To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: First Emperor of China.
Journal articles on the topic 'First Emperor of China'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'First Emperor of China.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Nickel, Lukas. "The First Emperor and sculpture in China." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 76, no. 3 (October 2013): 413–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x13000487.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractSculpture as an artistic medium was widely employed in the arts of Greece and the Hellenistic East, but played only a minor role in ancient East Asia. This changed dramatically with the First Emperor of China who marked his ascent to the throne in 221 bc with the erection of giant bronze sculptures outside his palace and the installation of thousands of terracotta figures in his tomb. The current text sets out to investigate the sudden and short-lived surge of sculpture making in third-century bc China and places it in the context of developments across Asia of the time. The text joins art historical, archaeological and textual evidence to investigate whether the First Emperor's extraordinary interest in sculpture may have been the result of contacts with the contemporary Hellenistic world.
2
Shih, Chih-Yu, and Chihyun Chang. "THE RISE OF CHINA BETWEEN CULTURAL AND CIVILIZATIONAL RATIONALITIES: LESSONS FROM FOUR QING CASES." International Journal of Asian Studies 14, no. 1 (January 2017): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591416000231.
Full textAbstract:
The rise of China is a major feature of global politics at the beginning of the twenty-first century, and one that raises the question of how a rising China and global politics will adapt to each other. This study argues that historical cases are also useful in addressing this question. Four cases are compared: two during the reign of Emperor Xianfeng and another two under the rule of Emperor Guangxu. Emperor Xianfeng's view of China was that it possessed a unique culture that should be separated from alien forces, which he intuitively conceived as different, whereas Emperor Guangxu accepted exchanges with the West as a civilization and was willing to learn from them as a cultural resource. Despite this difference in their political perspectives, both emperors similarly faced constraints to their power in implementing their policies. Two cases are selected for each emperor to demonstrate how they acted differently from a cultural orientation of estrangement and exchange on one hand as well as a position of strength and weakness on the other. This comparative study provides insights into how China in the twenty-first century adapts to its expanding influence.
3
Neglinskaya, M. A. "Часовая коллекция Цяньлуна (1736–1795): первое собрание европейского искусства в Китае." Iskusstvo Evrazii [The Art of Eurasia], no. 4(19) (December 30, 2020): 168–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46748/arteuras.2020.04.014.
Full textAbstract:
Many of European clocks in the Beijing’s Palace Museum (Gugong) were made in second half of the 18th century, by the Qing Emperor Qianlong’s governing (1736–1795), when an exotic “Chinese style” (chinoiserie) in the decorative arts was at its height. The research methodology proposed below, which combines art history and cultural analysis, allows us to see, that the Palace Collection’s mix determined evolution of the clock’s industry in China and some European lands, who took part in the international clock and watch market. In forms and decor of Chinese clocks the 18th century were reflected the change of European market. Together with western mechanical clock, being at the same time scientific device and work of decorative art, the European styles system was by ritual participation admitted in China. В статье показано, что западная часовая коллекция Цяньлуна (1736–1795), явившаяся первым в империи Цин (1644–1911) собранием произведений европейского искусства, связана с художественным рынком и феноменом шинуазри. Предложенная ниже методология, сочетающая искусствоведческий и культурологический подходы, позволяет увидеть, что состав этой коллекции повлиял на развитие производства механических часов в самом Китае и западных странах — участницах международного рынка искусств XVIII века. Собирательство механических хронометров в государстве Цин было обусловлено ритуализацией часов, устранившей проблему дуализма китайского и западного начал в цинской культуре и искусстве.
4
Scelzo, Tracy, and Dawn Lerman. "Little Emperors grown up: a case study of cosmetic usage." Young Consumers 10, no. 2 (June 12, 2009): 110–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17473610910964697.
Full textAbstract:
PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explore how the pressures of being a Little Emperor in a rapidly changing society are reflected in consumer experiences, particularly in the meanings attached to products and brands. The paper aims to focus on young adults in urban China, specifically young professional women.Design/methodology/approachThe subject was shadowed at work for two weeks during the Spring of 2007 and for an additional two weeks during the Spring of 2008. Social interactions and purchasing behavior were carefully observed, as well as conducting a series of informal interviews. During the Summer of 2008, a formal, in‐depth interview was conducted with an informant in the USA.FindingsThe unique pressures of growing up as a Little Emperor in a changing society are widely reflected in product usage and are ways in which to ease the tension and anxiety associated with the pressure of maintaining expectations from friends, family, and society.Research limitations/implicationsThe study focused on a single informant who, while on the surface appearing to represent adult Little Emperors, may in fact have different attitudes from her contemporaries. It would be interesting to investigate the degree to which parallel themes occur in the male market, namely what categories young urban professional men who were raised as Little Emperors use to express themselves.Practical implicationsThe research provides insights into some of the conflicting expectations derived directly from the experience of growing up as a Little Emperor. It translates these insights into practical recommendations for various aspects of marketing and advertising cosmetic products in China, thus allowing multinationals to build successful marketing campaigns that appeal to managing these conflicting expectations.Originality/valueThe paper is the first work on the consumer experiences of urban young adult Little Emperors, specifically young professional women.
5
Robert L. Thorp. "The First Emperor: China's Terracotta Army, and: The Terracotta Army: China's First Emperor and the Birth of a Nation, and: The First Emperor of China (review)." China Review International 15, no. 3 (2009): 411–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.0.0185.
Full text
6
James, N. "Great Men in the jungle of nations." Antiquity 84, no. 323 (March 1, 2010): 236–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00099907.
Full textAbstract:
Moctezuma, Aztec ruler was the last of four big temporary exhibitions about ‘world rulers’ that the British Museum has put on in the past three years. Moctezuma was the king who received Cortés and the Conquistadores in 1519 and was killed the next year in their custody. The previous three exhibitions were on the First Emperor of China, the Roman Emperor, Hadrian, and Shah ‘Abbas, respectively. Hadrian and The First Emperor were archaeological (James 2008a, 2008c). So was Moctezuma. It ran from September 2009 to January 2010.Kingship is evidently in vogue among London’s galleries. During The First Emperor’s showing, Tutankhamun entertained on the other side of the river (James 2008b); and the Victoria & Albert Museum mounted Maharaja during Moctezuma’s run. There are good reasons for thinking about kings in any society, regardless of political constitution, because, in their coronations, their deeds and their deaths or funerals, they are ‘collective representations’. Whether as heroes or as scapegoats, democracies tend to promote ‘celebrities’ by the same token and, as well as governing, perhaps monarchs, ancient or contemporary, served and serve that function too. Historians, sociologists and anthropologists have tackled these themes through comparison and so have archaeologists, with epigraphy, iconography and the excavation of palaces and tombs (Blanton et al. 1996; Quigley 2005).
7
Lung, Rachel. "Perceptions of translating/interpreting in first-century China." China and Chinese 11, no. 2 (September 2, 2009): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/intp.11.2.02lun.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyzes evidence of translating and interpreting activities (indiscriminately referred to as yi (譯), which also denotes translators or interpreters in classical Chinese) in first-century China between the Latter Han (25–220 AD) Chinese administration and non-Han Chinese minority tribes along the then Southwestern frontier (modern Yunnan and Sichuan provinces). The importance of this archival record to the historical study of translation and interpreting is two-fold. First, it contains crucial details pertinent to translating and interpreting activities in China in antiquity. Second, it documents concepts of yi synchronically, as perceived by three main participants in the interpreting events: the emperor, the frontier inspector, and the frontier clerk cum interpreter. The presentation of what they actually wrote, said, and did in the first-century interpreting setting in China, with close reference to standard histories, objectively depicts the meanings of yi as perceived by these figures at the time.
