Academic literature on the topic 'First Sino-Japan War'
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Journal articles on the topic "First Sino-Japan War"
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O’Reilly, Sean. "The Noble Enemy: Bravery, Surrender and Suicide in the First Sino-Japanese War." Journal of Chinese Military History 8, no. 2 (October 22, 2019): 159–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-12341345.
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Abstract What can be learned from the now largely forgotten first Sino-Japanese War (1894-95) about concepts like the heroism of surrender? I show that Japanese depictions, far from being universally contemptuous, treated their main opponent, the commander of the Chinese Beiyang fleet, Admiral Ding Ruchang, with great respect before, during, and even after the war despite his surrender. Why? I use accounts by observers and Ding’s own letters to scrutinize the enduring popularity of his posthumous image in Japan versus China. I argue that Ding showed neither strategic brilliance nor formidability as an opponent. This means he does not fit the “nobility of failure” concept, remaining an anomalous outlier for provoking such hero-worship in Japan despite his mediocre wartime performance. Overall, how Ding and the Beiyang Fleet were treated in popular Japanese accounts suggests that Japanese attitudes towards concepts such as “bravery,” “surrender,” and “suicide” were in flux in the 1890s.
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Kolar, Stefan. "Sino-Japanese Relations and the Potential for Militarised Conflict in the Twenty-First Century." Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 121–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2017-0005.
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Abstract The People’s Republic of China and Japan have been at odds with each other for over a century. Their modern relationship was shaped by imperialism, territorial disputes, and two wars. With the end of the bipolar power structure of the Cold War, both nations are vying for regional leadership. The unresolved territorial dispute over the Senkaku/Diàoyú Islands (Senkaku shotō 尖閣諸島/ Diàoyúdǎo jí qí fùshǔ dǎoyǔ 钓岛及其附属岛屿) in the East China Sea serves as a constant catalyst for clashes between both powers and seems to be pushing towards a violent eruption. Thus, this paper assesses the risk of an interstate war between China and Japan in the twenty-first century. By employing the Steps to War theory, each step nations usually take before engaging in war, it will be analysed in order to see how far the brewing Sino-Japanese conflict has developed. This paper aims at answering the questions of the current risk of war, whether there is a palpable shift towards conflict escalation during the twenty-first century, and if so, identifying the main drivers for this development and ascertaining whether threats to stability are currently increasing or decreasing.
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Perminova, Vera A. "War Remembrance in China and Its Influence on Sino-Japanese Relations in the 1950s – Early 1980s." Oriental Studies 20, no. 4 (2021): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2021-20-4-80-90.
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Problems of the past remain one of the most important factors that have plagued Sino-Japanese relations for the last few decades. Questions that are related to events of WWII and in particular events of the Second Sino-Japanese war are still relevant and remain a sensitive issue in contemporary China. Complicated postwar Sino-Japanese relations are not only caused by political and economic factors, but to a great extent are related to specific perceptions of events of the shared past in the first half of the 20th century by these two nations. Collective remembrance of Sino-Japanese wars and one of the most major wars of the 20th century – WWII – that was formed during the 20th centenary is vastly different in China and Japan, and still has a great impact on the dynamics of bilateral relations. The paper studies Chinese approaches to the interpretation of the Sino-Japanese war of resistance, role of the State and non-State actors in forming collective war remembrance in China during different stages of postwar development in the 20th century: during the first decades after the end of WWII (1950–70s), period of normalization of Sino-Japanese relations after 1972 – when a joint declaration was signed and “renewing” war remembrance in the 1980s.
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WITS, CASPER. "Foreign Correspondents in the East Asian Cold War: The Sino-Japanese journalist exchange of 1964." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 5 (January 31, 2020): 1446–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x19000404.
