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1
Mohd Rus, Ahmad Kamal Ariffin, Mohamad Khairul Anuar Mohd Rosli, and Siti Norul Aqillah Johar. "Pilihan Raya di Persekutuan Tanah Melayu, 1948-1959 dan Pengenalan First Past the Post." Akademika 91, no. 3 (2022): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/akad-2021-9103-06.
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Artikel ini membincangkan pengenalan prinsip First Past The Post (FPTP) dalam sistem pilihan raya Persekutuan Tanah Melayu (PTM) antara tahun 1948-1959. FPTP merupakan sistem pemilihan calon yang bertanding dalam sesebuah kawasan pilihan raya dan calon yang memperoleh undian terbesar dikira sebagai pemenang meskipun mereka yang mengundi calon tersebut bukanlah kumpulan yang memperoleh majoriti mutlak. Objektif artikel ini bertujuan mengenal pasti permulaan prinsip FPTP dan sejauh mana ia membantu mewujudkan dominasi Melayu dalam dua pilihan raya umum era 1950-an. Kajian ini menggunakan pendekatan sejarah dengan menggunakan sumber-sumber primer di Arkib Negara yang terdiri daripada Colonial Office, laporan kerajaan dan akhbar. Melalui penelitian ke atas sumber, didapati FPTP secara jelas mula dipraktikkan dalam pilihan raya peringkat negeri tahun 1954. Pelaksanaan prinsip ini di peringkat kawasan pilihan raya dilihat tidak bermasalah kerana sistem tersebut hanya memerlukan seorang calon dengan undi terbesar diisytihar sebagai pemenang. Kemenangan Perikatan dengan keahlian majoriti dalam majlis perundangan bagi pilihan raya 1955 membolehkan rundingan ke arah kemerdekaan mengambil langkah yang lebih serius. Dalam konteks sistem pilihan raya, Suruhanjaya Reid, badan yang bertanggungjawab merangka perlembagaan merdeka, memutuskan bahawa sistem pemilihan yang akan dipraktikkan dalam pilihan raya pasca merdeka adalah berasaskan prinsip FPTP. Suruhanjaya Reid juga mengambil pendekatan memastikan sempadan kawasan pilihan raya mestilah bersandarkan dominasi Melayu. Harapan tersebut jelas tergambar dalam Pilihan Raya Umum 1959 apabila 66 daripada 104 kawasan pilihan raya yang dipertandingkan adalah dominasi Melayu. Kata kunci: First Past The Post; Suruhanjaya Reid; orang Melayu; pilihan raya; Persekutuan Tanah Melayu
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Milazzo, Caitlin, Robert G. Moser, and Ethan Scheiner. "Social Diversity Affects the Number of Parties Even Under First-Past-the-Post Rules." Comparative Political Studies 51, no. 7 (2017): 938–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414017720704.
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Nearly all systematic empirical work on the relationship between social diversity and the number of parties asserts the “interactive hypothesis”—Social heterogeneity leads to party fragmentation under permissive electoral rules, but not under single-member district, first-past-the-post (FPTP) rules. In this article, we argue that previous work has been hindered by a reliance on national-level measures of variables and a linear model of the relationship between diversity and party fragmentation. This article provides the first analysis to test the interactive hypothesis appropriately by using district-level measures of both ethnic diversity and the effective number of parties in legislative FPTP elections and considering a curvilinear relationship between the variables. We find that there is a strong relationship between social diversity and the number of parties even under FPTP electoral rules, thus suggesting that restrictive rules are not as powerful a constraint on electoral behavior and outcomes as is usually supposed.
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Di Candia, Alberto. "Replacing FPTP." Federalism-E 21, no. 2 (2020): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v21i2.14073.
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Canada’s use of the First-Past-the-Post electoral system has been defended due to its simplicity, constituency representation, and inherent stability. Arguments have been raised, however, that the system does not sufficiently represent Canadian demographics in parliament, it renders opposition parties ineffective, smaller parties have trouble or are unable to win seats in parliament, and regionally-concentrated parties are encouraged over national based ones. It has been suggested that adding an element of proportionality would address some of these issues. This paper seeks to consider this claim by examining the political outcomes of proportional electoral systems. The literature review outlined that the use of proportional systems increased descriptive as well as geographic representation, and was positively linked to voter turnout.
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Selway, Joel. "Ethnic Accommodation and Electoral Rules in Ethno-Geographically Segregated Societies: PR Outcomes Under FPTP in Myanmar Elections." Journal of East Asian Studies 15, no. 3 (2015): 321–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800009103.
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In this article I explore how the current first-past-the-post (FPTP) rules contributed to the failure of ethnic compromise during the democratic period (1948–1962) in Myanmar by encouraging extremist parties, hardening ethnic divisions, and causing political deadlock, ironically the same charges the centripetal school lays against proportional representation (PR). This puzzle of “PR outcomes” under FPTP is explained using geographic information systems techniques that map the country's 2010 electoral districts onto an ethnic population map. It shows that ethnic party success in the 2010 election closely follows the distribution of ethnic groups in Myanmar and that given the high level of ethno-geographic segregation in Myanmar the representation of ethnic parties would be similar under PR and the alternative vote to the current FPTP. I conclude by discussing Indonesia's electoral rules as a possible solution for Myanmar. The general theoretic contribution is that, although past scholars have generally argued that FPTP is bad for ethnically divided societies, their mechanisms are incorrect for ethno-geographically segregated societies.
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McCracken, Damian John. "Tailor-Made for Canada." Federalism-E 21, no. 2 (2020): 12–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v21i2.14074.
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While reform of Canada's electoral system has not yet occurred, it has been an ever-present, ever-potent topic in Canadian political science since the middle of the 20th Century. While there are aspects of First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) to be admired, its fundamental flaws cannot be ignored; the system encourages parties to exacerbate sectionalism, leaves far too many voters unrepresented, and too often allows for uncooperative governments. Mixed-Member Proportional (MMP), a form of Proportional Representation (PR), possesses the best aspect of FPTP, local representation and accountability, and amends its most serious flaws. MMP represents all votes cast, attenuates sectionalism, and creates diverse legislatures that incentivize cross-party cooperation far more than FPTP does currently. Canada is nearly a perfect country for MMP, and this system should be implemented for our federal elections.