8
Li, Chenguang. ""A vos el poderoso y muy estimado Rey de la China". Primera embajada Regia de Felipe II con destino a la China de la Dinastía Ming: origen, preparación y abandono = First Embassy of Philip II destined for the Chinese Ming Dinasty: origin, preparation and adandonment." Estudios Humanísticos. Historia, no. 15 (June 6, 2017): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/ehh.v0i15.5049.
Full textAbstract:
<p>El presente artículo analiza un acontecimiento significativo pero poco conocido: la primera embajada que Felipe II envió a China. Através de las fuentes relativas a esta expedición, podemos contemplar cómo funcionaba la administración de la Castilla del siglo XVI en lo que concierne a los asuntos diplomáticos. Además, cabe<br />prestar especial atención a la carta escrita por Felipe II y dirigida al emperador de China. Con ella, no solo podemos ampliar nuestros conocimientos sobre el monarca hispano en relación con sus perspectivas sínicas, sino que también nos permite observar las estrategias y los métodos adoptados para crear contactos con aquel imperio.</p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>The present article analyzes a profound significance but rarely known historical event: The first diplomatic mission of the Emperor Philip II sending to China.<br />We can approach and understand the decision-making mechanism of the Spanish government to complete such diplomatic missions in sixteenth century. In addition, Philip II once wrote to the Chinese emperor one letter, through which we can not only know the Spanish monarch´s familiarity and relevant knowledge of China, but also can observe the methods and tactics that Philip II used in his attempt to establish diplomatic<br />relations with that Empire.</p>
9
Shi, Jie. "INCORPORATING ALL FOR ONE: THE FIRST EMPEROR'S TOMB MOUND." Early China 37 (September 30, 2014): 359–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eac.2014.14.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe towering earthen mound standing at the center of the First Emperor of Qin, Qin Shihuangdi's (259–210 b.c.e.) Lishan necropolis at present-day Lintong in Xi'an, Shaanxi province was arguably the single greatest burial marker in ancient China. For centuries, this gigantic unopened monument has sparked curiosity and aroused interest among people regarding its nature. Without physically damaging the target, in 2001–2003 Chinese archaeologists used a new geophysical remote sensor to scan the surface of the mound, digitally probed into its inner structure, and detected a nine-stepped wall that bounds an aboveground burial shaft stretching down deep into the ground. This novel structure begs the following questions: what are the basic elements of this tomb mound, how do they work together within a coherent plan, and why was it made?Based on previous scholarship, this article conducts a more thorough analysis of the tomb mound and compares it with the excavated Eastern Zhou royal tombs of the Qin, Wei, Zhao, Qi, Chu, Han, Yan, and Zhongshan states. The results demonstrate that rather than following a single model of a single state, the Lishan tomb mound incorporated almost all the major features of its Eastern Zhou predecessors, including but not limited to the external tumulus, the internal stepped wall or terrace, simulated galleries, and the freestanding ritual halls. This article argues that by creatively incorporating all the provincial ingredients into one imperial unity, the complex tomb mound unified multiple funerary practices of China. What's more, the tomb mound, most likely constructed after Qin's political unification of China in 221 b.c.e., perfectly embodies the new notion of empire and the political ambition of the First Emperor who strove throughout his life for becoming the “first” in Chinese history by merging all the past traditions.
10
Walravens, Hartmut. "Copper-engraving in China: The First Chinese-European Co-Operative Project in the Field of Art." Art Libraries Journal 22, no. 1 (1997): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307472200010269.
Full textAbstract:
While copper-printing can be traced back to the Yuan Dynasty in China, the art of copper-engraving was introduced by the Italian missionary, Matteo Ripa, in 1711. The first work to be printed with this new technique was Illustrations of 36 Vista ofthejehol Palace (1712). The Qianlong emperor wanted pictures of his military campaigns in Eastern Turkestan engraved on copper, and so he arranged for a series of sixteen engravings to be executed in Europe. Following the success of this initiative, pictures of his subsequent military exploits were engraved on copper by Chinese artists. Thus, while the West learned a great deal from China about paper and printing, copper-engraving is a technique which China acquired from the West in spite of a supposed lack of interest in the West.
11
Jami, Catherine. "The Reconstruction of Imperial Mathematics in China During the Kangxi Reign (1662-1722)." Early Science and Medicine 8, no. 2 (2003): 88–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338203x00026.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractContrary to astronomy, the early modern Chinese State did not systematically sponsor mathematics. However, early in his reign, the Kangxi Emperor studied this subject with the Jesuit missionaries in charge of the calendar. His first teacher, Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688) relied on textbooks based on Christoph Clavius' (1538-1612). Those who succeeded Verbiest as imperial tutors in the 1690s produced lecture notes in Manchu and Chinese. Newly discovered manuscripts show Antoine Thomas (1644-1709) wrote substantial treatises on arithmetic and algebra while teaching those subjects. In 1713, the emperor commissioned a group of scholars and officials to compile a standard survey of mathematics (Shuli jingyun, "Essential principles of mathematics"). This work opened with the claim that mathematics had its roots in Chinese Antiquity. However, it can be shown that the Jesuits' lecture notes were the main source of the Shuli jingyun. The reconstruction of mathematics under Kangxi's patronage is thus best characterised as the imperial appropriation of Western learning.
12
Niziolek, Lisa C. "Terracotta Army: Legacy of the First Emperor of China by Jian Li, and Hou-mei Sung." China Review International 23, no. 3 (2016): 287–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2016.0130.
Full text
13
Xu, Zhi, Fan Zhang, Bosong Xu, Jingze Tan, Shilin Li, Chunxiang Li, Hui Zhou, et al. "Mitochondrial DNA Evidence for a Diversified Origin of Workers Building Mausoleum for First Emperor of China." PLoS ONE 3, no. 10 (October 1, 2008): e3275. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0003275.
Full text
14
Crowe, David M. "War Crimes and Genocide in History, and the Evolution of Responsive International Law." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 6 (November 2009): 757–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903230777.
Full textAbstract:
War crimes and genocide are as old as history itself. So are regulations and laws that protect individuals during time of war, whether they be combatants or civilians. The Chinese philosopher Sun Tzu wrote in the fifth century BCE that it was important to treat “captured soldiers well in order to nurture them [for our use]. This is referred to as ‘conquering the enemy and growing stronger.'” Yet several centuries later, Qin Shi Huangdi, China's first emperor, committed horrible atrocities during his military campaigns to unite China. Eric Yong-Joon Lee adds that it should be remembered that the Qin emperor also created that country's “first managed international legal order.” But, according to Robert Cryer, it was the West, not Asia, that created the world's first “international criminal law regime.” This “regime,” R. P. Anand argues, was, in many ways, a form of“Victor's Justice“ or “ruler's law,” since it was forced on Asia and Africa by the West in the nineteenth century.
15
Parveen, Khalida, and Huma Akram. "Insight of Chinese culture by viewing historical picture of Qin Dynasty." Journal of Social Sciences Advancement 2, no. 1 (March 20, 2021): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.52223/jssa21-020103-08.
