Academic literature on the topic 'Flavian dynasty'
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Journal articles on the topic "Flavian dynasty"
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Lach, Katarzyna. "Monetization of Roman Egypt during the Flavian Dynasty (AD 69–96): the case of Alexandria and Berenike." Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean XXIV, no. 1 (2016): 727–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.0125.
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A study of coin output in Egypt during the Flavian dynasty (AD 69–96) brings to light a dichotomy in circulation between billon tetradrachms and low denomination bronze coins. The composition of hoards with Flavian silver issues suggests minimal coin production due to a sufficient quantity of Nero’s tertadrachms on the market. However, stray finds of coins from the Flavian dynasty consist mainly of bronze issues, apparently outnumbering Nero’s low-denomination coin output. A tempting idea to consider is that the low number of Flavian silver coins in circulation resulted in an extended production of bronze issues.
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Sidebottom, Harry. "Dio of Prusa and the Flavian Dynasty." Classical Quarterly 46, no. 2 (1996): 447–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/46.2.447.
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After his return from exile in A.D. 96 Dio of Prusa claims that even before it he had known the homes and tables of rich men, not only private individuals but satraps and kings (i.e. governors and emperors, Or. 7.66). Following the lead of Philostratus (V.A. 5.27–38) modern scholars have seen Dio as a confidant of the Flavian dynasty: amicus to Vespasian, possibly a special envoy of Vespasian to the Grek east, amicus to Titus, and friend and adviser to a minor member of the house T. Flavius Sabinus. These views are important not only for the biography of Dio, but also for the general question of relations between powerful Romans, above all emperors, and Greek philosophers and other intellectuals.
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O'Gorman, Ellen. "Detective Fiction and Historical Narrative." Greece and Rome 46, no. 1 (1999): 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001738350002605x.
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We know that Cicero successfully defended Sextus Roscius on a charge of parricide in 80 B.C.; we know that Vespasian became emperor after the civil wars of A.D. 69, and founded the Flavian dynasty which ended with his son Domitian's death in A.D. 96.
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Parfyonov, Victor Nikolaevich. "Trajan and the revolt of Antonius Saturninus." RUDN Journal of World History 13, no. 3 (2021): 319–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2021-13-3-319-328.
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The article points out that the starting positions of the young native of the Spanish city of Italica were provided by his father, a prominent follower of the Flavian dynasty, who became a consul, a patrician and, yes, was awarded a rare and prestigious award-the triumphal distinctions for the governorship in Syria. The future emperor himself held the position of military tribune for an unusually long time, which provided him with a career in the professional military ( vir militaris ). However, although Trajan the younger, after the military tribunate, passed all the necessary steps of the civil magistracies, up to and including the praetura, instead of the patrician consulship, he receives the unusual appointment of commander of the legion stationed in the province of Hispania Tarraconensis. From the authors point of view, this designation, despite its external lack of prestige, was a sign of special trust on the part of the bearer of supreme power. When a military revolt broke out on the Rhine in early 89, led by the governor of Upper Germany, Antonius Saturninus, Trajan, on the orders of the Emperor Domitian, immediately moved with his legion to campaign against the rebels. The zealous execution of the order allowed him to become one of the most trusted military leaders of Domitian. Trajan may have confirmed in the eyes of the emperor his reputation as a loyal and energetic supporter of the Flavian dynasty by taking part in punitive measures against the minuscule legions. About Trajans subsequent career in the surviving sources is silent, which makes it suspect that he was carrying out new government assignments of the tyrant. By the time of the dynastic crisis of 96-98. Trajan undoubtedly had a reputation as a recognized vir militaris , a major military and administrator.
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Escámez de Vera, Diego M. "Festividad y legitimación política: Domiciano y el Agón Capitolino." ARYS: Antigüedad, Religiones y Sociedades, no. 13 (October 5, 2017): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2017.2747.