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Lihiru, Victoria Melkisedeck. "Domestic and international law contradictions in Zimbabwe's gender quota system." African Human Rights Law Journal 24, no. 1 (2024): 127–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1996-2096/2024/v24n1a6.
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In 2013 Zimbabwe adopted a gender quota system for the National Assembly. However, the quota system is set at 30 per cent, contrary to international law obligations domesticated under section 17 of the 2013 Zimbabwean Constitution, which requires women to constitute at least half of all elected and nominated positions of power. While the Constitution further allows women to compete for first-past-the-post (FPTP) parliamentary seats, there are neither constitutional measures to ensure that women win FPTP seats, nor mechanisms to transition women from quota seats to FPTP seats. While the gender quota and FPTP constituency seats have increased the number of women in Parliament, they have decreased the number of women nominated and elected for FPTP seats. The quota parliamentarians are not voted by the electorate, lack a link to constituencies, and are not entitled to constituency funds. Each political party applies discretion in the nomination of women for quota seats, exposing them to exploitation and corruption. This negatively affects the quality of quota parliamentarians and, in turn, their transition to constituency seats. The article suggests that Zimbabwe extend the proportional representation electoral system and Zebra system applicable in the election of senators to the election of members of parliament. This will facilitate the alignment of Zimbabwe's political representation gender equality commitments with its constitutional and international law obligations.
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Septian, Ilham Fajar, and Muldan Halim Pratama. "PROSPEK PENERAPAN SISTEM DISTRIK THE FIRST PAST THE POST DALAM PEMILIHAN UMUM DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT REPUBLIK INDONESIA DAN DAMPAKNYA TERHADAP KUALITAS DEMOKRASI INDONESIA." Majalah Hukum Nasional 49, no. 1 (2019): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.33331/mhn.v49i1.91.
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Pemilihan umum (pemilu) adalah bagian yang sangat penting dalam kehidupan demokrasi. Dalam menjalankan pemilu tersebut, dibutuhkan sistem pemilu yang menunjang berjalannya demokrasi dan sesuai dengan karakteristik negara tersebut. Indonesia saat ini menerapkan sistem pemilu proporsional daftar PR terbuka. Sistem proporsional ini diberlakukan semenjak Indonesia merdeka yang telah diwariskan Belanda. Akan tetapi, dalam pelaksanaanya hingga saat ini, sistem ini dikritik karena berbagai alasan, utamanya dalam membangun relasi antara wakil dan konstituennya. Oleh karena hal tersebut, sejak reformasi, aspirasi-aspirasi untuk menerapkan sistem distrik the first past the post (FPTP) sudah digaungkan. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk membahas bagaimana prospek penerapan sistem tersebut di Indonesia dan dampaknya bagi kualitas demokrasi Indonesia jika diterapkan. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode pendekatan yuridis normatif, komparatif, dan deskriptif analitis. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian yang dilakukan, ditemukan kesimpulan bahwa sistem FPTP mempunyai prospek untuk diterapkan dalam Pemilu Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat di Indonesia karena mampu menyelesaikan masalah-masalah perwakilan yang ada. Selain itu, dampak terhadap kualitas demokrasi Indonesia dari sistem ini adalah berdampak positif berupa meningkatkan relasi antara wakil dan konstituennya, tetapi juga bisa berdampak negatif berupa tidak terwakilinya suara-suara masyarakat dalam distrik yang memilih partai dengan sedikit basis dukungan dalam daerah tersebut.
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Amrit, Kumar Shrestha, Prasad Phuyel Shyam, and Kumar Poudel Kamal. "Vote Shifting Patterns: Comparative Cases from the Constituent Assembly Elections in Nepal." Journal of Social and Political Sciences 3, no. 1 (2020): 1–12. https://doi.org/10.31014/aior.1991.03.01.141.
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As the literature on electoral politics reveals, vote shifting is one of the most politically sensitive issues. This article focuses on the vote shifting pattern of electoral politics of Nepal. It is based on the secondary data from the first and the next Constituent Assembly (CA) elections held in 2008 and 2013 respectively, published by the Election Commission of Nepal. It aligns with the mixed of quantitative and qualitative approaches. It is limited to the data that belong to the first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system covering 240 constituencies and party-wise vote shifting pattern. The results show that a higher vote shifting pattern was marked in the 2013 CA election in comparison to the 2008 CA election. The results also show that the Nepalese voters show a cyclic tendency towards electing a new political power at the cost of the traditional one(s) as their political aspirations are not achieved.
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Hussain, Akhtar, Sikandar Hussain Soomro, and Zohra Khatoon. "Building a Case for Reforming the Electoral System of Pakistan." Progressive Research Journal of Arts & Humanities (PRJAH) 2, no. 1 (2020): 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.51872/prjah.vol2.iss1.49.
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Electoral systems are set of rules and procedures which determine how voters cast their votes and how the votes are converted into representative seats. Beyond this, each electoral system has its own impact on how the political system functions. From this perspective, the author has tested the discontents of the Pakistani electoral system, the first-past-the-post (FPTP) taking the election data of 2002, 2008, 2013 and 2018. The research finding showed that the FPTP electoral system is ill devised to the Pakistan’s current needs and realities. In view of such discontents, there is a genuine concern of reforming the Pakistan electoral system. The question remains, however, which electoral system best suits the Pakistani situation from the bulk of alternatives? The current paper is an attempt to build a case for introducing reforms with a focus on how to translate the votes into seats in a more representative way. For this purpose the article in its first part deals with the problems the FPTP is having in translatingthe votes into seats. In the second part data from the last four general elections are analysed to show how some of the parties having more votes and less seats and vice versa. Building the argument on this analysis the recent concerns shown by the politicians and critics of the present system are supported to build a strong case for the decision makers to bring in such changes in the system where minimum of the votes are wasted so that a true representative democracy is established in Pakistan.
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Jadhav, Vivek. "Dual Problem of FPTP Electoral Systems: Evidence from the Indian States." Indian Public Policy Review 2, no. 5 (Sep-Oct) (2021): 34–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.55763/ippr.2021.02.05.002.