Full textAbstract:
Over the centuries, China still respectfully treasures rich Asian cultures, traditions, and customs. China is now famous all over the world for its mysterious wonders and cultural & natural heritages such as the Great Wall, the Forbidden City, the Terracotta Army, etc. The Chinese history is full with the exposition of outstanding features of Chinese culture such as great thoughts of Confucius, religious beliefs, traditional festivals and customs e.g., Chinese new year, language and calligraphy e.g., Shu Fa, four great inventions of ancient China e.g., papermaking, printing, gunpowder and the compass, traditional architecture and sculpture, traditional art forms, etc. The era of history of China before the time in power of Qin dynasty is known by name as the period of Warring States. This period started from 475 BC and ends at 221 BC. Seven Warring States were included in it i.e. Qin, Wei, Han, Yan, Chu, Zhao, and Qi. Zheng was the King of Qin, who started his journey to triumph over 6 states in the period of 230 BC. Qin was the 1st emperor of this unified state of China. Thus he was known by the name of “First Emperor of Qin” or “Qin Shi Huang”. This study provides a deep insight of Chinese history and it is illustrated that major achievements in Chinese culture and history are contributed in the era of Qin dynasty.
16
Baaquie, Belal Ehsan, and Qing-Hai Wang. "Chinese Dynasties and Modern China: Unification and Fragmentation." China and the World 01, no. 01 (March 2018): 1850003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2591729318500037.
Full textAbstract:
The history of China is briefly reviewed to ascertain the features that are common to the various dynasties. Our study shows that China has repeatedly gone through a historical phase of fragmentation and a historical phase of unification. In our view, the single most important factor in the unity, stability and longevity of a dynasty is the system for determining the succession of the emperor. Given the vastly changed circumstances of the present era, we discuss the relevance of China’s historical pattern of fragmentation and unification. The contemporary rise of China is shown to follow a pattern that is similar to the case of many previous dynasties. A few tentative predictions are made about the future course of China. An appendix provides a brief summary of the history of China since its first unification in 221 BC.
17
Mazur, Mary G. "Intellectual Activism in China During the 1940s: Wu Han in the United Front and the Democratic League`." China Quarterly 133 (March 1993): 27–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100001818x.
Full textAbstract:
The relationship of the intellectual in China to society and state has been a complex problem throughout this century. An individual's relationship to the state in China is influenced by separate – and often contradictory – sources from within their individual social context, and from traditional political culture. Not the least of these influences was the ancient moral responsibility of the literati to critically advise the emperor on the rule of the country. During the unrelenting crises of the 1940s, people had heightened political concern, and many became politically active. Even those formerly aloof from politics became involved for the first time.
18
Shumin, Wang, and Penelope Barrett. "Profile of a Daoyin Tradition: The 'Five Animal Mimes'." Asian Medicine 2, no. 2 (July 16, 2006): 225–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157342106780684710.
Full textAbstract:
According to the Lingshu 靈樞 (Numinous Pivot) section of Huangdi neijing 黃 帝內經 (The Inner Canon [of Medicine] of the Yellow Emperor), the Yellow Emperor (said by legend to have reigned c. 2698–2599 BCE) read all the remedy literature, and distilled from it five methods of treating illness. The first of these was Daoyin xingqi 導引行氣 (Guiding and stretching and moving qi). This article traces the history of the daoyin exercise traditions involving animal impersonation from pre-Qin China to the present day. It uncovers a tale of transformation, on the one hand indicative of the therapeutic power invested in animals in early Chinese culture, and on the other of a practice sufficiently plastic to lend itself to unarmed combat and community sports-an emblem at once of self-determination and conformity.
19
Fujiwara, Aya. "The Myth of the Emperor and the Yamato Race: The Role of the Tairiku nippô in the Promotion of Japanese-Canadian Transnational Ethnic Identity in the 1920s and the 1930s." Montreal 2010 21, no. 1 (May 9, 2011): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1003042ar.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the role that the Japanese-Canadian (first-generation) issei press, the Tairiku nippô, played in transnational ethno-racial identity, focusing on the myths of the Emperor and the Yamato race. The newspaper is an invaluable source that shows Japanese Canadians’ self-image that emerged in response to intense anti-Asianism in British Columbia during the 1920 and the 1930s. The press incorporated politicized images and stories, which integrated the Emperor and Japanese racial roots into its editorials and columns, boosting their sense of racial pride. Hirohito’s daijôsai of 1928 and Japan’s invasion of the Manchuria in 1931 served as the best opportunities to spread their myths and symbols. The newspaper also became a space where Japanese Canadians could freely express their opinions and feelings for their homeland through essays and poems, without facing any criticisms from mainstream British Columbians. An examination of such messages reveals that Japanese-Canadian Buddhist issei, and some nisei, who had strong affiliation with the Tairiku nippô, maintained their loyalty to the Emperor, and expanded the idea that they were part of the noble Yamato race. Their ideology was a factor that prompted them to support and justify Japan’s invasion of China.
20
Hanson, Marta. "The Golden Mirror in the Imperial Court of the Qianlong Emperor, 1739-1742." Early Science and Medicine 8, no. 2 (2003): 111–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338203x00035.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn the last month of 1739, the third of the Manchu rulers, the Qianlong emperor (r. 1736-1795), ordered the compilation of a treatise on medicine "to rectify medical knowledge" throughout the empire. By the end of 1742, eighty participants chosen from several offices within the palace bureaucracy based in Beijing completed the Golden Mirror of the Orthodox Lineage of Medicine, the only imperially commissioned medical text the Qing government's Imperial Printing Office published. The Golden Mirror represents both the limitations in the power of the Qianlong emperor and the dominance in the Manchu court of Chinese scholarship from the Jiangnan region during the first decade of his reign. Chinese scholars participating in the compilation of the Golden Mirror fashioned a medical orthodoxy for the empire in the mid-eighteenth century from regional trends in scholarship on history and the classics centered in the Jiangnan region since the sixteenth century. The Golden Mirror is an illuminating example of how medical scholars participated in the formation of evidential scholarship in early-modern China and why Manchu patronage, southern Chinese scholarship, and medical orthodoxy coalesced in the imperial court of the Qianlong emperor.
21
Xiong, Victor Cunrui. "Sui Yangdi and the Building of Sui-Tang Luoyang." Journal of Asian Studies 52, no. 1 (February 1993): 66–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2059145.
Full textAbstract:
Sui-tang luoyang, built IN 605–6 as the eastern capital of the Sui dynasty and subsequently the eastern capital of the Tang dynasty, was one of the great cities of medieval China. Almost as soon as it was built to the taste of Emperor Sui Yangdi (r. 604–17), Luoyang became the second largest city in China, surpassed only by Daxingcheng-Chang'an, the first capital, which had been built by Yangdi's father. Both cities were objects of scholarly interest as early as the eighth century when, in 722, Wei Shu completed his Liangjing xinji [A new record of the two capitals] (Fukuyama Toshio).
22
Delporte, Dominiek. "Precedents and the Dissolution of Marriage Agreements in Ming China (1368–1644). Insights from the “Classified Regulations of the Great Ming”, Book 13." Law and History Review 21, no. 2 (2003): 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3595093.
Full textAbstract:
After a period of Mongolian rule during the Yüan Dynasty (1279–1368), the first Ming emperor, T'ai-tsu, tried to build a new empire on a solid footing. From the start, he paid a lot of attention to legislation as a means of guaranteeing stability in the empire. The emperor's concern for stability resulted in an imperial decree stipulating that the Ming Code, established and adapted under his supervision, had to remain unchanged for the remainder of the dynasty. As social and economic evolutions called for modifications in the Ming legislation, a way had to be found to introduce these changes. This article examines how a number of so-called “precedents,” relating to dissolution of marriage and engagement on the initiative of women and their natal families, were proposed and adopted during the mid-Ming period. By looking into the individual proposals, we will try to find the specific problems that threatened a consistent application and enforcement of these precedents.
23
Liu, Li. "Who were the ancestors? The origins of Chinese ancestral cult and racial myths." Antiquity 73, no. 281 (September 1999): 602–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00065170.