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Resumen: A la hora de analizar la justificación religiosa de Domiciano debemos tener en cuenta la gran importancia otorgada al agón Capitolino por parte de su creador. La legitimación de la dinastía Flavia se basó, principalmente, en la elección del emperador por parte de Júpiter ÓptimoMáximo, principal deidad del panteón romano, ya desde época de Vespasiano, que se halló sin ningún tipo de vinculación dinástica con los Julio-Claudios tras su victoria sobre Vitelio en el ano 69. A través de la creación del agón Capitolino, Domiciano muestra la especial vinculaciónentre Júpiter y el emperador, realizando grandes gastos a la hora de construir nuevas estructuras destinadas a albergar dicha celebración.Abstract: When it comes to analyze the religious justification of Domitian we must bear in mind the great importance attached to the agon Capitolinus by its creator. The legitimacy of the Flavian dynasty was mainly based on the election of the emperor by Iuppiter Optimus Maximus, main divinity of the roman pantheon, from the days of Vespasian, who found himself without any dynastic link with the Julio-Claudians after his victory over Vitellius in 69 AD. Through the creation of the agon Capitolinus, Domitian displayed the especial link between Iuppiter and the emperor, spending great sums of money in the building of new structures, in order to host such celebration.Palabras clave: Domiciano, Júpiter, agón Capitolino, legitimación políticaKey words: Domitian, Iuppiter, agon Capitolinus,politic legitimacy
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LUKE, TREVOR S. "A Healing Touch for Empire: Vespasian's Wonders in Domitianic Rome." Greece and Rome 57, no. 1 (2010): 77–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383509990295.
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Before Vespasian returned to Rome to take up the reins of imperial government, he reportedly had a vision in the Serapeum of Alexandria and, as the New Serapis, healed two men. These wonders came to define Vespasian's time in Egypt and yet, for modern readers, their prominence in the story of the emperor's rise to power creates an apparent inconsistency. The same man who on his deathbed joked about his impending divinization also apparently played the part of a god at the beginning of his reign. Such contradictions are to be expected in the colourful accounts of emperors' lives, but this particular one invites further investigation because of its significance to the historical development of the conception of the emperor's divinity. Through detailed consideration of the prospects for reception of these wonders both during and after the Flavian dynasty, this article seeks to demonstrate the predominance of Domitianic influence on the story of Vespasian's wonders. Domitian's reign saw a new emphasis on the living emperor's divinity, which diminished again under Trajan. Nevertheless, wonders were a means through which the charisma of the emperor was manifested in Flavian Rome and later.
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Balbuza, Katarzyna. "Idea Aeternitatis Augusti - początki i kierunek rozwoju." Zeszyty Naukowe Centrum Badań im. Edyty Stein, no. 15 (October 22, 2018): 243–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cbes.2016.15.18.
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Although the first unambiguous original proofs of the aeternitas Augusti idea come from the Flavian dynasty, its origin lies in the period of the late Republic and Principate. Aeternitas was a deified abstraction, which expressed the state the emperor could obtain as a result of deification. It was also an attribute of the emperor, the property of his divine nature. Analysis of the places and contexts of the occurrence of the eternity phenomenon with respect to the emperor in preserved sources suggests that the ideas of the state and the emperor’s eternity were complementary and mutually conditioned.The emperor’s aeternitas was declared to emphasize his religious and political role in thestate, in the process of granting him everlastingness. It was discussed in the context ofconcerns about his health and safety, particularly in the context of neutralizing plots toassassinate him, and in the context of the implications to the policy of the throne. Despite the fact that proclaiming the emperor’s aeternitas in the Julio-Claudian dynasty had noofficial character, the number and diversity of its original evidences prove the significantpopularity of this idea in society.
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Pomeroy, Arthur J. "Silius Italicus as ‘Doctvs Poeta’." Ramus 18, no. 1-2 (1989): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00003064.
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The second half of the first century A.D. is the age of the senatorial poet at Rome. While previously Rome's poets frequently were outsiders adopted into the system (Vergil and Horace in particular come to mind in this connection), now members of the inner circles of government could actively display their literary talents and preferences. There can be little doubt that the reign of Nero is mainly responsible for this state of affairs — there is a revival of Roman poetry such as has not been seen since the age of Augustus, evidenced by the diverse works of Lucan, Persius, and even the emperor himself. Previous emperors had dabbled in poetry, but as hardly anything more than a hobby. Now the most important personages in the Roman state could openly engage in creative writing. This trend, beginning under Nero, continues in the Flavian Age, many of whose most prominent members, including the founder of the dynasty himself, originally came to the forefront under the last of the Julio-Claudians. The poetic capabilities of the emperor Domitian are praised by Quintilian (10.1.91) and by Valerius Flaccus (1.12-14); the latter seems at least to have begun his epic with its Greek mythological theme under Vespasian. An author who is often less well regarded had first come to public attention under Nero and remained prominent under the Flavians — Silius Italicus.