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 Democracy across the world has witnessed the evolution of the electoral system. First-Past-The-Post (FPTP), practiced in India has certain disadvantages in terms of disproportionate representation. This paper aims to construct the Gallagher Index, Gini Coefficient, and Generalized Entropy Index to measure and analyse the political concentration and inefficiency that characterise such disproportionate representation. The Gallagher Index measures the disproportionality between seat share and vote share; as it captures the disproportionality between votes received and seats won in the house. This can be viewed as a measure of inefficiency in representing the population, inasmuch as parties with a low vote share can have a high seat share. In other words, even though voters are not preferring the particular party or set of parties, these parties can still get enough seats to govern the particular state. Further, this paper tries to build the association between inefficient representation and concentration of power. We show that the high level of inefficiency in representation observed in the Indian State Assemblies is associated with the concentration of power at the state government level. We suggest that since FPTP in Indian democracy is associated with the dual problems of inefficiency and concentration, alternatives to FPTP should be considered.
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Guragain, Govinda Prasad, Saroj Pokharel, and Bhawani Shankar Adhikari. "Towards Inclusive Democracy: Reforming Nepal's Electoral System for Fair Representation and Governance." European Journal of Theoretical and Applied Sciences 2, no. 5 (2024): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.59324/ejtas.2024.2(5).07.
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The purpose of this research paper is to examine various electoral systems used worldwide and to determine the most suitable electoral system for Nepal as it transitions into a federal system. It aims to explore inclusive democracy and the electoral practices observed in contemporary politics and Constituent Assembly (CA) polls. The discussion centers on the challenges faced in Nepal's political landscape, particularly focusing on the First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) and List Proportional Representation (List PR) systems utilized in the CA elections of 2008 and 2013. The paper evaluates the merits and drawbacks of different electoral systems implemented globally, providing insights into selecting an appropriate system for Nepal. It also analyzes the outcomes of the 2008 CA elections and proposes reforms for enhancing the fairness and inclusivity of the FPTP and List PR systems, or potentially adopting a Parallel Mixed System or another electoral framework that better aligns with Nepal's context and aspirations for proportional representation.
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Govinda, Prasad Guragain, Pokharel Saroj, and Shankar Adhikari Bhawani. "Towards Inclusive Democracy: Reforming Nepal's Electoral System for Fair Representation and Governance." European Journal of Theoretical and Applied Sciences 2, no. 5 (2024): 66–77. https://doi.org/10.59324/ejtas.2024.2(5).07.
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The purpose of this research paper is to examine various electoral systems used worldwide and to determine the most suitable electoral system for Nepal as it transitions into a federal system. It aims to explore inclusive democracy and the electoral practices observed in contemporary politics and Constituent Assembly (CA) polls. The discussion centers on the challenges faced in Nepal's political landscape, particularly focusing on the First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) and List Proportional Representation (List PR) systems utilized in the CA elections of 2008 and 2013. The paper evaluates the merits and drawbacks of different electoral systems implemented globally, providing insights into selecting an appropriate system for Nepal. It also analyzes the outcomes of the 2008 CA elections and proposes reforms for enhancing the fairness and inclusivity of the FPTP and List PR systems, or potentially adopting a Parallel Mixed System or another electoral framework that better aligns with Nepal's context and aspirations for proportional representation.
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Weir, Justin. "Time to Move On." Federalism-E 24, no. 1 (2023): 28–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/federalism-e.v24i1.16230.
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The reform of Canada’s federal electoral system was a key platform promise of the Liberal party throughout the 2015 election campaign. Justin Trudeau famously proclaimed that the 2015 federal election would be the last in Canada under a first-past-the-post (FPTP) system; but, as several years followed, there was no change, and discourse surrounding the issue has largely fizzled out (Small, 41). Canada’s FPTP system has not changed since confederation, and it remains among only four other democracies worldwide that use “this archaic electoral system” (Rebick). FPTP is considered to create two main issues in Canadian politics: distortion of votes, and heightened regionalism. Voting behaviour and outcomes are currently distorted through unequal vote weight, ‘wasted votes’, and the phenomenon of strategic voting. Regionalism leads to national division, skews which issues are considered electorally important, negatively alters party behaviour, and changes how political preferences are perceived in Canada. Together, these effects are disengaging the Canadian public from political participation. This paper will explain the ways in which vote distortion and regionalism plague Canada’s current electoral system and the health of its democracy, and demonstrate how a shift towards a mixed-member proportional representation (MMPR) electoral system can alleviate those issues. Specifically, MMPR’s provision of a broader second vote nullifies the effect of wasted votes and strategic voting, while discouraging political parties from engaging in behaviour that targets specific electoral regions and produces political polarization.
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Aldrich, John H., and Daniel J. Lee. "Why Two Parties? Ambition, Policy, and the Presidency." Political Science Research and Methods 4, no. 2 (2015): 275–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.48.
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Duverger’s Law suggests that two parties will dominate under first-past-the-post (FPTP) within an electoral district, but the law does not necessarily establish two-party competition at the national level. United States is unique among FPTP countries in having the only durable and nearly pure, two-party system. Following this observation, we answer two questions. First, what contributes to the same two parties competing in districts all across the country and at different levels of office? Second, why is the US two-party system so durable over time, dominated by the same two parties? That is, “Why two parties?” As an answer, we propose the APP: ambition, the presidency, and policy. The presidency with its national electorate and electoral rules that favor two-party competition establishes two national major parties, which frames the opportunity structure that influences party affiliation decisions of ambitious politicians running for lower offices. Control over the policy agenda helps reinforce the continuation of a particular two-party system in equilibrium by blocking third parties through divergence on the main issue dimension and the suppression of latent issue dimensions that could benefit new parties. The confluence of the three factors explains why the United States is so uniquely a durable two-party system.
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Lihiru, Victoria Melkisedeck. "Exploring Suitable Electoral Systems for Promotion of Women’s Representation in Tanzania and Rwanda." African Studies Quarterly 21, no. 3 (2022): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/asq.21.3.135956.