Full textAbstract:
Ancestor worship has been a dominant religious form in ancient as well as modern China. It has shaped thought and behaviour for millennia, and has been used by élites as propaganda legitimizing their political positions. Ancestors can be created and modified, so the nature of the ancestral cult has changed through time. Using archaeological data from China, this article first enables an exploration of the earliest manifestations and the development of ancestor-worship ritual in the Neolithic period; secondly, demonstrates that lineage/tribal ancestors became state deities in the Shang dynasty (c. 1600-1100 BC); and, thirdly, investigates the process in modern history by which a legendary sage, the Yellow Emperor, was first transformed into the progenitor of the Han Chinese, and then into the common ancestor of all Chinese people.
24
Steinmüller, Hans. "'Father Mao' and the Country-Family." Social Analysis 59, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sa.2015.590406.
Full textAbstract:
What does it mean when Mao Zedong is called 'Father Mao' and when ordinary people in central China put a poster of Mao in the place of their ancestors and the emperor? This article analyzes ordinary affection for the Chinese state and explores changing ideas of the leader as a father and the country as a family. The first part deals with the historical transformation of these metaphors from the late Qing dynasty to the Communist Revolution and Maoism, describing the vernacularization and sentimentalization of the 'Confucian order of the father/son' in twentieth-century China. Against this historical background and based on fieldwork material from central China, the second part deals with the 'mixed feelings' that people in the present day now have for fathers at home, for local officials, and for national leaders.
25
Truong, Le Quang. "Vuong Huu Quang and his poems inspired on the ambassador trip to China." Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 4, no. 4 (December 6, 2020): First. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjssh.v4i4.599.
Full textAbstract:
Vuong Huu Quang 王有光, with courtesy name Dung Hoi用晦 and poetic name Te Trai 濟齋, was a high-ranked mandarin of the Nguyen Dynasty. He was born in Tan Duc Village, Tan Long District, Phien An Town, Gia Dinh Province, Southern Vietnam, into a family of the Ming-Dynasty immigrants who originated from CangZhou County, Fujian Province. Vuong Huu Quang held many important positions in the imperial court across various localities and traveled to China for diplomatic mission twice in the fifth year of Thieu Tri Emperor (1845) and from the seventh year of Thieu Tri (1847) to the first year of Tu Duc Emperor (1848). His name, however, is unfamiliar to Vietnamese modern readers due to his limited written legacy, most of which was lost in history. Researchers have known of only two steles poems he left in China, one engraved on a stele in Wuxi and the other in the Yue Fei Temple. Upon reading the old collection Viet Nam Han van Yen hanh van hien tap thanh 越南漢文燕行文獻集成, I discovered that Vuong Huu Quang and his co-worker Pham Chi Huong enjoyed writing and responding in poetic form during their diplomatic trips to China. This article introduces several more poems of Vuong Huu Quang to expand our understanding of another Southern Vietnamese poet who have been mostly covered by time, and provides a brief analysis on the poetic style that Vuong Huu Quang and Pham Chi Huong applied in portraying historical figures.
26
Ganiev, R. T. "THE CONFRONTATION BETWEEN THE TURKS AND THE SUI DYNASTY IN 609 – 617." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, no. 2 (June 29, 2017): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2017-2-24-29.
Full textAbstract:
The article studies the events of the military confrontation between the Shibi Qaghan and Sui Dynasty in 609 – 615 AD. It shows the political situation in China whose deterioration led to the political upheaval in 617 AD and the young Tang Dynasty came to power. By the end of the Sui Dynasty period there were more than 200 organized armed gangs that were tearing the empire apart and often found support from the Turks. In 615 AD the Turks also surrounded Emperor Sui Yangdi in the fortress of Yanmen and thereby put an end to his political career. At the beginning of VII century the Eastern Turk Empire had a great military and political influence in Central Asia and posed a threat to its neighbors. Along with the separatists who opposed the Sui Dynasty, the military governor Taiyuan Li Yuan sought the assistance of the Turks. He formed an alliance with them, and the Turks supported his nomination as the new ruler of China. Thus, in the events of 609 – 617 AD the Eastern Turks played a key role, and contributed to the deterioration of the situation at the end of the Sui Dynasty as well as to the ascent to power of the future first emperor of the new Tang Dynasty, Li Yuan.
27
Vladymyrov, Volodymyr. "The History of Chinese Pre-Journalism by Professor Li Liangrong: from Emperor Qin Shi Huang to Qin Dynasty." Scientific notes of the Institute of Journalism, no. 3/4 (72/73) (2018): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2522-1272.2018.73.1.
Full textAbstract:
The article represents the new facts, phenomena and trends on the early stages of Chinese journalism formation, taken from several sources, mainly (and for the first time in Ukrainian journalism studies) from the textbook on journalism theory of journalism by the Professor Li Liangrong from Fudan University (the People’s Republic of China). This is not the first attempt in Ukrainian journalism studies to learn how the Chinese pre-journalism was developed. However this is the first translation from the Chinese fragments of the text-book “Introduction to Journalism” as one of the most popular textbooks in China that was developed on the basis of scientific traditions of the famous Missouri School of Journalism in the United States. The translation from Chinese language is provided with the comments giving an opportunity to see theoretical basis of the historical aspect of formation of the media of one of the world’s superpowers, as well as the views of researchers of this country on the history of their own media, how they interpret the historical component of the contemporary Chinese journalism research. For translation, we have chosen the textbook by Professor Li Liangrong, one of the most authoritative representatives of the“old” elite of the Chinese journalism theory. The article cites the most important positions of the history of Chinese pre-journalism. For this purpose, the views of the Chinese author are the subjects to critical commenting. The historical researches from origin of the Chinese lettering to the beginning of the Qin Empire, the last imperial dynasty of China was described and commented. The article provides the Ukrainian reader with the opportunity to see for the first time in detail what views the prominent Chinese theorist has on how the history of journalism in this country arised and what are the conclusions of historical experience during this period according to Chinese colleagues. The article will also help Ukrainian media historians to understand better their own achievements and the lessons of our pre-history journalism development.
28
Chin-Hsiung, Hsü, and James C. H. Hsu. "21. An Epigraphic Interpretation of Historical Stages in Ancient Chinese History." Early China 9, S1 (1986): 48–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362502800003084.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTSince the end of the Warring States period (221 B.C.), the traditional history of China has always been said to have begun with the “Three August Sovereigns” and the “Five Emperors.” The stages in Chinese civilization were thus personified and ancient society was conceived of as having been ruled by an uninterrupted line of emperors. This early period of Chinese history may be divided into three periods, each of which may be typified by one oracle-graph.The first period is the era of the legendary personages. This is before the period of the Yellow Emperor and may be represented by the oracle-bone graph for “sage.” The second period is the era of the emperors who created social institutions, an era which may be represented by the oracle-bone graph for “jade pendant.” The final period is the era of authentic dynastic history, covering the Hsia, Shang, and Chou dynasties. This period may be represented by the oracle-bone graph for “king.”The oracle-bone character for “sage” is a pictograph of a man with extremely keen hearing. This implies exceptional physical or mental capabilities which would enable that person to bring great benefits to the community. This period of the sage saw the invention and development of a series of technological skills and tools which improved the standard of living of the community, but the stage had still not been reached when the social system necessary for political organization could come into being; that is to say, society had not yet reached the stage of true civilization.
29
MIN, Xinhui. "Preaching the Gospel in China: Changes in the Concept of “Gospel” since the 17th Century." Cultura 16, no. 2 (January 1, 2019): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/cul022019.0008.
