Academic literature on the topic 'Fish populations – Angola'

AbstractThe eastern boundary region off Angola encompasses a highly productive ecosystem important for the food security of the coastal population. The fish-stock distribution, however, undergoes large variability on intraseasonal, interannual, and longer time scales. These fluctuations are partly associated with large-scale warm anomalies that are often forced remotely from the equatorial Atlantic and propagate southward, reaching the Benguela upwelling off Namibia. Such warm events, named Benguela Niños, occurred in 1995 and in 2011. Here we present results from an underexplored extensive in situ dataset that was analyzed in the framework of a capacity-strengthening effort. The dataset was acquired within the Nansen Programme executed by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and funded by the Norwegian government. It consists of hydrographic and velocity data from the Angolan continental margin acquired biannually during the main downwelling and upwelling seasons over more than 20 years. The mean seasonal changes of the Angola Current from 6° to 17°S are presented. During austral summer the southward Angola Current is concentrated in the upper 150 m. It strengthens from north to south, reaching a velocity maximum just north of the Angola Benguela Front. During austral winter the Angola Current is weaker, but deeper reaching. While the southward strengthening of the Angola Current can be related to the wind forcing, its seasonal variability is most likely explained by coastally trapped waves. On interannual time scales, the hydrographic data reveal remarkable variability in subsurface upper-ocean heat content. In particular, the 2011 Benguela Niño was preceded by a strong subsurface warming of about 2 years’ duration.

Recruitment, the process by which small fish transition to older, larger life stages, is probably the most important process that regulates populations of fish, but it is complicated to understand. This 6-page fact sheet written by Edward V. Camp, Robert N. M. Ahrens, Angela B. Collins, and Kai Lorenzen and published by the UF/IFAS Program in Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences, School of Forest Resources and Conservation explains the recruitment process in fish populations and why recruitment is so important to fisheries science and management. https://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/fa222

Management of the Cape hake (Merluccius capensis) stock off the coasts of Angola and Namibia has been based on surplus production modeling, which incorporates an assumption of constant catchability. Results of least-squares catch-at-age analysis and virtual population analysis were used to estimate catchability from 1968 to 1986. Estimated catchability was either relatively constant or gradually increasing from 1968 to 1978, but fluctuated considerably between about 1979 and 1983. The fluctuations may have been due to an inverse relationship between catchability and abundance or to environmental factors affecting fish distribution. The period of highest estimated catchability corresponded to the period of lowest estimated abundance and below-average water temperatures. If management is based on the assumption of constant catchability but catchability is inversely related to abundance, the risk of overfishing will be greatest when the stock is at the lowest levels. Future assessments should place increased reliance on survey data or incorporate an appropriate model of catchability changes.

For the first time for the Baikal Lake basin, evidence of the existence of populations of sculpin Cottus cf. poecilopus Heckel (alpine bullhead) characteristic of the adjacent Lena River basin in large northern Baikal tributaries, the Verkhnaya (Upper) Angara and the Kichera is provided. In June 2009 during the study of the lower reaches of the Kholodnaya River (Kichera-Baikal system), 8 individuals of sculpin aged from 3 to 5 years and in August 2009 5 more specimens aged from 4 to 6 were caught. All fish were fertile with the gonads in maturity stage III. In August 2010 33 individuals aged from 4 to 6 were collected in the main channel of the Upper Angara near Novy Uoyan settl.. At about the same time C.poecilopus was registered in stomachs of Arctic charr from Lake Amut (Churo-Upper Angara-Baikal system) near the divide with the Pravaya (Right) Mama (Mama-Vitim-Lena system). In August 2010 17 specimens aged from 1 to 4 were caught in the Upper Angara near the mouth of its large left tributary the Yanchui River. Sculpins from the rivers Kholodnaya, Upper Angara and Yanchui have higher growth rate as compared to the ones from mountain lakes of the upper Lena basin. About 90 % of males and females matured at the age of 3 years. Absolute fecundity of two females from the Upper Angara River was 149 and 556 (with a mean of 352,5) eggs and of two females from the Kholodnaya River, 223 and 305 (with a mean of 264) eggs. This exceeds the fecundity of sculpins from mountain lakes in the Lena part of Baikal rift zone, which averages less than 150 eggs. Sculpins spawn in the Kholodnaya River in the 1st half of June. The diet of C. cf. poecilopus all over the Baikal basin as well as in adjacent sites in the Lena basin was basically composed of larvae of amphibious insects (trichopterans, ephemeropterans, chironomids and plecopterans). The discovery of the third species from the Lena basin in the Baikal basin following the findings of Arctic charr Salvelinus alpinus and grayling Thymallus baicalolenensis evidences the absence of differences in the structure of ichthyofaunas of the upper parts of both neighboring basins. Sculpins permeate along the streams to mountain lakes more easily than other species and colonize the most elevated ones in lake cascades within the northern part of Baikal rift zone. Their dispersal across the divide could proceed in two ways: via headwater captures or via flattened passes between converging upper reaches of adjacent streams.