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AbstractThis article examines the importance of the exchange of foreign correspondents between Japan and China from 1964, during a period of the Cold War when the two countries did not have official ties. Favourable political circumstances in the first half of the 1960s led to a brief window of opportunity for an improved relationship between China and Japan, during which this unique exchange took place. The article attempts to shed light on the significance of the exchange within the broader context of Chinese foreign policy and Sino-Japanese relations during the Cold War. Thereby it will clarify the importance of the 1960–1964 period for the longer rapprochement process that would come to fruition in 1972 with the establishment of diplomatic relations. The exchanges of 1964 were seen by participants as an important first step on the way towards official ties. For the Chinese the importance of a relationship with Japan in this period, and, by extension, the importance of the journalist exchange, is shown by the involvement of an unusually high number of journalists from both countries. This article argues that the Chinese leadership's desire for the journalist exchange was rooted in a craving for accurate knowledge about Japan, especially concerning specific political trends and economic developments. This enthusiasm was matched by pro-China politicians in Japan, who also felt that the journalists’ presence would enable the Chinese to base their Japan policy on a broader variety of sources, extending beyond information merely gathered through contacts in the Japanese left.
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Man, Kwong Chi. "“They Are a Little Afraid of the British Admiral”." International Bibliography of Military History 35, no. 2 (October 10, 2015): 93–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22115757-03502002.
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This article looks at the role of the British Royal Navy during the First Sino-Japanese War of 1894–1895. Although the British government decided to stay neutral and work with Russia to mediate between Japan and China, the presence of the China Station of the Royal Navy played a subtle role in influencing the strategies adopted by China and Japan. However, as the British government underestimated its own naval power and possibly overestimated that of its potential opponents, the China Station played only a limited role to protect British interest. As a result, Russia used a much weaker fleet to achieve its territorial and political goals, while Britain was forced to increase its military and naval investment in East Asia. The result of the war was the opposite of the intention of the British government, namely to maintain stability in the area and check the spread of Russian influence.
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Cha, Victor D. "Japan's Grand Strategy on the Korean Peninsula: Optimistic Realism." Japanese Journal of Political Science 1, no. 2 (November 2000): 249–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109900002048.
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Korea is one of the most complex, critical, and yet understudied of Japan's foreign policy relationships. While much attention in US policy and academic circles has focused on Japan's future relations with China as the key variable for regional stability in the twenty first century, an integral part of the security dynamic in East Asia has been driven by the Japan–Korea axis. In the late-nineteenth century and early twentieth century, two major power wars in Asia (i.e., Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese) had this relationship as a proximate cause. During the cold war, the Japan–Republic of Korea (ROK) axis facilitated the American presence as an Asia-Pacific power and security guarantor. And in the post-cold war era, outcomes in the Japan–Korea (united or still divided) relationship are critical to the shape of future balance of power dynamics in the region and with it, the future American security presence. How then should we be thinking about future Japanese relations with the Korean peninsula? What are Tokyo's hopes and concerns with regard to Korea? How do they view the prospect of a united Korea? Is there a Japanese ‘grand strategy’ regarding the peninsula?
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Colard, Daniel. "Vers un nouvel ordre politique international : le traité de paix et d’amitié sino-japonais du 12 août 1978." Études internationales 11, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 3–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701016ar.
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On August 12th 1978 the People's Republic of China and Japan signed a treaty of peace and friendship that solemnly recognized the reconciliation between Peking and Tokyo. The original character and political, economic and geo-strategic meaning of this signal document can only be understood by placing it within Us true context. In fact, this context has two facets. The Sino-Japanese treaty can first be seen in an historical context that must be kept in mind since the « Far Eastern Question » has, from the end of the 19th century, been at the heart of Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese relations as well as constituting an ongoing concern for the major European powers. Prior to 1939, Japanese imperialism had succeeded in imposing its law in China and in East Asia establishing what Tokyo called a « co-prosperity sphere ». During the Second World War, the United States, Great Britain and the USSR - allies against the common enemy - had to take important decisions with regard to Japan to prepare the terms of occupation. The San Francisco Peace Treaty of 1951 established the new American-Japanese relationship. Normalization of Soviet-Japanese relations began with the signing of the joint declaration of 1956. The August 12th 1978 Peace Treaty between Peking and Tokyo can be further seen as part of specific diplomatic context comprising the Sino-Soviet conflict, East-West détente and the Sino-American rapprochement that opened the way - immediately after President Nixon's trip to China in February 1972 - for the Sino-Japanese rapprochement. Legally, the Treaty contains only five short sections, the most original of which being the « anti-hegemony » clause provided for in section 2. Diplomatically, it is not exaggerated to recognize in this Sino-Japanese agreement an element of a New International Political Order presently taking form and that has to necessarily accompany the implantation of the « New International Economic Order » that the countries of the Third World have been demanding since 1974.