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This article explores suitable electoral system(s) for the promotion of women’s representation in the Tanzania and Rwanda from a legal standpoint. The scrutiny of international law finds an absence of legal guidance on the favorable electoral system for enhancing the participation of women in elections, except trivially under the 1995 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. The Declaration calls for states and parties to adopt electoral systems that encourage political parties to nominate women candidates. The first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system as applied in Tanzania operates without candidate gender thresholds, and consequently does not encourage political parties to nominate women candidates. While the proportional representation (PR) electoral system has placed Rwanda as a global leader in women’s representation in parliament, the system is set at 30 percent and does not expressly decree the gender quota or the positioning of women in the political parties’ candidate lists. This article discusses the advantages and challenges associated with the FPTP electoral system as well as the PR electoral system in Tanzania and Rwanda respectively, in light of international law principles, and offers recommendations on needed adjustments.
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Maškarinec, Pavel. "The 2016 Electoral Reform in Mongolia: From Mixed System and Multiparty Competition to FPTP and One-Party Dominance." Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, no. 4 (2017): 511–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909617698841.
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This article tests the effects of a new electoral system that was introduced in Mongolia for the June 2016 elections. The decision to implement a first-past-the-post (FPTP) system instead of a mixed-member majoritarian (MMM) system, which was first and last used in the previous elections of 2012, was due to the April 2016 ruling of the Mongolian Constitutional Court on unconstitutionality of the list tier as one of the mechanisms for distributing seats within MMM. Through an analysis of national- and district-level results, this article addresses the question whether electoral competition at the district level was consistent with Duverger’s law and resulted in the restoration of bipartism, which had been disrupted in 2012 due to the use of MMM.
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Shrestha, Amrit Kumar. "TRENDS OF WOMEN'S CANDIDACY IN NATIONAL ELECTIONS OF NEPAL." Researcher: A Research Journal of Culture and Society 3, no. 3 (2018): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/researcher.v3i3.21549.
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The study area of this article is women's candidacy in national elections of Nepal. It focuses on five national elections held from 1991 to 2013. It is based on secondary source of data. The Election Commission of Nepal publishes a report after every election. Data are extracted from the reports published by the Election Commission and analyzed with the help of the software SPSS. This article analyzes only facts regarding the first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system. Such a study is important in order to lead to new affirmative action policies that will enhance gender mainstreaming and effective participation in all leadership and development processes. The findings will also be resourceful to scholars who are working in this field. The findings from this investigation provide evidence that the number of women candidates in national elections seems almost invisible in an overwhelming crowd of men candidates. The number of elected women candidates is very few. Similarly, distribution of women candidates is unequal in geographical regions. Where the human development rate is high the number of women candidates is greater. The roles of political parties of Nepal are not profoundly positive to increase women's candidacy. Likewise, electoral systems are responsible to influence women‟s chances of being elected. FPTP electoral system is not more favorable for women candidates. This article recommends that if a constituency would reserve only for women among three through FPTP then the chances of 33 percent to win the elections by women would be secured. Researcher: A Research Journal of Culture and SocietyVol. 3, No. 3, January 2018, Page: 47-62
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Khadka, Gopal. "Strategies of Gender Mainstreaming in Provincial Election of Nepal." Rupantaran: A Multidisciplinary Journal 6, no. 01 (2022): 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/rupantaran.v6i01.46984.
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An election brings changes in society. Both politics and gender emphasize power, prestige, and privileges. The gender gap in politics indicates the level of participation during all aspects of the election. The gender gap in the electoral system proliferates complexity in gender inequality. Gender mainstreaming is a globally accepted means to reduce gender inequality. To examine the status and strategies of gender mainstreaming in provincial level first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system, this article is prepared as the title “Strategies of Gender Mainstreaming in Provincial Election of Nepal”. The analysis of this study is based on the report of provincial election published by the election commission, Nepal. A simple and systematic literature review is conducted to collect essential information to fulfill objectives. This study is based on the critical mass theory, critical act approach, and gender mainstreaming approach. There was a low level of gender mainstreaming at the provincial level FPTP electoral system in Nepal. All political parties should formulate and implement an effective strategy at the political level to increase gender mainstreaming in electoral activities. The government of Nepal must implement the Provision of sustainable development goals, the constitution of Nepal, and the international declaration of human rights regarding gender mainstreaming as soon as possible.
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Nikhil Phool and Dr. Mohd Rafiq Dar. "Election Laws and Electoral Reforms in India and U.K." Legal Research Development 8, no. IV (2024): 82–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.53724/lrd/v8n4.8.
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This paper examines the election laws and electoral reforms in India and the United Kingdom, highlighting their evolution, current frameworks, and ongoing challenges. India, the world's largest democracy, operates under a legal structure largely defined by the Representation of the People Act, 1951, and is overseen by the Election Commission of India. The Indian electoral system, based on the First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) model, has undergone significant reforms to address issues of transparency, voter fraud, and campaign finance, including the introduction of electronic voting machines (EVMs) and Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trails (VVPATs). In contrast, the United Kingdom's electoral system, rooted in centuries-old traditions, is regulated by laws such as the Representation of the People Acts and the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act, 2000. While the UK also employs the FPTP system, it faces criticism for not reflecting the proportionality of votes. Recent reforms in the UK have focused on improving voter registration, addressing electoral fraud, and debating alternative voting methods like the Single Transferable Vote (STV) to enhance democratic representation. The study identifies both similarities and divergences in the electoral processes of these two democracies, emphasizing the impact of their respective legal frameworks on electoral integrity and democratic participation. It also explores ongoing debates and proposed reforms aimed at enhancing the inclusiveness, fairness, and transparency of elections in both nations.
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Cloonan, Martin, and Peter Lynch. "Educating for Devolution: The Scottish Office Voter Education Campaign, 1999." Journal of Adult and Continuing Education 7, no. 2 (2001): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/147797140100700203.