The paper concerns the ornithomorphic images found at the Pinchuga VI burial ground. The site is located in the lower course of the river Angara (Middle Siberia). The chronological boundaries of the study span the second quarter of the 1st millennium AD (end of the Early Iron Age). All burials at the burial ground were performed ac-cording to the rite of cremation outside the cemetery. Two intact objects and fragments of the third image of a bird were found at the necropolis. Figures were found in different contexts. One of them was found in the filling of a grave pit, the second item within an assemblage of various articles in the inter-grave space. The third item was broken and lost as the result of illegal excavations. All articles share similar characteristics. These are realistic images of diurnal birds of prey “frozen” in a diving flight; the images are shown en face, with a high-relief head, with the tucked wings and feet pulled up with talons. A geometric decor conveys their feather, and a stylized mask is present on the chest of one item. The images are slightly convex, their front side is polished. The closest analogies to the Angara images of birds are known in Western Siberia, including the Tomsk burial ground, the Kholmogory treasure, the Ishim collection, and materials from the Parabel cult place. All this makes it possible to attribute the analyzed items to the Kholmogory stylistic group of the Kulai cult casting. Products of this group be-came widespread in Western Siberia in the second quarter of the 1st millennium AD. The ornithomorphic images found at the Pinchuga VI cemetery extend the geographical range of the items of this style to the territory of Mid-dle Siberia. Apart from the figurines of birds, the necropolis also yields other items of the Western Siberian cult casting, including disks with concentric ornaments, a hollow image of a fish head, and a bird-head belt applique. Bronze items were imported, and in the course of exchange they were spreading over considerable distances. This proves the existence of established cultural ties between the populations of the Lower Angara region and Western Siberia at the End of the Early Iron Age.

If you catch a fish you are not going to keep, help it survive and get back to the deep! Throwing back your unwanted catch is good practice because healthy released fish can live to grow and reproduce, which benefits the fish population and the future of fisheries. But deepwater fish can have trouble getting back where they came from without a little assist from the angler. This 4-page fact sheet written by Betty Staugler, Holly Abeels, Angela Collins, Shelly Krueger, and Kai Lorenzen and published by the UF/IFAS Florida Sea Grant College Program describes barotrauma, a problem that, if left untreated, will kill otherwise perfectly healthy fish, and explains a few quick and simple methods to relieve fish suffering from barotrauma and help them get back home healthy and strong.https://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/sg160

Aims: This study assessed the morphology and the bait preference of black rat (Rattus rattus) in Obafemi Awolowo University student hostel with the aim of controlling the population of black rat in the students’ hostels. Place and Duration of the Study: The study was carried out at Obafemi Awolowo University which is situated in Ile-Ife, an ancient city in the Southwestern Nigeria and lies between latitudes 7°28′N and 7.467°N and longitudes 4°34′E and 4.567°Ewith a landmass of 5,506 hectares between December 2017 and February 2018 Methodology: Locally made metal traps (cage traps) (Plate 1) contains baits were placed fortnightly in various sampling locations (Awolowo, Fajuyi, Angola, Akintola, Mozambique and Moremi halls of residence) for a period of 3 months between the months of December 2017 to February 2018. The traps were set around the dark corners of the sites in the evening and collected the following morning (6.00am). Results: A total of 236 black rats (Rattus rattus) were caught (81 male & 155 female), with the female having the highest weight (238.30 g). Among the baits used, fried fish caught the highest number of the black rat (58%) followed by beans cake (akara) (28%) and the locust bean (14%). There was a positive correlation in the morphology of the black rat caught in all the hostels. Conclusion: The black rats in the University student hall of residence were of the same family and genus, and fried fish is the best-preferred bait.

