Books on the topic 'First Mover Advantage'

This book explains how American suburban school districts gained a competitive edge over their urban counterparts. It focuses on the period between 1950 and 1980, and presents a detailed study of metropolitan Kansas City, a region representative of trends elsewhere. While big-city districts once were widely seen as superior and attracted families seeking the best educational opportunities for their children, suburban school systems grew rapidly in the post-World War II era as middle-class and more affluent families moved to those communities. At the same time, economically dislocated African Americans migrated from the South to center-city neighborhoods, testing the capacity of urban institutions. As demographic trends drove this urban–suburban divide, a suburban ethos of localism contributed to the socioeconomic exclusion that became a hallmark of outlying school systems. As the book demonstrates, struggles to achieve greater educational equity and desegregation in urban centers contributed to so-called white flight and what Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan considered to be a crisis of urban education in 1965. Despite the often valiant efforts made to serve inner city children and bolster urban school districts, this exodus, the book argues, created a new metropolitan educational hierarchy—a mirror image of the urban-centric model that had prevailed before World War II. The stubborn perception that suburban schools are superior, based on test scores and budgets, has persisted into the twenty-first century and instantiates today's metropolitan landscape of social, economic, and educational inequality.

Chapter 7 explains that the financial crisis and Barack Obama’s presidency pushed political polarization into extreme political gridlock in Washington. Americans became disgusted. The 2008 financial crisis exacerbated America’s economic woes and made people angry. The fact that Obama was America’s first African American president made things worse. So did his moves to handle the financial crisis and Great Recession, and reform the national health care system. Trump tapped the public’s anger, turning it to his electoral advantage. He promised that because as a billionaire he wasn’t beholden to anyone, he would unify the country and cut through the gridlock by “draining the swamp” in Washington. And if Congress didn’t cooperate, he said that he would move unilaterally by issuing executive orders that would get the job done. It worked and he was elected president.

Chapter 10 discusses the assessment and interpretation of physical activity in young people in three main sections. The first section is an introduction to why we need to measure physical activity more accurately with definitions of various terminologies commonly used in the field of physical activity research. It then moves on to describe methods used to measure habitual physical activity in children and adolescents, summarizing advantages and limitations of each. The last section discusses the issues surrounding the interpretation of physical activity data in young people.

The Global Financial Crisis has had a strong negative effect on Zurich and Geneva by ending banking secrecy for foreign clients. The reason for this historical break was the rapid rise of public debt in the wake of the crisis which prompted major EU countries and the United States to intensify their fight against financial centres profiting from tax evasion. As Zurich and Geneva have always had other comparative advantages besides banking secrecy, they are likely to remain important hubs in the international financial geography. But there is no doubt that their golden age has come to an end. Brexit and fintech are unlikely to provide opportunities to reverse the relative decline, since Switzerland is not part of the EU and the Eurozone and does not have the economic size required to be a first mover in developing basic innovations.

This chapter argues for a reinvigorated role of the market access doctrine and references a number of important antitrust and intellectual property law decisions in which courts have given priority to market access. It finds a novel function for market access to play within antitrust and intellectual property law liability: courts that grant plaintiffs access to a defendant’s production output should refer to a three-step test under which they inquire (1) whether the inventor, through first-mover advantages, has reaped a sufficient reward such that contractual or intellectual property rights protection would no longer be required to facilitate innovation, (2) whether competitors were able to challenge the proprietary platform’s position in the market without the possibility of granting access, and (3) whether competitors seeking to benefit from market access will make use of it to facilitate the introduction of new goods rather than merely to copy the initial invention.

This article discusses an alternative approach to gaining compliance with the law. The approach involves motivating people through appeals to their values. Values reflect people's assessments of what is right or appropriate to do in a given situation; this involves people's feelings of obligation and responsibility to others. There are two arguments for value-based motivation. First, we gain the benefits of a value-based approach, e.g. increasing voluntary cooperation. Second, we avoid the problems associated with instrumental approaches. To gain these advantages we need to move to a system in which value-based motivations are the primary motivation tapped, and instrumental motivations are the backup for a small group that have to be dealt with instrumentally because they are unable or unwilling to act on their values.

This chapter argues against the use of stigma-inducing measures as tools of public health on grounds of social justice. The value of social justice in public health includes both a distributive demand for a fair share of health and the social determinants thereof and a recognitional demand to be treated as a peer in public life. The use of stigma-inducing measures violates the first demand by thwarting people’s access to important intra- and interpersonal, communal, and institutional resources that confer a health advantage; it violates the second by denying people’s shared humanity and ignoring complex non-dominant identities. The position taken in this chapter does not preclude public health measures that regulate and ban health-harming substances or try to move people toward healthier behaviors. It does require that public health partner with people to identify their communities’ health challenges and opportunities and to treat people as resourceful agents of change.