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Lee, Joyman. "Where Imperialism Could Not Reach: Chinese Industrial Policy and Japan, 1900–1940." Enterprise & Society 15, no. 4 (December 2014): 655–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700016062.
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Where Imperialism Could Not Reachexamines the impact of the Japanese model of industrialization on China through a history of policy recommendations and economic ideas in practice. In the aftermath of the First Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895), Chinese regional policymakers learned a Japanese-style industrial policy that focused on the use of exhibitions and schools to disseminate information and stimulate rural innovation. In focusing on the treaty ports and the impact of European and American capitalism that has a larger and more quantifiable source base, many scholars have ignored the vital intra-Asian dimensions of China’s economic development, underpinned by shared position of China and Japan on the global semiperiphery and the pursuit of labor-intensive industrialization focusing on improvements to labor quality. The dissertation also aims to demonstrate the primary importance of information and incentives for innovation—rather than overcoming capital constraints—in Chinese strategies for economic growth.
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Lincicome, Mark E. "Nationalism, Imperialism, and the International Education Movement in Early Twentieth-Century Japan." Journal of Asian Studies 58, no. 2 (May 1999): 338–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2659400.
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The literature on nationalism ascribes a pivotal role to schools in creating what Benedict Anderson calls an “imagined community,” through the formation and dissemination of a common national identity and a shared national consciousness where none existed before (e.g., Anderson 1983; Gellner 1983; Hobsbawm 1990; Smith 1991). It is not unusual to find Japan cited as a prime example of this process, not only among theorists of nationalism, but among Japan specialists, as well (e.g., Beauchamp 1988, 226–29; Cummings 1980, 17–25; Hunter 1989, 192–97; Ienaga 1978; Pyle 1996, 125–30; Rohlen 1983, 46–57; Schoppa 1991, 29–31; Thomas 1996, 254–62). In general, they portray the first two decades of the Meiji period, between 1868 and 1890, as the era when a modern national consciousness merged with a revivified nativist identity to form an “emperor-centered nationalism” that was institutionalized and propagated by the state, chiefly through a newly established compulsory, centralized school system. Frequently, this assertion is supported by citing the Imperial Rescript on Education (1890), which begins, “Our Imperial Ancestors have founded Our Empire on a basis broad and everlasting and have deeply and firmly implanted virtue; Our subjects, ever united in loyalty and filial piety, have from generation to generation illustrated the beauty thereof.” This distinctive brand of Japanese nationalism is also regarded as a factor contributing to the subsequent development of Japanese imperialism and the country's pursuit of a colonial empire abroad, which began with its victory in the Sino-Japanese War (1894–95), and concluded fifty years later with its defeat in the Pacific War.
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Shihmin, Chen. "La dissuasion nucléaire et les rapports sino-japonais - l'interaction entre une puissance nucléaire et une puissance non nucléaire en Asie de l'Est (Note)." Études internationales 28, no. 4 (April 12, 2005): 685–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703804ar.