Music from Another Time – One Perth Night in 2009The following extract is taken from fieldwork notes from research into the enduring Northern Soul dance scene in Perth, Western Australia.It’s 9.30 and I’m walking towards the Hyde Park Hotel on a warm May night. I stop to talk to Jenny, from London, who tells me about her 1970s trip to India and teenage visits to soul clubs in Soho. I enter a cavernous low-ceilinged hall, which used to be a jazz venue and will be a Dan Murphy’s bottle shop before the year ends. South West Soul organiser Tommy, wearing 34-inch baggy trousers, gives me a Northern Soul handshake, involving upturned thumbs. ‘Spread the Faith’, he says. Drinkers are lined up along the long bar to the right and I grab a glass of iced water. A few dancers are out on the wooden floor and a mirror ball rotates overhead. Pat Fisher, the main Perth scene organiser, is away working in Monaco, but the usual suspects are there: Carlisle Derek, Ivan from Cheltenham, Ron and Gracie from Derby. Danny is back from DJing in Tuscany, after a few days in Widnes with old friends. We chat briefly mouth to ear, as the swirling strings and echo-drenched vocals of the Seven Souls’ 45 record, ‘I still love you’ boom through the sound system. The drinkers at the bar hit the floor for Curtis Mayfield’s ‘Move on up’ and the crowd swells to about 80. When I move onto the floor, Barbara Acklin’s ‘Am I the Same Girl?’ plays, prompting reflection on being the same, older person dancing to a record from my teenage years. On the bridge of the piano and conga driven ‘’Cause you’re mine’, by the Vibrations, everybody claps in unison, some above their heads, some behind their backs, some with an expansive, open-armed gesture. The sound is like the crack of pistol. We are all living in the moment, lost in the music, moving forward and backward, gliding sideways, and some of us spinning, dervish-like, for a few seconds, if we can still maintain our balance.Having relocated their scene from England south to the Antipodes, most of the participants described on this night are now in their sixties. Part of the original scene myself, I was a participant observer, dancing and interviewing, and documenting and exploring scene practices over five years.The local Perth scene, which started in 1996, is still going strong, part of a wider Australian and New Zealand scene. The global scene goes back nearly 50 years to the late 1960s. Northern Soul has now also become southern. It has also become significantly present in the USA, its place of inspiration, and in such disparate places as Medellin, in Colombia, and Kobe, in Japan.The feeling of ‘living in the moment’ described is a common feature of dance-oriented subcultures. It enables escape from routines, stretches the present opportunity for leisure and postpones the return to other responsibilities. The music and familiar dance steps of a long-standing scene like Northern Soul also stimulate a nostalgic reverie, in which you can persuade yourself you are 18 again.Dance steps are forward, backward and sideways and on crowded dancefloors self-expression is necessarily attenuated. These movements are repeated and varied as each bar returns to the first beat and in subcultures like Northern Soul are sufficiently stylised as to show solidarity. This solidarity is enhanced by a unison handclap, triggered by cues in some records. Northern Soul is not line-dancing. Dancers develop their own moves.Place of Origin: Soul from the North?For those new to Northern Soul, the northern connection may seem a little puzzling. The North of England is often still imagined as a cold, rainy wasteland of desolate moors and smoky, industrial, mostly working-class cities, but such stereotyping obscures real understanding. Social histories have also tended to focus on such phenomena as the early twentieth century Salford gang members, the “Northern Scuttlers”, with “bell-bottomed trousers … and the thick iron-shod clogs” (Roberts 123).The 1977 Granada television documentary about the key Northern Soul club, Wigan Casino, This England, captured rare footage; but this was framed by hackneyed backdrops of mills and collieries. Yet, some elements of the northern stereotype are grounded in reality.Engels’s portrayal of the horrors of early nineteenth century Manchester in The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844 was an influential exploration of the birth pains of this first industrial city, and many northern towns and cities have experienced similar traumas. Levels of social disadvantage in contemporary Britain, whilst palpable everywhere, are still particularly significant in the North, as researched by Buchan, Kontopantelis, Sperrin, Chandola and Doran in North-South Disparities in English Mortality 1965–2015: Longitudinal Population Study.By the end of the 1960s, the relative affluence of Harold Wilson’s England began to recede and there was increased political and counter-cultural activity. Into this social climate emerged both skinheads, as described by Fowler in Skins Rule and the Northern Soul scene.Northern Soul scene essentially developed as an extension of the 1960s ‘mod’ lifestyle, built around soul music and fashion. A mostly working-class response to urban life and routine, it also evidenced the ability of the more socially mobile young to get out and stay up late.Although more London mods moved into psychedelia and underground music, many soul fans sought out obscure, but still prototypical Motown-like records, often from the northern American cities Detroit and Chicago. In