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This article examines the origins and impact of a political education campaign of a type, which had not hitherto been witnessed in the UK. It examines how the Scottish Office sought to educate Scotland's adult population about a new electoral system which combined the traditional first past the post (FPTP) system used in elections to the Westminster Parliament with the additional member system (AMS). We set out events leading up to the voter-education campaign by outlining the development of the voting system and the political sensitivities which surrounded it We then review a similar voter-education campaign in New Zealand, before examining the Scottish campaign and responses to it. We conclude by drawing together common elements from the two campaigns and analysing the lessons which can be drawn from them.
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Riera, Pedro. "Voting after the change: A natural experiment on the effect of electoral reform on party system fragmentation." International Political Science Review 41, no. 2 (2019): 271–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118822891.
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This article analyses the causal effect of the 1993 electoral reform in New Zealand on party system fragmentation using the ‘synthetic’ control method. Previous studies using cross-national evidence suggest that electoral reforms change the number of parties. However, they do not take into account possible endogeneity problems and usually focus on their short-term effects. Since the electoral system in use in this country before the change was first past the post (FPTP), I can create a ‘synthetic’ control democracy that had the same institutional framework but did not modify the rules of the game. The results indicate that the electoral reform produced the expected effects on party system size at the electoral level, but that these effects tended to disappear in the long run. In contrast, electoral system effects at the legislative level were larger and stickier over time.
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Stockemer, Daniel, and Rodrigo Praino. "Physical attractiveness, voter heuristics and electoral systems: The role of candidate attractiveness under different institutional designs." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 19, no. 2 (2017): 336–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148116687533.
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While existing studies have shown that more attractive candidates running for office have an electoral advantage, very little has been written on how this advantage relates to different institutions. We theorise that formal institutions mediate the positive effect from which attractive candidates benefit. More in detail, we focus on the type of electoral system, hypothesising that physical attractiveness plays a more important role in majoritarian, first-past-the-post systems than in list proportional systems. We test this stipulation using the German federal elections’ two-tier electoral system, together with data collected in Australia on the physical attractiveness of German federal election candidates in 2013. A series of bivariate and multivariate statistics show that physical attractiveness is a significant factor explaining a candidate’s likelihood to win in the FPTP tier, but not in the list proportional representation (PR) tier.
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Cutler, Fred, Alexandre Rivard, and Antony Hodgson. "Why Bother? Supporters of Locally Weaker Parties Are Less Likely to Vote or to Vote Sincerely." Canadian Journal of Political Science 55, no. 1 (2021): 208–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423921000755.
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AbstractVoters are deterred from casting a vote and more likely to vote strategically if their preferred choice is less competitive in their electoral district. We use 2019 Canadian Election Study data to show that respondents’ answers to a “how likely are you to vote” question depend on their estimate of their preferred party's local chances of winning, relative to other parties. This deterrent effect on turnout from the competitiveness of a voter's preferred party is concentrated among certain parties (NDP, Green, People's Party of Canada). Under first-past-the-post (FPTP), voters with particular policy perspectives are systematically deterred from voting, relative to other voters. Furthermore, we find that despite supporters of all parties having an incentive to vote strategically if their party is outside the top two in the district, strategic voting is heavily concentrated among voters who prefer parties other than the nationally most competitive two parties.
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Lihiru, Victoria Melkisedeck. "The 30% Gender Quota Law in Sierra Leone: A Game Changer for Women’s Access to Parliament?" African Journal of Legal Studies 16, no. 3 (2024): 271–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12340109.
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Abstract The June 2023 elections in Sierra Leone occurred against the backdrop of amendments to the Public Elections Act (pea), the enactment of the Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment Act (gewe), and a switch from the First Past the Post (fptp) electoral system to the Proportional Representation (pr) electoral system. For the first time in Sierra Leone’s history, law reforms, among other things, introduced a 30% gender quota rule for parliamentary and councillorship seats. After the 2023 elections, women won 41 out of the 135 elected parliamentary seats, increasing the percentage of women parliamentarians from 12.32% in the 2018 elections to 30.37%. Despite the increase, there have been concerns about the overall effectiveness of the gender quota rule in facilitating women’s access to parliamentary seats. The gender quota rule is set below 50%, is not accompanied by the candidates’ ranking order, does not apply in the election of 14 paramount chiefs, and operates within poor data desegregation of the candidates. This article highlights the required reforms to address the identified legal challenges to facilitate women’s equal access to representation in Sierra Leone’s Parliament.
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Faujiah, Shofi Dwi Syifa, and Nurdin Nurdin. "Sistem Pemilu dan Pembentukan Koalisi Minoritas Study Kasus Malaysia (Anwar Ibrahim)." Jurnal Syntax Admiration 5, no. 12 (2024): 5313–25. https://doi.org/10.46799/jsa.v5i12.1645.
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This study examines the political dynamics in Malaysia with a focus on the electoral system and the formation of multi-ethnic coalitions after the 15th General Election in 2022. Malaysia implements a parliamentary democracy with a constitutional monarchy, where elections are held using the "First Past the Post" (FPTP) system. The 2022 election resulted in a hanging parliament, which marked a significant shift from single-coalition dominance to a new era of coalition politics. Anwar Ibrahim managed to form a multi-ethnic governing coalition, called the National Unity Cabinet, despite facing challenges of ideological differences and ethnic diversity within the coalition. This study aims to analyze Anwar Ibrahim's inclusive leadership as well as the role of political negotiations and coalition formation in maintaining government stability. This research uses a descriptive Qualitative Method, This approach focuses on the description and interpretation of phenomena through qualitative data collection and analysis techniques, emphasizing the wealth of textual information. The results of this study highlight the complexity of Malaysia's electoral system and its impact on the country's political stability.
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Verma, Dhruv. "Reflecting People’s Will: Evaluating elections with computer aided simulations." Open Political Science 4, no. 1 (2021): 228–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2021-0021.
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Abstract The aim of this study is evaluate various single winner voting systems with the help of computer aided simulations. The impact of phenomena such as strategic voting, spoiler effect and centre squeeze are studied on various election systems such as First Past the Post, Ranked voting, Approval voting and Score voting. The democratic process gives great moral legitimacy to the winner as they are deemed to be chosen by the people, ergo the election system too needs to accurately reflect the will of all the people. Single winner systems or “winner takes all” systems have the advantage of decisive governments as compared to proportional systems but by its construct exclude parliamentary representation to a large percentage of voters who ended up on the losing side. It is therefore even more important that the single winner system mirror the voters mandate as accurately as possible. I conclude after evaluation that alternate systems such as Instant Runoff or Approval voting could be considered in lieu of the FPTP systems as they have fewer flaws and are more likely to give a truer representation of electorate’s choice.