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Since the end of 1950s, the Japanese nuclear policy has consisted in keeping the legal option open for the development of the "defensive" nuclear weapons and maintaining a nuclear potential. The motivation of this" open nuclear option" of Japan would be mainly the development of the nuclear force of China. The us retreat of all the ground-launched and submarine-launched tactical nuclear weapons in 1991 implied the end of the age of dependence on tactical nuclear weapons for "war-fighting" in Asia. The conventional deterrence would already be sufficient for maintaining the stability of the East Asia. The mission of the extended nuclear deterrence of the United States could be reduced to Us vital role for countering only the nuclear attack of other country, not for any conventional attack. The controversies about the "antimissile defense" have influenced the security relationship between China and Japan. The important strategic significance of the antimissile defense for Beijing would be that a strategy of the first strike against China would be easier to consider. A theater missile defense in Japan would be less challenging for China and would be useful against the threat of missiles from North Korea. Nonetheless, a strategic missile defense could have a destabilizing impact on Sino-Japanese security relations. The Japanese nuclear policy would be a hind of "recessive deterrence" which operates by the potential and the possibility of developing nuclear weapons. The nuclear crisis in Korea provides a chance to observe the working dynamic of this deterrence. Owing to the worry about the nuclear proliferation of Japan, Tokyo finds it appropriate to ask Beijing to prevent the nuclear development of the North Korea and to maintain the credibility of the extended deterrence of the United States.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "First Sino-Japan War"
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CHANG, WEN-CHUN, and 張文俊. "Researching First Sino-Japanese War- Analysis of Japan''s espionage and infiltration network-." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/4j9qvz.
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碩士國立高雄第一科技大學
應用日語研究所
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Taiwanese’s mainly impression about Sino-Japanese War, may be limited to the Battle of Yalu River and humiliating "Treaty of Shimonoseki," which ceded Taiwan and the Penghu Islands to Japan, leads to following 50 years of the Japanese occupation. During last hundred years, scholars had been researching and discussing Sino-Japanese War, mainly focused on two parts- land battle and naval battle. It was barely known that diplomacy activities and espionage kept waging under the table of Main battlefield. The article revealed Japanese espionage activities before Sino-Japanese War, and why espionage activities became the major cause of Victory. This article included explanation of main reason why Japanese spies pried into China for military information, analysis of espionage and infiltration network among Japanese military, diplomacy institution and individuals, and confirmation of the authenticity of espionage via documents and publications. Besides, for the crucial event: Qing military secret telegraphic code was decoded by the Japan, the writer not only cross-referenced documents from each side and raised his doubts about the mostly believed theory source, furthermore focused on researching divulgation of Qing’s military information and Japan’s ways of espionage and infiltration network. In the Battle of Feng-Tao, the Qing government rented two ships from British government for troop transport, Kow-Shing and Sow-Ko. The former was destroyed by Japan naval vessel, while the troop on Sow-Ko was captured as war prisoners. Later, the Qing government’s arrested numerous Japanese spies, Chinese traitors, and suspects. Some passed away after being arrested, others escaped and survived. After the war, the Qing government released them according to clause 9 in Treaty of Shimonoseki. Disclosure of confidential telegram text during the war was quite few. The article collected and organized confidential telegram text and its transferred system, starting from early June, 1894, especially, when Japanese were aggressive in espionage and infiltration network before Sino-Japanese War, till Japan withdrawn diplomatic personnel from Qing when war started. Writer corroborated the process how Japanese spies controlled confidential intelligence and sent to their head-quarter and Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, and expounded Qing government’s prevention policy. All espionage and infiltration network were enumerated to confirm Japanese intelligence-gathering brought significant impact to Sino-Japanese War and wars afterwards. Furthermore, the mode of Japan’s espionage and infiltration network were applied to Russo-Japanese war, also during WWII to China and the US.
Books on the topic "First Sino-Japan War"
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Buzan, Barry, and Evelyn Goh. Rethinking Sino-Japanese Alienation. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198851387.001.0001.