Manchester, surplus American records were transported up the Ship Canal to Trafford Park, the port zone (Ritson and Russell 1) and became cult club hits, as described in Rylatt and Scott’s Central 1179: The Story of Manchester's Twisted Wheel.In the early 1970s, the rare soul fans found a name for their scene. “The Dave Godin Column” in the fanzine Blues and Soul, published in London, referred for the first time to ‘Northern Soul’ in 1971, really defining ‘Northern’ directionally, as a relative location anywhere ‘north of Watford’, not a specific place.The scene gradually developed specific sites, clothes, dances and cultural practices, and was also popular in southern England, and actually less visible in cities such as Liverpool and Newcastle. As Nowell (199) argues, the idea that Northern Soul was regionally based is unfounded, a wider movement emerging as a result of the increased mobility made possible by railways and motorways (Ritson and Russell 14).Clubs like the Blackpool Mecca and Wigan Casino were very close to motorway slip roads and accessible to visitors from further south. The initial scene was not self-consciously northern and many early clubs, like the ‘Golden Torch’, in Tunstall were based in the Midlands, as recounted by Wall (441).The Time and Space of the DancefloorThe Northern Soul scene’s growth was initially covered in fanzines like Blues and Soul, and then by Frith and Cummings (23-32). Following Cosgrove (38-41) and Chambers (142), a number of insider accounts (Soul Survivors: The Wigan Casino Story by Winstanley and Nowell; Too Darn Soulful: The Story of Northern Soul by Nowell; The In-Crowd: The Story of the Northern & Rare Soul Scene by Ritson & Russell) were followed by academic studies (Milestone 134-149; Hollows and Milestone 83-103; Wall 431-445). The scene was first explored by an American academic in Browne’s Identity Scene and Material Culture: The Place of African American Rare Soul Music on the British Northern Soul Scene.Many clubs in earlier days were alcohol-free, though many club-goers substituted amphetamines (Wilson 1-5) as a result, but across the modern scene, drug-taking is not significant. On Northern Soul nights, dancing is the main activity and drinking is incidental. However, dance has received less subtle attention than it deserves as a key nexus between the culture of the scene and black America.Pruter (187) referred to the earlier, pre-disco “myopia” of many music writers on the subject of dance, though its connection to leisure, pleasure, the body and “serious self-realization” (Chambers 7) has been noted. Clearly Northern Soul dancers find “evasive” pleasure (Fiske 127) and “jouissance” (Barthes v) in the merging of self into record.Wall (440) has been more nuanced in his perceptions of the particular “physical geography” of the Northern Soul dance floor, seeing it as both responsive to the music, and a vehicle for navigating social and individual space. Dancers respond to each other, give others room to move and are also connected to those who stand and watch. Although friends often dance close, they are careful not to exclude others and dancing between couples is rare. At the end of popular records, there is often applause. Some dance all night, with a few breaks; others ‘pace’ themselves (Mercieca et al. 78).The gymnastics of Northern Soul have attracted attention, but the forward dives, back drops and spins are now less common. Two less noticed markers of the Northern Soul dancing style, the glide and the soul clap, were highlighted by Wall (432). Cosgrove (38) also noted the sideways glide characteristic of long-time insiders and particularly well deployed by female dancers.Significantly, friction-reducing talcum powder is almost sacramentally sprinkled on the floor, assisting dancers to glide more effectively. This fluid feature of the dancing makes the scene more attractive to those whose forms of expression are less overtly masculine.Sprung wooden floors are preferred and drink on the floor is frowned upon, as spillage compromises gliding. The soul clap is a communal clap, usually executed at key points in a record. Sometimes very loud, this perfectly timed unison clap is a remarkable, though mostly unselfconscious, display of group co-ordination, solidarity and resonance.Billy from Manchester, one of the Perth regulars, and notable for his downward clapping motion, explained simply that the claps go “where the breaks are” (Mercieca et al. 71). The Northern Soul clap demonstrates key attributes of what Wunderlich (384) described as “place-temporality in urban space”, emerging from the flow of music and movement in a heightened form of synchronisation and marked by the “vivid sense of time” (385) produced by emotional and social involvement.Crucially, as Morris noted, A Sense of Space is needed to have a sense of time and dancers may spin and return via the beat of the music to the same spot. For Northern Soul dancers, the movements forwards, backwards, sideways through objective, “geometric space” are paralleled by a traversing of existential, “conceived space”. The steps in microcosm symbolise the relentless wider movements we make through life. For Lefebvre, in The Production of Space, these “trialectics” create “lived space”.A Sense of Place and Evolving IdentitySpaces are plastic environments, charged with emerging meanings. For Augé, they can also remain spaces or be manipulated into “Non-Places”. When the sense of space is heightened there is the potential for lived spaces to become places. The space/place distinction is a matter of