Full textAbstract:
This paper focuses on the change of the meaning of “gospel” in Chinese context since the 17th Century. In the late Ming dynasty, Catholic missionaries were the first to translate “gospel” into Chinese with their writings about the Bible. Then the term became intermingled with traditional Chinese belief of seeking blessings. After the ban on Christianity imposed by the Emperor Yong Zheng, Chinese Catholics hid their faith and disguised it as Buddhism, Taoism and folk religions. At the end of the 19th century, “gospel” was connected to colonialism and became a trigger for Sino-Western conflict. The critique of and hostility toward the term abruptly arose. In the 20th century, “gospel” turned into a new concept, which went beyond its religious connotation and gradually referred to all kinds of “good news”.
30
Weingarten, Oliver. "Frances Wood: The First Emperor of China. ix, 209 pp. London: Profile Books, 2007. £15.99. ISBN 978 1 84668 032 8." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 71, no. 1 (February 2008): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x08000323.
Full text
31
Di, He. "The Most Respected Enemy: Mao Zedong's Perception of the United States." China Quarterly 137 (March 1994): 144–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100003407x.
Full textAbstract:
Mao Zedong's key concern in his analysis of the United States was always how to estimate American influence on the survival and security of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and, after 1 October 1949, of the People's Republic of China (PRC). But on 21 February 1972, Richard Nixon, the first American president ever to set foot on Chinese soil, began what he called “the week that changed the world.” This was also perhaps the most significant day in the 200-year history of Sino-U.S. relations. To prepare for it Nixon read extensive background materials on China, listened to specialists' advice on how to deal with his Chinese counterparts, and even practised eating with chopsticks. Nevertheless, he still felt nervous, fearing that he might be subjected to the humiliation previously encountered by Western barbarians who had journeyed to the court of the Chinese Emperor in an earlier age.
32
Suraeva, Natalia. "PUSHKIN AND CHINA." Scientific and analytical journal Burganov House. The space of culture 17, no. 1 (March 10, 2021): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36340/2071-6818-2021-17-1-145-160.
Full textAbstract:
The literary heritage of Alexander Pushkin is well known to a wide range of readers. A line in a letter to Count A. Benckendorff, written in January 1830 and in which Pushkin asks permission to let him go to China, attracts attention. The purpose of the article is to try to find out what reasons prompted Pushkin to make such a request. It is essential to understand the age during which the poet lived. The fascination with Chinese culture came to Russia from France, which significantly impacted Russia’s life in the 18th–19th centuries. Chinese goods, the so-called Chinese rarities, began to appear in Russia even during Peter I’s reign, who often gave orders to buy them for the St. Petersburg Kunstkamera. Exotic things from China were delivered to St. Petersburg by caravans from Beijing through Siberia and the Urals or by sea on ships of the East India Company through Western Europe. Empress Catherine II set the fashion for interiors in the Chinese style: the Chinese Palace (1762–1768) appeared in Oranienbaum; Chinese buildings, the largest complex of buildings in the Chinese style, appeared in Tsarskoe Selo. There, in Tsarskoe Selo, in 1811, Emperor Alexander I established the Imperial Lyceum, in which Alexander Pushkin studied, and where, undoubtedly, the poet’s first encounter with the Middle Kingdom occurred. At this time, Russian periodicals also paid much attention to China. In them, articles about the trade of Europeans in China, about porcelain and silk factories, as well as about the wisdom of Chinese rulers and moral instructions for posterity began to be published. Pushkin read a lot and could not have been unaware of these publications. The acquaintance of Pushkin with monk Father Iakinf (N. Bichurin), an outstanding Russian sinologist, had a significant influence on the poet. Father Iakinf was appointed the Head of the ecclesiastic mission in Beijing in 1807 and lived there until 1821. As the examination of Pushkin’s library shows, the poet had Bichurin’s books about China. Also, he read Jean-Baptiste Du Halde’s book The General History of China in the Russian translation known at that time. As the study shows, Pushkin was interested in China and was going to visit it; however, fate had its own plans.
33
Schneider, Cynthia P., and Michael D. McDonald. "“The King of Terrors” Revisited: The Smallpox Vaccination Campaign and its Lessons for Future Biopreparedness." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 31, no. 4 (2003): 580–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2003.tb00125.x.
Full textAbstract:
“Smallpox was always present, filling the churchyard with corpses, tormenting with constant fear all whom it had not yet stricken, leaving on those whose lives it spared the hideous traces of its power, turning the babe into a changeling at which the mother shuddered, and making the eyes and cheeks of the betrothed maiden objects of horror to the lover.” In 1848, British historian T.B. Macaulay first captured the picture of the devastation smallpox wreaked on its victims, but the “King of Terrors,” as it was dubbed by future president John Adams, had already decimated populations in the ancient world from Greece to Egypt to China. Smallpox had no respect for authority: the earliest identified victim, Pharaoh Ramses V (d.1157 B.C.) was but the first in a long line of monarchs and rulers who succumbed,. including the Hittite king Suppiluliumas I, Aztec Emperor Cuitlahuac, and Queen Mary II of England.
34
Новікова Ольга. "ЦІНСЬКИЙ ФАРФОР ІЗ НАДПОЛИВ'ЯНИМ РОЗПИСОМ ЕМАЛЕВИМИ ФАРБАМИ (FAMILLE ROSE) З КОЛЕКЦІЇ НАЦІОНАЛЬНОГО МУЗЕЮ МИСТЕЦТВ ІМЕНІ БОГДАНА І ВАРВАРИ ХАНЕНКІВ." World Science 2, no. 1(41) (January 31, 2019): 33–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_ws/31012019/6304.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with the works of polychrome painted Chinese porcelain created in the Qing era from the Bohdan and Varvara Khanenko Museum of Arts. Each product is analyzed in terms of its color, decoration and image scenes. Attention of the author is focused on symbolic images, among which are anthropomorphic, zoomorphic and vegetative motifs, end variations of the so-called Chinese still life.As a result of the study, three items of Chinese polychrome porcelain with super-polished painted enamel paints were analyzed. The disclosure of semantic content, symbols and semantics of artistic decorations created on the basis of the Chinese religious and mythological beliefs, as well as literary and artistic works has been revealed. The attribution of products based on comparison with similar items from collections of world museums has been specified. The origin of the image of «Chinese woman with a child», which was commonly used during the reign of Emperor Yongzhen and his successor Qianlong, is related to several factors. First, creating a cycle of «Twelve Beauties at Leisure Painted for Prince Yinzhen, the Future Yongzheng Emperor», images of which have been reflected in numerous repetitions, in particular, on porcelain products. Secondly, the spread of European Christian missionaries in China with European models with the image of the Virgin Mary and the infant Christ, which could be the starting point for the spread of the Chinese «prototype» of a woman with one or two children.
35
Plowright, Poh Sim. "The Birdwoman and the Puppet King: a Study of Inversion in Chinese Theatre." New Theatre Quarterly 13, no. 50 (May 1997): 106–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x0001099x.
Full textAbstract:
Poh Sim Plowright recently spent six weeks in Quanzhou, in the Fujian Province of China, watching the puppeteers, actors, and audiences of her native Fujian theatre tradition. Here she was able to observe at first hand the principle of inversion that, she believes, underlies all Chinese theatre: and in the following article she argues that this principle is clearly illustrated by the string puppet and human theatres of Quanzhou, whose origins can be traced to the official ‘Pear Garden Theatre’ set up in the eighth century by the Tang Emperor, Ming Huang. Theatre in this part of South China is, Plowright suggests, living testimony to the continuing basis of Chinese theatre in the practice of ancestor worship, through which most performances become sacrificial offerings – a connection she believes Brecht to have missed in his celebrated confrontation with Chinese acting techniques in Moscow in 1935. Poh Sim Plowright is Lecturer in Oriental Drama and Director of the Noh Centre in the Department of Drama, Theatre, and Media Arts at Royal Holloway, University of London. She is the author of a book on the Noh, and also of several plays and features on theatrical subjects for BBC Radio Three.
