraine." European Foreign Affairs Review 29, Issue 2 (2024): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2024007.
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This article critically examines the impact of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on European Union (EU) policies pertaining to the Western Balkan states, namely Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia. While the EU has long embraced a normative approach towards the Western Balkan region, the article argues that the Union is undergoing a profound shift towards a more geostrategic and geopolitical policy orientation. By employing an extensive analysis of the existing literature and first-hand data, this article makes a valuable contribution to the academic debates surrounding the EU’s enlargement policy (EEP), particularly focusing on its inherent limitations as a normative power. The findings reveal significant inconsistencies within the EU’s treatment of individual Western Balkan countries, with notable concessions being disproportionately granted to Serbia at the expense of the Union’s credibility. It exacerbates the pressure faced by the Western Balkan region, consequently providing fertile ground for Russia to exploit and amplify its illiberal influence in the area.
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М. Максимовић, Горан. "ПРИКАЗ ВЕЛИКОГ РАТА У КЊИЗИ ЖИВОТ ЧОВЕКА НА БАЛКАНУ СТАНИСЛАВА КРАКОВА". ИСХОДИШТА 1, № 7 (2021): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.46630/ish.7.2021.10.
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The paper analyzes the review of the Great War (1914-1918) in the memoir book The Life of a Man in the Balkans, by the writer Stanislav Krakov (1895-1968), which he wrote most probably between 1936 and 1968, and was published from a manuscript legacy three decades later after his death, in 1997. Krakov directly participated as a participant at the front in three wars, the First and Second Balkan Wars and the Great War, during which he was severely wounded three times and awarded several times for heroism. The subject of our special analysis is a review of events from the First World War. This refers primarily to the mobilization and war operations in 1914, and then to the withdrawal of the serbian army at the end of 1915 and the beginning of 1916 through Montenegro and Albania, all the way to the Greek island of Corfu. Krakov presented the most complete picture of the war operations in the records from the Salonica Front (1916-1918), as well as in the review of the war operations for the liberation of the entire country until the end of 1918. It is one of the most exciting books of Serbian documentary-artistic prose written in the 20th century, in which the features of autobiographical-memoir and novel prose intersect in a creative way.
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Van Hartesveldt, Fred. "Herrmann, The Arming Of Europe And The Making Of The First World War." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 23, no. 2 (1998): 89–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.23.1.89-90.
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Even a freshman student of European history can make a list of crises that led up to World War I, including the two Moroccan confrontations, the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the Balkan Wars. To read the Table of Contents in David Herrmann's new book one might think that he had done no more than trace this familiar pattern as so many have in the past. Herrmann has, however, done much more.
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Jovanović, Srđan. "Discursive Historical Continuities: Serbian Nationalist Discourse in the Printed Media on the Brink of the First Balkan War (1912) in Comparison with Today." Supplement 9, no. 1 (2021): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.37710/plural.v9i1s_4.
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This article explores the 1912 print media in Serbia in their relation to the Balkan Wars, comparing the nationalist topoi with the contemporary age and contemporary national groups. It analyzes the content of several articles printed in papers such as Illustrated War Chronicle (Ilustrovana ratna kronika) and the Serbian newspaper (Srpske novine), juxtaposing their discourse with contemporary Serbian nationalism. The primary sources from 1912 have not been discussed in scholarship, except a few mentions. It shows that after a century since the Balkan Wars has passed, the nationalist discourse has remained more than similar, using the same historical pathos of victimhood and “othering” of the Enemy
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Robertson, James. "Imagining the Balkans as a Space of Revolution: The Federalist Vision of Serbian Socialism, 1870–1914." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 31, no. 2 (2017): 402–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417701815.
Full textAbstract:
Between the years 1870 and 1914, leftist intellectuals in the Kingdom of Serbia theorized and promoted a project of Balkan Federation as a strategic priority in the social, economic, and political transformation of the region. This article offers a genealogy of these federalist ideas and places them in dialogue with rival projects of regional unification in the Balkans and Eastern Europe during the long nineteenth century. It begins by developing a typology of federalist projects in Europe, categorizing these according to the underlying models of sovereignty upon which they were founded. I identify four categories: revolutionary-republican, imperial-reformist, imperial-irredentist, and revolutionary-social. Instead of organizing these federalisms according to their authors’ ideological commitments (socialist, nationalist, pan-Slavic) or their geographic scope (Balkan, Danubian), the article argues that examining their respective models of sovereignty offers intellectual historians a more productive approach to identify the unexpected convergences and divergences of federalist projects during this period. The article then moves into a discussion of the development of Serbian socialist ideas of Balkan Federation, beginning first with the work of Svetozar Marković (1846–1875) and then turning to the writings of the fin de siècle Social Democratic Party in the decade before World War I. Situating this genealogy of socialist Balkan federalism in its broader European intellectual milieu, I use the above typology to identify the ways in which Serbian socialists converged and diverged from contemporary federalist projects, including the reformist ideas of the Austro-Marxists, the irredentist strategy of the Serbian Progressive Party, and the republican ideas of Karel Kautsky.
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Leković, Žarko. "An Overview of Political, Diplomatic and Social Affairs in Montenegro on the Eve of the First World War." Zgodovinski časopis 78, no. 1-2 (2024): 148–66. https://doi.org/10.56420/zgodovinskicasopis.2024.1-2.05.
Full textAbstract:
The military circles of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy knew Montenegro was exhausted in the Balkan wars and that it was incapable of war, unless it received help and reorganized its army. In February 1914, prominent deputies in the Montenegrin National Assembly pointed out the danger of the impending ‘because the atmosphere smelled like gunpowder’. During this period, numerous Serbs from Boka and Bosnia and Herzegovina fled to Montenegro because they refused to fall into the hands of the Austro-Hungarian authorities and be tortured. Montenegro approached the Entente in the First World War, fought alongside Serbia against the Austro-Hungarian army and mobilized about 54,000 people. It declared war on Austria-Hungary on 6 August 1914.