contention, but, broadly, space is universal and non-relational, and place is particular and relational.For Augé, a space can be social, but if it lacks implicit, shared cultural understandings and requires explicit signs and rules, as with an airport or supermarket, it is a non-place. It is not relational. It lacks history. Time cannot be stretched or temporarily suspended. As non-places proliferate, urban people spend more time alone in crowds, ”always, and never, at home” (109), though this anonymity can still provide the possibility of changing identity and widening experience.Northern Soul as a culture in the abstract, is a space, but one with distinct practices which tend towards the creation of places and identities. Perth’s Hyde Park Hotel is a place with a function space at the back. This empty hall, on the night described in the opening, temporarily became a Northern Soul Club. The dance floor was empty as the night began, but gradually became not just a space, but a place. To step onto a mostly empty dance floor early in the night, is to cross liminal space, and to take a risk that you will be conspicuous or lonely for a while, or both.This negotiation of space is what Northern Soul, like many other club cultures has always offered, the promise and risk of excitement outside the home. Even when the floor is busy, it is still possible to feel alone in a crowd, but at some stage in the night, there is also the possibility, via some moment of resonance, that a feeling of connection with others will develop. This is a familiar teenage theme, a need to escape bonds and make new ones, to be both mobile and stable. Northern Soul is one of the many third spaces/places (Soja 137) which can create opportunities to navigate time, space and place, and to find a new sense of direction and identity. Nicky from Cornwall, who arrived in Perth in the early 1970s, felt like “a fish out of water”, until involvement in the Northern Soul scene helped him to achieve a successful migration (Mercieca et al. 34-38). Figure 1: A Perth Northern Soul night in 2007. Note the talcum powder on the DJ table, for sprinkling on the dancefloor. The record playing is ‘Helpless’, by Kim Weston.McRobbie has argued in Dance and Social Fantasy that Northern Soul provides places for women to define and express themselves, and it has appealed to more to female and LGBTQIA participants than the more masculine dominated rock, funk and hip-hop scenes. The shared appreciation of records and the possibilities for expression and sociality in dance unite participants and blur gender lines.While the more athletic dancers have tended to be male, dancing is essentially non-contact, as in many other post-1960s ‘discotheque’ styles, yet there is little overt sexual display or flirtation involved. Male and female styles, based on foot rather than arm movements, are similar, almost ungendered, and the Soul scene has differed from more mainstream nightlife cultures focussed on finding partners, as noted in Soul Survivors: The Wigan Casino Story by Winstanley and Nowell. Whilst males, who are also involved in record buying, predominated in the early scene, women now often dominate the dance floor (Wall 441).The Perth scene is little different, yet the changed gender balance has not produced more partner-seeking for either the older participants, who are mostly in long-term relationships and the newer, younger members, who enjoy the relative gender-blindness, and focus on communality and cultural affinity. Figure 2: A younger scene member, ‘Nash’, DJing in Perth in 2016. He has since headed north to Denmark and is now part of the Nordic Northern Soul scene.In Perth, for Stan from Derby, Northern Soul linked the experiences of “poor white working class kids” with young black Americans (Mercieca et al. 97). Hollows and Milestone (87-94) mapped a cultural geographic relationship between Northern Soul and the Northern cities of the USA where the music originated. However, Wall (442) suggested that Northern Soul is drawn from the more bi-racial soul of the mid-1960s than the funky, Afro-centric 1970s and essentially deploys the content of the music to create an alternative British identity, rather than to align more closely with the American movement for self-determination. Essentially, Northern Soul shows how “the meanings of one culture can be transformed in the cultural practices of another time and place” (Wall 444).Many contemporary Australian youth cultures are more socially and ethnically mixed than the Northern Soul scene. However, over the years, the greater participation of women, and of younger and newer members, has made its practices less exclusive, and the notion of an “in-crowd” more relaxed (Wall 439). The ‘Northern’ connection is less meaningful, as members have a more adaptable sense of cultural identity, linked to a global scene made possible by the internet and migration. In Australia, attachment seems stronger to locality rather than nation or region, to place of birth in Britain and place of residence in Perth, two places which represent ‘home’. Northern Soul appears to work well for all members because it provides both continuity and change. As Mercieca et al. suggested of the scene (71) “there is potential for new meanings to continue to emerge”.ConclusionThe elements of expression and directional manoeuvres of Northern Soul dancing, symbolise the individual and social negotiation of direction, place, space, identity and time. The sense of time and space travelled can create a feeling of being pushed forward without control. It can