36
MORRIS, JAMES HARRY. "The Figures of Kōho and Li-mi-i, and the Origins of the Case for a Christian Missionary Presence in Tenpyō Era Japan." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 27, no. 2 (February 10, 2017): 313–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186316000511.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn 1916 P.Y. Saeki devoted a page of his book “The Nestorian Monument in China,” to a short thought experiment which linked a Persian by the name of Li-mi-i 李密翳 who was present in Emperor Shōmu's 聖武天皇 court and whose arrival was mentioned in the Shoku Nihongi 続日本紀 with a priest named on the Nestorian Stele. Since that first suggestion, several scholars have expounded the idea that Li-mi-i and another figure who arrived alongside him, Kōho Tōchō 皇甫東朝, were Christians and/or missionaries. In this paper I assess these claims, returning to the Shoku Nihongi in order to suggest that there is a lack of data to establish them as true. I then seek to explore the origins of this theory situating it within the joint context of Japan's imperial expansion and her modernization. Whilst the latter cannot be conclusive, I hope that it may shed light on the significance of the theory which can be seen as a search to discover Japanese history, a statement of the equality between Japanese and Western histories, or an attempt to justify imperial aims in China academically.
37
ZHANG, DEWEI. "Where the Two Worlds Met: Spreading a Buddhist Canon in Wanli (1573–1620) China." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 26, no. 3 (February 26, 2016): 487–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186315000498.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe imperial bestowal, as a major way of distributing the Buddhist canon, profoundly affected the contours of Buddhism in late imperial China. But why did the inner court engage in the distribution? How did it choose the recipient from the outside world? How was it possible for an aspirant to the canon to win out among the competitors? These questions concern the dynamics and mechanism behind the diffusion of the canon. They also cast new light on the relationship between Buddhism and the state and local society by revealing how the two otherwise separated worlds interacted. This paper is intended to tackle these unexplored questions by examining the extensive bestowal of the Ming Beizang during the Wanli court (1573–1620). It first makes a survey, revealing how uneven the distribution was in terms of both time and region. It then explores the motives of the imperial members as patrons in the context of court politics. Its focus, however, is on the agents and elements working behind the selection of the beneficiaries, and how their interplays conditioned the influence of the canon in local societies. In the process, the roles of the emperor, court women, eunuchs, officials, monks, and local elites are all examined.
38
Ge (葛兆光), Zhaoguang. "Imagining a Universal Empire: a Study of the Illustrations of the Tributary States of the Myriad Regions Attributed to Li Gonglin." Journal of Chinese Humanities 5, no. 2 (July 6, 2020): 124–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-12340077.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article is not concerned with the history of aesthetics but, rather, is an exercise in intellectual history. “Illustrations of Tributary States” [Zhigong tu 職貢圖] as a type of art reveals a Chinese tradition of artistic representations of foreign emissaries paying tribute at the imperial court. This tradition is usually seen as going back to the “Illustrations of Tributary States,” painted by Emperor Yuan in the Liang dynasty 梁元帝 [r. 552-554] in the first half of the sixth century. This series of paintings not only had a lasting influence on aesthetic history but also gave rise to a highly distinctive intellectual tradition in the development of Chinese thought: images of foreign emissaries were used to convey the Celestial Empire’s sense of pride and self-confidence, with representations of strange customs from foreign countries serving as a foil for the image of China as a radiant universal empire at the center of the world. The tradition of “Illustrations of Tributary States” was still very much alive during the time of the Song dynasty [960-1279], when China had to compete with equally powerful neighboring states, the empire’s territory had been significantly diminished, and the Chinese population had become ethnically more homogeneous. In this article, the “Illustrations of the Tributary States of the Myriad Regions” [Wanfang zhigong tu 萬方職貢圖] attributed to Li Gonglin 李公麟 [ca. 1049-1106] and created during the period between the Xining 熙寧 [1068-1077] and Yuanfeng 元豐 [1078-1085] reigns of the Shenzong emperor 神宗 [r. 1067-1085] of the Song dynasty, is used as a case study for investigating the actual tributary relations between the Northern Song [960-1127] state and its neighboring countries. In doing so, I demonstrate that while certain parts of the “Illustrations of the Tributary States of the Myriad Regions” are historically accurate, a considerable portion of the content is the combined product of historical remembrance and the imagination of empire. In the international environment of the Song empire, China was captivated by the dream of being a universal empire envied by its “barbarian” neighbors. Particularly worth emphasizing is the fact that the artistic tradition of painting “Illustrations of Tributary States” as well as the accompanying idea of China as a universal empire continued well into the Qing [1644-1911] period, reflecting the historical longevity and lasting influence of the traditional conception of the relationship between China and the world.
39
Yang, Weiyu. "The Sequence of Loyalty and Filial Piety and Its Ideological Origins in the Traditional Ethical Culture of China and Japan." ETHICS IN PROGRESS 10, no. 2 (October 10, 2019): 155–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/eip.2019.2.13.
Full textAbstract:
The traditional ethical culture of Japan is under the influence of Chinese Confucian culture. However, due to differences in historical tradition and social structure, in traditional Japanese culture, “loyalty”, as the highest value, is in preference to “filial piety” and it lays a foundation for universal moral principles of the society; while in the Chinese Confucian culture, “filial piety” is regarded as the first and “loyalty” is the natural expansion of “filial piety”. The main reason is the influence of the indigenous Shinto in traditional Japanese culture. After the internalization of the indigenous Shinto and the Tennoism as well as the indoctrination of over 600-year ruling of the samurai regime, “loyalty”, as the national cultural and psychological heritage, has the religious and irrational mysterious color, which is different from the secularization and the practical rationality of the pre-Qin Confucian ethics of China. Loyalty to the emperor and devotion to public interests advocated by Bushido is an important characteristic of traditional Japanese ethical culture, and the religious and absolute understanding of “loyalty” is hidden with the risk of nationalism and irrationality.
40
Kaziev, Eduard V. "Materials of the Chinese official chronicles of the imperial dynasties Song and Yuan on the time of the massacre of the Alan warriors during the Mongol conquest of Southern China." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 4(2020) (December 25, 2020): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2020-4-31-38.
Full textAbstract:
Based on the information presented in the official chronicles of the Chinese imperial dynasties Song and Yuan, the author discusses the issue of the time of the massacre of the Alan warriors in Mongol service, that occurred during their occupation of the southern Chinese city of Zhenchao. The study of this issue seems relevant, since the information of the mentioned Chinese official chronicles, in the same way conveying the general plot of this event, diverges in the designation of its time, attributing it to different reign years of the first emperor of the Yuan dynasty Kublai (Shi-zu) and to one of the years of the sixteenth emperor of the Song Dynasty Zhao Xian (Gong of Song). The materials for the study were the original texts of the official “History of Song [Dynasty]” and the “History of Yuan [Dynasty]” as well as some other Chinese written sources. The study introduces new information from sources about this event, which have not previously been translated into Russian. A brief historiographic review of this issue is given. The purpose of the study is to definite the time of the massacre of Alan warriors in Southern China. In the course of the study the inductive method, the method of comparative historical analysis, systemic chronological and retrospective analytical methods were applied. It was found that the information about the time of the event in question contained in various sections of the “History of the Yuan [Dynasty]” is erroneous, while the similar information about the time of the event in question contained in the “History of Song [Dynasty]” is correct, as it was indicated by P. Pelliot. The translation of the latter information into the modern chronology system allows to determine the time of this historical episode on April 28, 1275.