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Grabbe, Yannis. "Deskriptive Repräsentation und Wahlsysteme: Evidenz aus Neuseeland." DNGPS Working Paper 11, no. 2025 (2025): 1–25. https://doi.org/10.3224/dngps.v11i1.01.
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Diese Arbeit untersucht den Einfluss unterschiedlicher Wahlsysteme auf die deskriptive Repräsentation von Frauen und Māori im neuseeländischen Parlament. Im Zentrum steht der Wechsel von einem Mehrheitswahlrecht (First-Past-the-Post, FPTP) zu einem personalisierten Verhältniswahlrecht (Mixed-Member Proportional, MMP) zur Parlamentswahl im Jahr 1996. Aufbauend auf theoretischen Grundlagen zur politischen Repräsentation und unter Einbeziehung von vier Hypothesen analysiert die Arbeit die Entwicklung der Repräsentation über einen Zeitraum von 15 Parlamentswahlen (1981-2023). Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass das MMP-System sowohl die Repräsentation von Frauen als auch von Māori im Parlament signifikant verbessert hat. Besonders hervorzuheben ist der unmittelbare Anstieg des Frauen- und Māori-Anteils nach der Wahlrechtsreform. Während die deskriptive Repräsentation von Frauen vor und nach der Reform in ähnlichem Maße wie zuvor wuchs, stieg die Repräsentation der Māori erst nach der Reform signifikant an. Zudem bestätigt die Studie, dass ideologisch linke Parteien eine größere Rolle bei der Förderung der Repräsentation dieser Gruppen spielen. Weiterhin konnte festgestellt werden, dass die Kandidatur von Frauen und Māori in Einpersonenwahlkreisen, speziell in General Electoral Districts (GED) unter dem MMP-System über Zeit zugenommen hat. Die Arbeit trägt zur Literatur über die Auswirkungen von Wahlsystemen auf die politische Repräsentation bei und bietet Ansatzpunkte für weiterführende Untersuchungen zur Repräsentation von Minderheiten und unterrepräsentierten Gruppen in unterschiedlichen politischen Kontexten.
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Basit, Habib, and Abid Sonia. "Analysis of Reformation in Biometrics for Conducting Elections by the Relationship of NADRA, Cellular Companies and Election Commission Pakistan." Journal of Social and Political Sciences 1, no. 4 (2018): 494–505. https://doi.org/10.31014/aior.1991.01.04.37.
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During the periods of democracy in Pakistan transparency regarding the over turn of the elections has always been an issue. The problems regarding rigging have been seen mostly during these eras, and the main cause except from the human error has been the traditional vote casting system, First Past the Post (FPTP). There are many other errors less methods by which elections can be conducted and without any hustle. The methods regarding electronic devices like E-Voting are very essential. By following all these methods, in present era to reduce rigging and human error, elections can be held by using such a system in which a collaborative role of Election commission of Pakistan, NADRA and cellular companies plays an important role by verifying, registering and casting the vote of voters. The focal point of research is that in which the System Development Life Cycle (SDLC) and Access Ladder is being used, and their relationship's shown through a hierarchy diagram. The relationship of phases of SDLC with factors of Access Ladder show how a problem statement can be explained which has the nature of a procedure. ECP will have the direct link with cellular companies and NADRA to conduct transparent elections.
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Koay, Hean Wei, and Salwa Mokhtar Khairiah. "The role of political marketing and its importance in Barisan Nasional at Malaysia general election." Technium Social Sciences Journal 29 (March 9, 2022): 548–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v29i1.6138.
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This study discusses the political marketing tools based on the research in Barisan Nasional (BN) at Malaysia general election. According to the Malaysian law, the date of the last election and subsequent election is to be held at 5-year intervals. Thus, after GE12 in 2008, GE13 was held in 2013. Since 1969 from Alliance coalition to 1973 BN coalition never lost a general election in parliamentary constituency. The political tsunami in GE12 BN won 140 seats in Dewan Rakyat out of 222 seats, opposition parties such as Pakatan Rakyat (PR) won 82 seats out of 222 Dewan Rakyat of seats in Malaysia (Election Commission of Malaysia, 2008, 2013, 2018). The GE13 result was almost the same as GE12 in which BN won 133 seats in Dewan Rakyat or 47.38% of the votes. Pakatan Rakyat (PR) won the support for 89 seats in Dewan Rakyat or 50.87% of the votes. This is first time BN won in the general election but with less of the votes. In GE12 and GE13 voters started to support the opposition rather than BN. Specifically, direct voter contact, indirect voter contact, dominant party, party leader, gerrymandering, malapportionment, re-delineation, first-past-the-post system (FPTP) are the political marketing tools implement by BN. This paper discusses about political marketing tools employed by BN during general election. Therefore, this paper can provide information to political parties and help them to identify the suitable political marketing tools for coming elections.
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Ochieng, Charles Otieno P., Frank Khachina Matanga, and Crispinous Iteyo. "The Nexus between Electoral Management System and Post-Election Violence in Kenya Since 1963." African Journal of Empirical Research 5, no. 4 (2024): 102–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.51867/ajernet.5.4.8.