also produce an emotional pull backwards, like an elastic band being stretched. For those growing older and moving far from places of birth, these dynamics can be particularly challenging. Membership of global subcultures can clearly help to create successful migrations, providing third spaces/places (Soja 137) between home and host culture identities, as evidenced by the ‘Southern’ Northern Soul scene in Australia. For these once teenagers, now grandparents in Australia, connections to time and space have been both transformed and transcended. They remain grounded in their youth, but have reduced the gravitational force of home connections, projecting themselves forward into the future by balancing aspects of both stability and mobility. Physical places and places and their connections with culture have been replaced by multiple and overlapping mappings, but it is important not to romanticise notions of agency, hybridity, third spaces and “deterritorialization” (Deleuze and Guattari in Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia). In a globalised world, most people are still located geographically and labelled ideologically. The Northern Soul repurposing of the culture indicates a transilience (Richmond 328) “differentially available to those in different locations in the field of power” (Gupta and Ferguson 20). However, the way in which Northern Soul has moved south over the decade via migration, has arguably now provided a stronger possible sense of resonance with the lives of black Americans whose lives in places like Chicago and Detroit in the 1960s, and their wonderful music, are grounded in the experience of family migrations in the opposite direction from the South to the North (Mercieca et al. 11). In such a celebration of “memory, loss, and nostalgia” (Gupta and Ferguson 13), it may still be possible to move beyond the exclusion that characterises defensive identities.ReferencesAugé, Marc. Non-Places: An Introduction to Supermodernity. Trans. John Howe. London: Verso, 2008.Barthes, Roland. The Pleasure of the Text. Trans. Richard Miller. New York: Hill and Wang, 1975Browne, Kimasi L. 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The blacktail, Diplodus capensis, is an inshore sparid fish distributed from Mozambique to Angola. This species forms an important component of coastal fisheries within its distribution, one being the subsistence handline fishery in southern Angola. With this fishery being critically important to the livelihoods of local communities, a biological study and stock assessment was conducted to provide information for the management of this species in southern Angola. However, with molecular evidence suggesting that the Benguela current may have separated the southern African populations of many inshore fish species over two million years ago, a morphological, taxonomic analysis was considered necessary to first investigate whether there was evidence for allopatry in this species. A total of 46 morphometric measurements and 18 counts were carried out on specimens collected from various locations in southern Angola and South Africa. Results were analysed using multi-dimensional scaling (MDS) and the significance of clusters was tested using analysis of similarities (ANOSIM). Biological samples of D. capensis were collected monthly from an unexploited area from April 2008 to March 2009. Additional biological samples were collected from the subsistence fishers in an exploited area during May, June and December 2009. Standard biological laboratory techniques were employed for the lifehistory comparison between the exploited and unexploited area. A per-recruit analysis was conducted using the life-history parameters from both areas in order to assess the current status of the subsistence fishery and to investigate the potential short-falls of the per-recruit assessment approach. The morphometric comparison showed that there was not sufficient evidence for speciation between the southern Angolan and South African populations of D. capensis. There was, however, sufficient morphological evidence to suggest that these populations are separate stocks. This indicated that the existing reference points on which the management of the South African population is based are unsuitable for the Angolan population. Diplodus capensis in southern Angola is omnivorous, feeding predominantly on algae, barnacles and mussels. An ontogenetic shift from algae to barnacles and mussels was correlated with allometric growth patterns in their feeding apparatus. This species is a rudimentary hermaphrodite in southern Angola with peak spawning in June and July. The overall sex ratio (M: F) was 1: 4.7 in the unexploited area and 50% maturity was attained at 149.5mm FL and five years. Diplodus capensis in southern Angola exhibits very slow growth with the maximum age observed being 31 years (validated using mark recapture of chemically injected fish). Females [L(t) = 419.5(1-e⁻°·°⁴⁵⁽t⁻³·⁴ ⁾)] grew significantly faster (LRT, p < 0.05) than males [L(t) = 297.4(1-e⁻°·°⁷⁷⁽t⁻²·⁷⁾)], and females dominated the larger size classes and older age classes. In the exploited area, the length and age frequencies were severely truncated, the maximum observed age was greatly reduced (17 years) and the sex ratio was less female biased at 1: 2.2. Although there was no evidence for a physiological response to exploitation through alterations in growth or size/age at sexual maturity between the two areas, there was an increase in the proportion of small females in the exploited area, which may have been a