41
Kaziev, Eduard V. "Materials of the Chinese official chronicles of the imperial dynasties Song and Yuan on the time of the massacre of the Alan warriors during the Mongol conquest of Southern China." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 4(2020) (December 25, 2020): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2020-4-31-38.
Full textAbstract:
Based on the information presented in the official chronicles of the Chinese imperial dynasties Song and Yuan, the author discusses the issue of the time of the massacre of the Alan warriors in Mongol service, that occurred during their occupation of the southern Chinese city of Zhenchao. The study of this issue seems relevant, since the information of the mentioned Chinese official chronicles, in the same way conveying the general plot of this event, diverges in the designation of its time, attributing it to different reign years of the first emperor of the Yuan dynasty Kublai (Shi-zu) and to one of the years of the sixteenth emperor of the Song Dynasty Zhao Xian (Gong of Song). The materials for the study were the original texts of the official “History of Song [Dynasty]” and the “History of Yuan [Dynasty]” as well as some other Chinese written sources. The study introduces new information from sources about this event, which have not previously been translated into Russian. A brief historiographic review of this issue is given. The purpose of the study is to definite the time of the massacre of Alan warriors in Southern China. In the course of the study the inductive method, the method of comparative historical analysis, systemic chronological and retrospective analytical methods were applied. It was found that the information about the time of the event in question contained in various sections of the “History of the Yuan [Dynasty]” is erroneous, while the similar information about the time of the event in question contained in the “History of Song [Dynasty]” is correct, as it was indicated by P. Pelliot. The translation of the latter information into the modern chronology system allows to determine the time of this historical episode on April 28, 1275.
42
Miyajima, Hiroshi. "THE EMERGENCE OF PEASANT SOCIETIES IN EAST ASIA." International Journal of Asian Studies 2, no. 1 (December 10, 2004): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147959140500001x.
Full textAbstract:
In the recent debates about Confucianism and its role in East Asian economic development, there has been little discussion about why East Asian societies embraced Confucian values in the first place. Here, “Confucian” refers particularly to the ideas of the Song dynasty Zhu Xi school (neo-Confucianism) which became associated in China with the shidafu scholar-bureaucrat class. Zhu Xi political philosophy was anchored in a centralized governing bureaucracy under the emperor, and differed markedly from political ideals underlying medieval feudal society in Europe, for example. Land-ownership was not a condition of shidafu status, and there is only a partial resemblance between the Chinese landowner and European feudal ruling strata. In Japan and Korea, notwithstanding the fact that neo-Confucianism was an imported philosophy and there arose discrepancies between its ideas and social reality, it sank deep roots into both societies. This paper looks at the conditions that allowed this to happen, and concludes that the spread of Confucian ideas depended on structural changes in Korea and Japan that were similar to those that had occurred in China. It is in the emergence of peasant society that we find the key to such changes. This, I contend, is a far more important watershed than the one that divides early-modern and modern.
43
Yao, L. Z., X. Q. Li, J. G. Wang, S. Y. Chen, and X. J. Wang. "First Report of Telosma Mosaic Virus Infecting Emperor’s Candlesticks (Senna alata) in China." Plant Disease 103, no. 3 (March 2019): 594. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis-04-18-0706-pdn.
Full text
44
Jinjing, Xu. "Probe into the Origin of Personal Pronoun “朕” (zhèn)." Sinología hispánica 5, no. 2 (March 1, 2018): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/sin.v5i2.5411.
Full textAbstract:
<p align="LEFT"> </p><p><span style="font-size: xx-small;">In Chinese, "</span><span style="font-family: ..e..Þ..,..e..r..; font-size: xx-small;" lang="JA"><span style="font-family: ..e..Þ..,..e..r..; font-size: xx-small;" lang="JA">朕</span></span><span style="font-size: xx-small;">" (</span><em><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS,Trebuchet MS; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS,Trebuchet MS; font-size: xx-small;">zhèn</span></span></em><span style="font-size: xx-small;">) is a very special personal pronoun. Since the First Emperor of Qín, in the long history of two thousand years in China, it has always existed as the privilege pronoun of the emperor. So, why two thousand years ago, before the emperor to set the word, but not other words? The word "</span><span style="font-family: ..e..Þ..,..e..r..; font-size: xx-small;" lang="JA"><span style="font-family: ..e..Þ..,..e..r..; font-size: xx-small;" lang="JA">朕</span></span><span style="font-size: xx-small;">" has any special meaning and role? This article attempts to analyze the use of the Chinese characters in Oracle and concludes the results of the reconstructions of Old Chinese in recent years. This article attempts to analyze the use of the Chinese characters in Oracle and concludes the results of the reconstructions of Old Chinese in recent years. It is preliminarily thought that the character "</span><span style="font-family: ..e..Þ..,..e..r..; font-size: xx-small;" lang="JA"><span style="font-family: ..e..Þ..,..e..r..; font-size: xx-small;" lang="JA">朕</span></span><span style="font-size: xx-small;">" represented by the Chinese characters are not just the forms of </span><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS,Trebuchet MS; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS,Trebuchet MS; font-size: xx-small;">first-person pronouns, but two: one for the first-<span style="font-size: xx-small;">person pronouns are qualified, the other for the first-person pronouns contrastive form. At the same time, we try to propose two suffixes */</span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,Times New Roman; font-size: xx-small;" lang="JA"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman,Times New Roman; font-size: xx-small;" lang="JA">ɯ</span></span><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS,Trebuchet MS; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS,Trebuchet MS; font-size: xx-small;">/ and */m/.</span></span></span></span></p>
45
PARK, Jong-seong. "GON, WOO, SEONDO GODDESS, AND CHINESE LEGENDS ABOUT PEOPLE IN KOREAN MYTHOLOGY." International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences 1 (November 4, 2016): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/kr.2015.01.03.
Full textAbstract:
Gon and Woo are mythological persons who were born in China and who performed all their tasks there. That is why they are present in Korean myths from time to time, for instance in the myth about Dangun or the kingdom Goguryeo, and finally they achieve universality and credibility. On the other hand the holy mother Seondo was the daughter of the Chinese emperor who acquired supernatural powers and went to Korea where she stayed. Consequently Koreans did not know much about what she did in China. As a result she became accepted by Koreans as the common goddess of mountains called differently in different regions. From the point of view of the Korean nation Ju Wonjang and Seol Ingwi are heroes from China but at the same time despite being persons of low birth as commonalty they managed to become heroes. It is an extremely important aspect for Koreans. Although they actually attacked Goguryeo and forced Korea to obey China, for the Korean commonalty such historical experiences could be of different significance. As far as myths about Chinese heroes are concerned, the Korean commonalty seemed to be interested first and foremost in their skills and strength, which were so great that there was no authority in Korea powerful enough to withstand it. In my opinion for the Korean commonalty the concept of nation was something in the form of an imaginary community, which should arise at any moment by chance and should unify people strongly. The Korean commonality expressed in legends and folktales its strong will to identify themselves with people beyond national divisions in order to save themselves from their hard everyday life. Folktales usually do not present any issue fully. They only present a specific situation or a particular day or something typical of China, etc. By treating Chinese heroes as if they were their own, the Korean commonalty took advantage of them in some sense. I think it was their strategy enabling them to fulfil their dreams by living the life of others.
46
Horesh, Niv, and Hyun Jin Kim. "Why Coins Turned Round the World Over? A Critical Analysis of the Origins and Transmission of Ancient Metallic Money." China Report 47, no. 4 (November 2011): 279–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104700403.