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The study investigates the relationship between Kenya's electoral management system and post-election violence, which has persisted despite numerous reforms since the country's independence in 1963. The primary aim was to identify structural issues within the electoral administration that contribute to violence following elections. The research analyzed key components of the electoral management system and the causes of post-election violence. Utilizing consociationalism theory, voting theory, and rational choice theory, the study employed a historical design with both qualitative and quantitative methods. The research was conducted from July to December 2022. The target population included eligible voters (260), politicians (50), IEBC officials (40), political analysts (60), humanitarian-aid organizations representatives (10), local election observers (5), international election observers (5), security personnel (10), and county administrative staff (10). A stratified random sampling method was employed to collect data using both questionnaires and interviews. The targeted population established the strata of 641,396, and a random sample was taken from each stratum, arriving at a sample size of 450 respondents. The findings revealed that Kenya's electoral system is primarily based on the First Past the Post (FPTP) model, which is a plurality/majority system. The study identified several key factors contributing to post-election violence, including the "winner-takes-all" nature of elections, disputes over election results due to perceived bias in the electoral management body, and voter incitement by politicians. A statistically significant correlation was established between the electoral management system and post-election violence (β=.685, t = 16.225, Sig. =.000). The findings indicated that the self-interest and impunity of political leaders, along with ethnic divisions and mistrust, hinder the IEBC's ability to conduct fair and credible elections. A significant association was also found between the causes and consequences of post-election violence (β=.757, t = 19.088, Sig. =.000). The study recommends exploring alternative electoral systems, such as proportional representation and mixed-member models, to promote inclusivity and fair representation. By establishing a connection between the electoral management system and post-election violence, this research contributes to peace and conflict studies, addressing a relatively understudied area in Kenya and the broader region.
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Shrestha, Amrit Kumar, and Indira Achary Mishra. "Effect of the electoral system on women's representation: Evidence from national elections of Nepal." Humanities and Social Sciences Letters 12, no. 1 (2024): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18488/73.v12i1.3652.
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The purpose of this article is to examine the impact of the electoral system on women's representation in Nepalese elections. The article utilizes a questionnaire-based approach to gather data on women's representation in Nepalese elections. The questionnaire is distributed to individuals from diverse backgrounds and aims to assess the influence of the electoral system on women's success in elections. The obtained data is analyzed to determine the correlation between the electoral system and women's representation. The study reveals that the use of the first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system in the initial six elections resulted in limited success for women candidates. The proportional representation (PR) system, employed in the last three elections, led to a significant increase in women's representation. In the CA elections of 2008 and 2013, over 48 percent of women were elected through the PR system. Furthermore, in the 2017 House of Representatives (HoR) elections, more than 76 percent of female candidates emerged victorious. These findings emphasize the crucial role that the electoral system plays in promoting women's representation. This underscores the importance of selecting an electoral system that promotes gender equality and facilitates increased women's representation. The findings of this study have practical implications for electoral reforms in Nepal. Policymakers and electoral authorities should consider the impact of the electoral system on gender equality and design mechanisms to promote women's participation and success in politics. By implementing a more women-friendly electoral system, Nepal can strive towards achieving greater gender parity and inclusivity in its political landscape.
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Bates, Jane. "First past the post." Nursing Standard 18, no. 10 (2003): 20–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.18.10.20.s36.
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Abbott, Alison. "First past the post." Nature 423, no. 6936 (2003): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/423114a.
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The Lancet Oncology. "First past the post." Lancet Oncology 6, no. 1 (2005): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1470-2045(04)01690-0.
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Backhouse, Roland. "First-past-the-post games." Science of Computer Programming 85 (June 2014): 166–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.scico.2013.07.007.
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Chakrabarty, Arijit. "Is the First-Past-the-Post Necessarily the First?" Studies in Microeconomics 6, no. 1-2 (2018): 133–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321022218803214.
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In this short note, the probability of the event that in a first-past-the-post voting system, the party winning the maximum number of seats loses in terms of popular votes, is studied under a few simplifying assumptions. It turns out that the said probability is roughly 20 per cent. That is, one-fifth of the times, the said event will happen, on the average. JEL Classifications: D04, D72, D78
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Norton, Philip. "The case for First‐Past‐The‐Post." Representation 34, no. 2 (1997): 84–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344899708522993.
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Blau, Adrian. "A quadruple whammy for first-past-the-post." Electoral Studies 23, no. 3 (2004): 431–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(03)00030-1.
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Bochel, Hugh, and David Denver. "‘The Last Post’ For First-Past-The-Post? The 2003 Scottish Council Elections." Scottish Affairs 47 (First Serie, no. 1 (2004): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2004.0028.
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Pop-Eleches, Grigore, and Joshua A. Tucker. "Associated with the Past?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 1 (2012): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325412465087.
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In this article, we test the effect of communist-era legacies on the large and temporally resilient deficit in civic participation in post-communist countries. To do so, we analyze data from 157 surveys conducted between 1990 and 2009 in twenty-four post-communist countries and forty-two non-post-communist countries. The specific hypotheses we test are drawn from a comprehensive theoretical framework of the effects of communist legacies on political behavior in post-communist countries that we have previously developed. Our analysis suggests that three mechanisms were particularly salient in explaining this deficit: first, the demographic profile (including lower religiosity levels) of post-communist countries is less conducive to civic participation than elsewhere. Second, the magnitude of the deficit increases with the number of years an individual spent under communism but the effects were particularly strong for people socialized in the post-totalitarian years and for those who experienced communism in their early formative years (between ages six and seventeen). Finally, we also find that civic participation suffered in countries that experienced weaker economic performance in the post-communist period, though differences in post-communist democratic trajectories had a negligible impact on participation. Taken together, we leave behind a potentially optimistic picture about civic society in post-communist countries, as the evidence we present suggests eventual convergence toward norms in other non post-communist countries.
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Pani, Narendar, Debosree Banerjee, and Paul Thomas. "The National Bias of India’s First-Past-The-Post System." Studies in Indian Politics 11, no. 1 (2023): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23210230231166183.
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The relationship between the local and the national in Indian politics has taken a variety of forms, from secessionist tendencies to agitational politics around specific issues. The course of this relationship is typically explored through electoral performance, primarily whether a party wins sufficient seats to form the government. There is much less attention paid to the relationship between votes and seats. This has led to some questions not getting the attention they deserve, particularly whether the first-past-the-post electoral system that India uses is entirely neutral in the dynamic between the local and the national. This article addresses this question by developing a model that captures the effects of the share of the votes of national parties, as well as the concentration of national and local votes, on the performance of national and local parties. The empirical evaluation of this system points to an overall national bias, which is eroded over time by the emergence of regionally dominant local parties.