compensatory response for the loss of large females. A combination of an underestimate of longevity, different estimates of the Von Bertalanffy growth parameters and overestimates of the natural mortality rate in the exploited population resulted in a 92% underestimate of the pristine spawner biomass-per-recruit (SBR) value. An assessment based on the actual pristine SBR estimate from the unexploited area revealed that the subsistence fishery had actually reduced D. capensis to 20% of its pristine SBR levels and highlighted the value of pre-exploitation life-history information for the application of per-recruit models. This study has shown that D. capensis in southern Angola displays life-history characteristics that render it susceptible to overexploitation, even at low levels of fishing pressure. The current lack of infrastructure and enforcement capacity in the fisheries department of Angola renders traditional linefish regulatory tools, such as size limits, bag limits and closed seasons, inappropriate. Therefore, suitably designed marine protected areas are recommended as the best management option for this species.

The zebra sea bream, Diplodus cervinus (Sparidae) is an inshore fish comprised of two boreal subspecies from the Gulf of Oman and the Mediterranean / north eastern Atlantic and one austral subspecies from South Africa and southern Angola. The assumption of a single austral subspecies has, however, been questioned due to mounting molecular and morphological evidence suggesting that the cool Benguela current is a vicariant barrier that has separated many synonymous inshore fish species between South Africa and southern Angola. The aims of this thesis are to conduct a comparative morphological analysis of Diplodus cervinus in southern Angola and South Africa in order to classify the southern Angolan population and then to conduct a life history assessment to assess the life history impact of allopatry on this species between the two regions. Results of the morphological findings of the present study (ANOSIM, p < 0.05, Rmeristic = 0.42) and (Rmorphometric = 0.30) along with a concurrent molecular study (FST = 0.4 – 0.6), identified significant divergence between specimens from South Africa (n = 25) and southern Angola (n = 37) and supported stock separation and possibly sub-speciation, depending on the classification criteria utilised. While samples from the two boreal subspecies were not available for the comparative morphological or molecular analysis, comparisons of the colouration patterns between the three subspecies, suggested similarity between the southern Angola and the northern Atlantic / Mediterranean populations. In contrast, the colouration patterns between the southern Angolan and South African specimens differed substantially, further supporting the morphological and molecular results. The distinct morphological divergence between the southern Angolan and South African populations was not reflected within the life history traits of both populations. A combination of methods, including length/age frequency analyses, adult sex ratios and histological analysis was used to determine that this species is a rudimentary hermaphrodite in southern Angola. Peak spawning season was observed between June and July. The overall sex ratio (M: F) was 1:1.52 with females dominating smaller younger size classes and 50% maturity was attained at 210 mm FL and 4.6 years. Females [L(t) = 287.5(1-e⁻°·¹⁸⁽t⁻²·⁸⁴⁾)] grew significantly faster (LRT, p < 0.05) than males [L(t) = 380.19(1-e⁻°·°⁶⁽t⁻⁷·¹²⁾)]. The higher maximum age of the southern Angolan population of D. cervinus (43 years) was older than that of South African individuals sampled in the tsitsikamma national park. The similarities in the life history of the two austral populations are probably a consequence of similar selective pressures in the similar warmtemperate habitats. Evidence to support the above comments was found in the feeding study which showed that the South African and Angolan populations were almost identical, with both populations feeding primarily on amphipods and polychaete worms throughout ontogeny. In contrast, the diet of their boreal conspecifics from the Mediterranean was different, where larger individuals tended to select larger, and more robust, prey items. The life history differences observed between the boreal and austral populations can be attributed to either sampling bias or environmental factors. Sampling biases included the use of different age and growth estimation techniques, while the environmental factors would include differential selective pressures most likely driven by different resource availability and exploitation. The present study provides crucial baseline life history information of a potentially exploitable species off southern Angola as well as information on the life history plasticity of the species. Unfortunately, the current lack of uniformity in the methods used to estimate life history parameters between studies conducted on the boreal and austral populations have complicated our understanding of the evolution of various life history trends in sparid fish. From a management perspective however, the results from the present study can be used to propose management strategies for an emerging trap fishery in southern Angola. Using a balanced exploitation fishery approach (harvesting up to the size-at-100% maturity), the size of the fish traps entrance was calculated based the morphological information from this and other small sparid species that are targeted and was estimated to be 62 mm.