Full textAbstract:
The inspiration behind the pre-modern bronze round coinage standardised across China by the First Emperor of Qin in the 3rd century BC have remained fairly obscure and are still a contentious issue. We demonstrate in this article that the various theories arguing for an exclusively endogenous impetus behind the spread and development of Chinese round coinage vouched for by many scholars in either East Asia or the West all carry inherent contradictions. In contrast, circumstantial and archaeological evidence in support of partly exogenous origins are mounting. Evidence from the Middle East points to the early invention and wide circulation of round coinage in Lydia, Greece and the Achaemenid Empire. The expansion of the Persians into India in the 6th century BC and the later incursions by Alexander and the Greco-Bactrians in the fourth and third centuries BC all facilitated and may have decisively contributed to India’s adoption of round coinage. Similarly, the flow of ideas, artistic motifs and metallurgic knowhow from West Asia to China via Central Asia had occurred much earlier than the 3rd century BC. Active adoption of foreign (Central Eurasian steppe) customs in the fourth century BC is recorded in Chinese pre-imperial records and confirmed by recent archaeological findings across Eurasia. Ongoing archaeological work in China’s western provinces could further highlight this ancient phase of globalization that, quite literally, still shapes our most fundamental grasp of money.
47
Li, Tao, and Jin-chuang Li. "Chu Hsi’s Thought of Charity and Practice of She-cang." China Nonprofit Review 8, no. 2 (November 22, 2016): 249–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765149-12341315.
Full textAbstract:
Charity activities have a long history in China. As an epitome of Neo-Confucianism, Chu Hsi thought charity is an explosion of benevolence, and a process from loving their relatives to expanding their own love to others, and emphasized that it is the most important national affair to be concerned about the people’s suffering. For the shortcomings of establishing She-cang in city, Chu Hsi first established She-cang in the rural area, which used food allotted by the government as funds, was self-managed by rural officer and gentry, under the proper supervision of government. It mainly used a reasonable way of interest-bearing to ensure mobile appreciation of funds, effectively made up for the lack of government charity, and demonstrated the function of rural non-government charity organization. The successful practice of Chu Hsi was popularized by the emperor throughout the country and became the Chu His She-cang method, which was followed by later generations, was the good example of non-government charity organization in Chinese ancient time. But later, it showed some shortcomings. These have the important historical enlightenment and reference significance for development of today’s non-government charity organization.
48
Fogel, Joshua A. "Naitō Konan (1866-1934) and Chinese Historiography." Historiography East and West 1, no. 1 (2003): 137–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157018603764967578.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Naitō Konan (1866-1934) was one of towering figures of twentieth-century Sinology, in Japan, China, and elsewhere. His theories concerning Chinese history continue to influence us all, often through secondary or tertiary means. Among his many books and articles is a large volume entitled Shina shigaku shi (History of Chinese historiography), arguably the first such comprehensive work in any language and still unsurpassed to this day, roughly eighty years after the chapters which comprise it were first delivered as lectures in Kyoto. Naitō argued that Chinese historical writing was divided, as we all know now, into two traditions: the comprehensive style (tongshi) launched by Sima Qian and the single-period style (duandai shi) begun somewhat later by Ban Gu. Naitō himself always favored the former, and he showed a marked predilection for the major historical works over the centuries by Chinese with the character tong in their titles: such as Liu Zhiji's Tong shi, Du You's Tong zhi (about which he lectured before the Japanese emperor in 1931), Ma Duanlin's Wenxian tongkao, and most notably Zhang Xuecheng's Wenshi tongyi. He did not disragrd or disrespect the duandai shi approach, but he did believe that by cutting off chunks of history one could not get a proper sense of the long-term forces at work in the historical process, what the great French historians later would call la longue durée.
49
Qu, Han Fei, and Li Peng Zheng. "Investigation Analysis on Guangzhou Huangbu Village Conservation Plan and Situations after its Implementation." Advanced Materials Research 663 (February 2013): 177–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.663.177.
Full textAbstract:
In a city with rapid urbanization and profound history and culture like Guangzhou, conservation for urban village is facing grim challenges. Taking Guangzhou Huangbu Village as a typical case, the paper is based on site investigation on periods before and after conservation of Guangzhou Huangbu Village by research means of literature collection, onsite investigation, induction and deduction etc. The paper proposes conservation planning under current situations and typical issues after implementation of construction, and analyzes the reasons for the issues in an objective fashion. The study offers good reference to urban village construction in China in the current stage. Huangbu Village is located in the east of Xinyao Town, Haizhu District, Guangzhou. As recorded by literature, ancient Huangbu Village was first built no later than Song Dynasty. With Bazhou Island on the west and Zhujiang Waters on the east, the Village was a natural harbor back in Song Dynasty, and an important port for foreign trade in Ming Dynasty. During the reign of Emperor Kangxi in Qing Dynasty, Guangdong Customs set up nine landing ports, and Huangbu Village is one of them. In the 22nd year of Emperor Qianlong's reign in Qing Dynasty (1757), only one port of Guangdong Customs was retained for trade, Huangbu Port flourished as the most important port for foreign trade at that time, bringing fast economic development for Huangbu Village as well. However after Treaty of Nanjing was signed, five ports were opened for trade, and with the relocation of Huangbu Registration Port, Huangbu Village also experienced a recession, changing from commercial trade based to natural agriculture based economy, and the once-flourishing town has descended to a common village. Today ancient port, fairly complete streets, ancestral temples, former residence of celebrity and other traditional Huangbu residences have been preserved, which are of high historical, art and scientific values. In July 2002, Guangzhou People's Government announced it to be the sixth batch of listed cultural relic site under conservation [1].
50
Landry-Deron, Isabelle. "Le Dictionnaire chinois, français et latin de 1813." T’oung Pao 101, no. 4-5 (December 7, 2015): 407–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10145p05.
Full textAbstract:
The first printed dictionary from Chinese to a Western language, the Dictionnaire chinois, français et latin, published on the orders of Emperor Napoleon I, was prepared under the direction of Chrétien-Louis De Guignes (1759–1845) and came off the press of the Imprimerie impériale de Paris in 1813. It was based on what was regarded as the best manuscript dictionary compiled by the missionaries in China, the Hanzi xiyi by the Italian Franciscan, Basilio Brollo (1648–1704). Chinese characters were printed using the “Buis du Régent”, a unique set of mobile types engraved in wood, completed in Paris in 1740, the history of which is retraced at the beginning of the article. The sources and characteristics of the 1813 Dictionnaire are then examined, as well as the scholarly rivalries that accompanied its production and the criticism to which it was subjected after its appearance. Le Dictionnaire chinois, français et latin, premier dictionnaire imprimé du chinois dans une langue occidentale, préparé sur ordre de l’empereur Napoléon Ier et sous la responsabilité de Chrétien-Louis De Guignes (1759–1845), sortit des presses de l’Imprimerie impériale de Paris en 1813. Il se basait sur ce qui était considéré comme le meilleur dictionnaire manuscrit rédigé par les missionnaires en Chine, le Hanzi xiyi du franciscain italien Basilio Brollo (1648–1704). Les caractères chinois furent imprimés avec les “Buis du Régent”, un ensemble unique en Europe de types mobiles dont la gravure sur bois avait été achevée en 1740 et dont l’histoire est retracée au début de l’article. Les sources et les caractéristiques du Dictionnaire de 1813 sont ensuite examinées, ainsi que les rivalités entre savants qui en accompagnèrent l’émergence et les critiques auxquelles il fut en butte après sa parution.