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Bitterly contested memories of war, colonization and empire among Japan, China, and Korea have increasingly threatened regional order and security over the three decades since the 1980s. In Sino-Japanese relations, identity, territory, and power pull together in a particularly lethal direction, generating dangerous tensions in both geopolitical and memory rivalries. Buzan and Goh explore a new approach to dealing with this history problem, first, by constructing a more balanced and global view of their shared history, and second, by sketching out the possibilities for a great power bargain in Northeast Asia. The book first puts Northeast Asia’s history since 1840 into both a world historical and a systematic normative context, exposing the parochial nature of the history debate in relation to what is a bigger shared story. It then explores the conditions under which China and Japan have been able to reach strategic bargains in the course of their long historical relationship, and uses this to sketch out the main modes of agreement that might underpin a new contemporary great power bargain between them in four future scenarios for the region. The frameworks adopted here consciously blend historical contextualization; enduring concerns with wealth, power, and interest; and the complex relationship between Northeast Asian states’ evolving encounters with each other and with global international society.
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Leung, Patrick Sze-lok, and Bijun Xu. The Sino-Japanese War and the Collapse of the Qing and Confucian World Order in the Face of Japanese Imperialism and European Acquiescence. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199670055.003.0019.
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The First Sino-Japanese War (1894–95) has been perceived as a sign of a new East Asian power order, but the legitimacy of the war has yet to be clarified. The Japanese foreign minister Mutsu’s Kenkenroku shows that the reasons claimed by Japan were only pretexts for its ambition to put Korea under its control. The 1885 Convention of Tianjin, which was used to justify the Japanese behaviour, needs to be reinterpreted. The Chinese reaction can be understood by exploration into Confucianism, which opposed wars between equal peers. Meanwhile, the Western powers which invented and developed international law were self-interested and did little to prevent the war. The incident shows that international law, empowered by the strong states, failed to maintain peace efficiently in the late nineteenth century.
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Ching, Leo T. S. Colonizing Taiwan. University of California Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520225510.003.0001.
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Taiwan was the first acquired country to be placed on the Japanese overseas empire after the resounding victories of the Sino-Japanese War in 1895. This acquisition was not a primary objective of the Japanese imperial power, but it was a desire to undermine and to unseat Chinese influence over the strategic positions of Korea and southern Manchuria that encouraged Japanese aggression. The incorporation of Taiwan into the Japanese Empire reveals the particular historical relationship of Japanese colonialism in the geopolitics of global colonialism. The author emphasizes two issues in this chapter: (1) the particularization of Japanese imperialism and colonialism are different and unique, highlighting the interrelationship and interdependency of the Japanese case with the generality of global capitalist colonialism; and (2) the lack of the decolonization process in the separation of the Japanese Empire has prevented both Japan and Taiwan from addressing and confronting their colonial relationship and the overall Japanese colonial legacy.
Book chapters on the topic "First Sino-Japan War"
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Akamine, Mamoru. "The End of the Kingdom." In The Ryukyu Kingdom, edited by Robert Huey, translated by Lina Terrell. University of Hawai'i Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.21313/hawaii/9780824855178.003.0009.
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In what became controversially known as the “Ryukyu Shobun,” the new Meiji government gradually took over Ryukyu, starting by using a massacre of Ryukyuan sailors in Taiwan as a pretext to claim Ryukyuans as “people who belong to the nation of Japan,” who needed Tokyo’s protection. In 1874, the Meiji government compelled Ryukyu to cut its ties to China. In 1879, Tokyo annexed Ryukyu and designated it Okinawa Prefecture. That same year, the Ryukyu King was forced to move to Tokyo, and died there in 1901. China did not have sufficient military power to resist the move, but the chapter also describes activities between China and restorationists in Ryukyu, some of whom went to China, rather than remain as Japanese subjects. However, the first Sino-Japanese War (1894-95), in which China was defeated, effectively brought the restoration movement to an end.
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Suzuki, Yu. "The First Sino-Japanese War and the Anglo-Japanese relations." In Britain, Japan and China, 1876–1895, 166–93. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429424601-7.
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Suzuki, Yu. "The road to the First Sino-Japanese War, August 1892-July 1894." In Britain, Japan and China, 1876–1895, 139–65. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429424601-6.
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