<em>Abstract.</em>—San Francisco Bay provides spawning and rearing habitat for California’s largest population of Pacific herring <em>Clupea pallasi</em>. This population provides a food source for other species and supports a valuable fishery for Pacific herring roe. Since the inception of the roe fishery in 1973, the California Department of Fish and Game has conducted annual surveys of spawning in San Francisco Bay as part of an ongoing assessment of population status and management of the fishery. The purpose of this paper is to document (1) regions of San Francisco Bay used by Pacific herring as spawning grounds over time, and (2) time periods in which spawning took place. Spawn data were analyzed by geographic region in the bay and by month for the period 1973–2000. During this period, we documented 269 spawning events from Point San Pablo south to Redwood City. Estimates of spawning adult biomass (fish that were not harvested by the fishery) ranged from 80,813 metric tons in 1981–1982 to 3,199 metric tons in 1997– 1998 (mean = 34,688 ± 19,325 SD). January was the peak spawning month, followed by December and February; small variations in this pattern occurred during some years. Overall, the majority of spawning took place in the north-central bay region (Point Bonita to Richmond-San Rafael Bridge, Angel Island, Point San Pablo, Berkeley flats; 55%) and the San Francisco region (Golden Gate Bridge to Candlestick Point; 34%), although it alternated between these two regions over time. In some years, considerable spawning took place in the Oakland–Alameda region (San Francisco–Oakland Bay Bridge to Bay Farm Island). The largest spawns and peak periods of spawning may not contribute most toward the next generation of Pacific herring, due to differential mortality within the season. For this reason, all regions documented in this study are important spawning grounds for Pacific herring from November through March each year. A number of recent studies have furthered our understanding of Pacific herring early life history and the forces that drive year-class formation in San Francisco Bay. However, studies are especially needed that will improve our ability to adequately address the potential impacts of human activities on Pacific herring in this highly urbanized estuary.

Cardiovascular diseases are the leading cause of death worldwide and are projected to remain in the lead through 2025. Heart-related diseases include angina, arrhythmia, atrial fibrillation, congestive heart failure, hypertension, atherosclerosis, myocardial infarction (heart attack), and sudden cardiac death. More than 300,000 Americans suffer sudden heart attacks each year. In addition, one of the more important recently identified drug-induced cardiac events, which has occasionally resulted in drugs being withdrawn, is drug-induced torsade des pointes. This is a rare, fatal arrhythmia that has been associated with some drugs that prolong the QT interval of the electrocardiogram (ECG). Hypertension is America’s number one chronic disease. Fifty million Americans, one in six, suffer from high blood pressure. Similarly, high blood pressure affects about one-sixth of the world’s population (1 billion people) worldwide—mostly in the developed world. If uncontrolled, it can lead to heart attack, heart failure, stroke, and other potentially fatal events. Great strides have been made during the past 50 years in conquering cardiovascular diseases. Cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR) was developed by a group of researchers at the Johns Hopkins University in 1961. The 1960s also saw the emergence of beta-blockers. Calcium channel blockers, angiotensin-converting enzyme (ACE) inhibitors, and statins appeared in the 1980s and the 1990s. Angiotensin II receptor blockers (ARBs) also emerged in the 1990s. The heart, about the size of a person’s fist, beats about 2.8 billion times in a lifetime, pumping blood and oxygen through the body. Although its function was shrouded in mystery for centuries, mankind has come a long way in understanding how the heart works anatomically and physiologically, although we haven’t made much progress in understanding its “emotional” nature. Greek philosopher and anatomist Aristotle (384–322 B.C.) was the founder of biology. He was very interested in human and animal anatomy, especially the cardiovascular systems in higher animals. In his books he described, for the first time, the human blood system with an emphasis on the deeper-lying vessels. He incorrectly believed that the heart was the organ in which emotions were generated, whereas the function of the brain was to cool the blood. More than 500 years later, the German-born Roman physician Galen (130–200 A.D.) made two revolutionary discoveries about the cardiovascular system.