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Komatsu, H. "‘First Past The Post’ and The Decline of Japanese Democracy." King's Law Journal 28, no. 2 (2017): 163–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09615768.2017.1362868.
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Allard, Crispin. "Is the alternative vote less proportional than first‐past‐the‐post?" Representation 36, no. 3 (1999): 267–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344899908523093.
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Pilon, Dennis. "Review Essay - Democratic Leviathan: Defending First-Past-the-Post in Canada." Canadian Political Science Review 12, no. 1 (2018): 24–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24124/c677/20181718.
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This review essay examines a number of recent books claiming to offer a defence of Canada's traditonal first past the post voting system. The works can be divided into two camps, one Conservative, the other liberal, though their logic, arguments, and evidence are surprisingly similar. Through a detailed engagement with each work, this review argues that both versions ultimately defend first past the post as an effective ‘democratic leviathan’ in that the voting system tends to produce a strong, single party legislative majority government that can rule unhindered while it remains in office. Thus, for these authors, considerations of stability and legislative efficiency trump all other concerns e.g. representation, diversity, majority rule, electoral competitiveness, etc. However, in making their case, the contributors largely fail to seriously engage opposing views or the relevant academic literatures, particularly relevant Canadian work.
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Raymond, Christopher D. "Do third-party supporters recognize their party is out of the running? Evidence from Canada." Research & Politics 5, no. 3 (2018): 205316801879786. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168018797866.
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While the literature on tactical voting suggests third parties are not likely to form under first-past-the-post rules, the literature also provides several potential explanations for why third parties have flourished in several first-past-the-post systems, and why voters will support these parties. This research note examines the most popular of these explanations, which holds that voters supporting parties placing third or worse in their district fail to recognize their party is out of the running. Using Canadian Election Study data from three recent elections, the results show that most voters supporting parties placing third or worse in their districts recognize that their parties are not likely to finish first or second. These results suggest more attention should be paid to other potential explanations for third-party voting in first-past-the-post systems.
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Jasiewicz, Krzysztof. "“The Past Is Never Dead”." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 23, no. 4 (2009): 491–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409342114.
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This article presents a summary of analyses addressing the changing patterns of voting behavior in post-communist Poland as a context for examination of the issue of the relationship between regions defined by history (eighteenth-century partitions, border shifts after WWII) and contemporary forms of voting behavior. In the 1990s, the dominant cleavage in Polish politics was the one between the post-Solidarity and post-communist camps, and the best predictor of voting behavior was one’s religiosity. In the first decade of the twenty-first century, this cleavage has been replaced by another, between the liberal, pro-European orientation and the more Euro-skeptic, populist attitudes. The empirical evidence seems to suggest that one end of the populist—liberal continuum is relatively well defined and represents the traditional system of values, which defines Polish national identity in terms of ethnic nationalism, strong attachment to Catholic dogmas, and denunciation of communism as a virtual negation of those values. The other end of this continuum is defined more by rejection of this nationalistic-Catholic “imagined community” than by any positive features. This article examines the relative role of identity-related factors (e.g., religiosity or region) and determinants based on one’s socioeconomic (class) position in shaping voting patterns in the 2007 elections to the Polish Sejm and Senate. The empirical data come from a postelection survey, the Polish General Election Study 2007.
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Rowe, Jacob M. "Optimal induction and post-remission therapy for AML in first remission." Hematology 2009, no. 1 (2009): 396–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/asheducation-2009.1.396.
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AbstractApproximately 300,000 patients in the world are diagnosed annually with acute myeloid leukemia (AML). The median age at presentation has been steadily increasing over the past few decades and now is approaching 70 years. Although considerable progress has been made over the past 3 decades in the therapy of AML, two thirds of young adults still die of their disease. The therapy of AML, unlike acute lymphoblastic leukemia (ALL), is based on maximally tolerated induction and post-remission therapy, all given within a few months from diagnosis. While complete remission can be achieved in the majority of young patients, ultimate cure of the disease depends on disease eradication through the administration of post-remission therapy. This is most often done with intensive chemotherapy. Harnessing the immunologic effect of graft-versus-leukemia, as in allogeneic transplantation, has further improved the outcome for many patients. Treatment of older adults, representing the majority of patients with AML, remains quite unsatisfactory. While 40% to 50% can achieve a complete remission, less than 10% are long-term survivors, and the cure rate of older patients has only minimally improved over the past three decades. Significant progress in the treatment of this age group is urgently required. New and targeted agents have much promise, but a definitive clinical role for these has yet to be conclusively established.
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Bogdanor, Vernon. "First‐Past‐The‐Post: An electoral system which is difficult to defend." Representation 34, no. 2 (1997): 80–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344899708522992.
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Lijphart, Arend. "First‐past‐the‐post, PR, Michael Pinto‐Duschinksy, and the empirical evidence." Representation 36, no. 2 (1999): 133–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344899908523071.
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Helgesson, Stefan. "Post-anticolonialism." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 132, no. 1 (2017): 164–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2017.132.1.164.
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In the wake of 9/11, from an already distant moment of globalization (before we even knew words like anthropocene or Facebook), Arif Dirlik asked if postcolonial critique hadn't failed to take the rapidly evolving new modalities of capitalism into account. By foregrounding the experience of colonialism so insistently, postcolonialism risked cultivating “an exaggerated view of the hold of the past over contemporary realities, and an obliviousness to the reconfiguration of past legacies by contemporary restructurations of power” (“Rethinking Colonialism” 429). What it had achieved, however, was an interrogation of “fundamental contradictions in an earlier discourse on colonialism,” whereby the meaning of colonialism had shifted from the post-1945 Manichaean narrative to something far more ambiguous (431). As a consequence, even anticolonial nationalism, which had largely been shaped by native functionaries of colonial rule, came to be understood as a product of colonialism. Frantz Fanon was among the first to confront this problem (119–99). But when his alternative vision of an organic nationhood developing out of the rural peasantry failed to emerge, the intellectual legacies of anticolonialism were, unsurprisingly, subjected to sustained interrogation. Indeed, Dirlik attributes such a reorientation in post-colonial criticism precisely to the failures of postcolonial regimes (“Rethinking Colonialism” 434).