This book provides an accessible account of current thinking about political corruption, recognising that the phenomenon is a serious problem: since it infringes rules defining legitimate and illegitimate means of the acquisition of wealth and the exercise of power, corruption damages the interests of the advantaged and disadvantaged alike. The advantaged find that wealth cannot be pursued and maintained safely, the disadvantaged that development is thwarted and resources redistributed from the poor to the rich. Against this background, the book takes the reader on a journey – a journey that begins with what corruption is, why its study might be important and how it can be measured. From there it moves on to explore corruption’s causes, its consequences and how it can be tackled – before finally discovering how these things are playing out in the established liberal democracies, in the former communist regimes and in what used to be commonly referred to as ‘the third world’. On the way it takes a couple of detours – first, to ascertain how the minimum of trust necessary for the corrupt transaction to take place at all is established and underwritten, and second to survey the phenomenon of scandal – to which corruption may give rise. The book is therefore offered as an informative ‘travel guide’ of potential interest to journalists and policy makers as well as to students and academics researching matters on which political corruption has a bearing.

This chapter explores how financial globalization of today fails to deliver enough of the right sort of finance necessary to promote development and productive investment in societies. The contemporary global financial architecture serves primarily to enrich affluent investors and major financial institutions while putting societies and their people at grave risk of harm, including from global financial crises. The chapter explores these issues by first examining the history of the global financial architecture from the nineteenth century to the present. It moves on to critique current institutions of law mainly on grounds of justice. The chapter addresses problems associated with the regulation and supervision of banks, at the international level a form of soft law forming the core of the global financial architecture. It also explores how the power of global finance makes real reform at either the domestic or international level very difficult. Finally, the chapter exposes injustices associated with the resolution of sovereign debt crises, with a focus on the recent crisis for Greece. It considers serious shortcomings of the international legal system in this area, including how the contract approach of international law sought to resolve the crises in a manner in which the less advantaged are made much worse off.

This is the second edition of the major practitioner text which analyses the legal issues surrounding international finance transactions operating under English law. As readers of the first edition will already know, the work provides a detailed transaction-led discussion of all aspects of international financing, with supporting analysis of the commercial and regulatory background and the legal principles which underpin international finance practices. A comprehensive treatment of the subject is provided, with topics including conflict of laws, cross-border insolvency, regulation of banking activities, loan facilities, jurisdiction and the resolution of disputes, legal opinions in financial transactions, syndicated lending, bond issues, derivatives and structured finance and equipment financing. Whilst the work has established itself as a major practitioner text, the problem areas are also tackled with valuable references to the relevant authorities and in a highly analytical way. As a result, the work has found a home on the bookshelves of many academics and students. It is anticipated that this new edition will continue to appeal to a broad constituency of readers. This is a fast-moving area, and readers already familiar with the first edition will not be surprised by the scale of new material covered in this second edition. A significant new development has also been that the work has moved from a single-authored to a multiple authored text. A truly expert team of contributors has been assembled, and the editors have striven to maintain the consistency and lively commentary which was a badge of the first edition, whilst drawing on the advantages of a stable of specialist authors. Thus it is anticipated that existing readers and those new to the work alike will find this an invaluable source for all aspects of their practice and research in the field.

The first CBs were private institutions that were given a monopoly over the issuance of currency by government in return for help in financing the budget and adherence to the rules of the gold standard. Under this standard the price of gold in terms of currency was fixed and the CB could issue or retire domestic currency only in line with gold inflows or outflows. Due to the scarcity of gold this system assured price stability as long as it functioned. Wars and depressions led to the replacement of the gold standard by the more flexible gold exchange standard. Along with restrictions on international capital flows this standard became a major pillar of the post–WWII Bretton Woods system. Under this system the U.S. dollar (USD) was pegged to gold, and other countries’ exchange rates were pegged to the USD. In many developing economies CBs functioned as governmental development banks.Following the world inflation of the 1970s and the collapse of the Bretton Woods system in 1971, eradication of inflation gradually became the explicit number one priority of CBs. The hyperinflationary experiences of the first half of the 20th century, which were mainly caused by over-utilization of the printing press to finance budgetary expenditures, convinced policymakers in developed economies, following Germany’s lead, that the conduct of monetary policy should be delegated to instrument independent CBs, that governments should be prohibited from borrowing from them, and that the main goal of the CB should be price stability. During the late 1980s and the 1990s numerous CBs obtained instrument independence and started to operate on inflation targeting systems. Under this system the CB is expected to use interest rate policy to deliver a low inflation rate in the long run and to stabilize fluctuations in economic activity in the short and medium terms. In parallel the fixed exchange rates of the Bretton Woods system were replaced by flexible rates or dirty floats. The conjunction of more flexible rates and IT effectively moved the control over exchange rates from governments to CBs.The global financial crisis reminded policymakers that, of all public institutions, the CB has a comparative advantage in swiftly preventing the crisis from becoming a generalized panic that would seriously cripple the financial system. The crisis precipitated the financial stability motive into the forefront of CBs’ policy concerns and revived the explicit recognition of the lender of last resort function of the CB in the face of shocks to the financial system. Although the financial stability objective appeared in CBs’ charters, along with the price stability objective, also prior to the crisis, the crisis highlighted the critical importance of the supervisory and regulatory functions of CBs and other regulators. An important lesson from the crisis was that micro-prudential supervision and regulation should be supplemented with macro-prudential regulation and that the CB is the choice institution to perform this function. The crisis led CBs of major developed economies to reduce their policy rates to zero (and even to negative values in some cases) and to engage in large-scale asset purchases that bloat their balance sheets to this day. It also induced CBs of small open economies to supplement their interest rate policies with occasional foreign exchange interventions.