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Penwill, J. L. "Quintilian, Statius and the Lost Epic of Domitian." Ramus 29, no. 1 (2000): 60–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00001697.
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‘sophos’ uniuersi clamamus et sublatis manibus ad cameram iuramus Hipparchum Aratumque comparandos illi homines non fuisse…(‘Fantastic!’ we all cry, and raising our hands to the ceiling we swear that not even Hipparchus and Aratus could have been put on a par with him.)Petronius SatyriconThis then is the visible work of Menard, in chronological order….I turn now to his other work: the subterranean, the interminably heroic, the peerless.Jorge Luis Borges, ‘Pierre Menard, Author of the Quixote’The Flavians needed a poet. When Octavian established the Julio-Claudian dynasty he had in his hands a usefully exploitable victory over the forces of chaos and oriental despotism, a spin on Actium and its aftermath that was given full epic representation in the Aeneid's description of Aeneas' shield (Aen. 8.671-713); Antony was compromised by Cleopatra and years of propaganda, and it all took place far enough away for the final act in what everyone knew was a civil war to be portrayed as defeat of a foreign power and celebrated as such in the traditional manner (Caesar triplici inuectus Rotnana triumpholmoenia…, ‘Caesar, borne within the walls of Rome in triple triumph’, Aen. 8.714f.). By contrast the Flavian ascendancy was achieved through assault on these selfsame walls, and involved the desecration and burning of the Capitol (Tac. Hist. 3.69-74, who remarks id facinus post conditam urbem luctuosissimum foedissimumque rei publicae populi Romani accidit, ‘this was the most deplorable and outrageous crime to befall the republic of the Roman people since the foundation of the city’).
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Sánchez Alguacil, Jesús. "La epigrafía votiva romana de Caldas de Montbui (Vallés Oriental, Barcelona) (ss. I-II d. C.). Un ejemplo de promoción de las élites provinciales de la tarraconensis en centros de aguas minero- medicinales." Panta Rei. 14, no. 1 (2020): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/pantarei.444331.
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En el presente artículo estudiamos en profundidad las inscripciones votivas de Caldas de Montbui. Para ello, nos vamos a centrar en el estudio epigráfico con una metodología basada en el registro material consultado de primera mano, las publicaciones científicas relacionadas con nuestra investigación y las fuentes primarias. Según la información recopilada, proponemos la importancia de la segunda mitad del siglo I d. C. e inicios del siglo II d. C. en la manifestación del hábito epigráfico, claro síntoma de una fase de popularidad con la presencia de personajes de las élites provinciales procedentes de ciudades como Barcino, Iluro o Tarraco. Con la investigación realizada, observamos la gran evolución e impulso que adquiere este enclave durante todo el siglo I d. C., siendo un aspecto determinante en este proceso el patrocinio imperial de Tiberio y la dinastía flavia. In this paper we study the votive inscriptions of Caldas de Montbui in depth. To do this we focus, mainly, on epigraphic study following a methodology based on the material record personally consulted, the scientific publications linked to our research and the primary sources. According to the information gathered, we propose the importance of the second half of the 1st century AD and the beginning of the 2nd century AD in the manifestation of the epigraphic habit. It happens as a clear symptom regarding the popularity of relevant figures from provincial elites established in cities like Barcino, Iluro or Tarraco. Along with the research carried out, we observe the great evolution and impulse that this enclave acquires during the 1st century AD, being the imperial patronage of Tiberius a decisive aspect in this process, and later the Flavian dynasty.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Flavian dynasty"
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Davies, Jonathan. "Representing the dynasty in Flavian Rome : the case of Josephus' "Jewish War"." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:49ea83e6-6943-4abd-9c47-19c750ee8a93.
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This thesis investigates the problem of contemporary historiography and regime representation in Flavian Rome through a close study of a text not usually read for such purposes but which has obvious promise for a study of this theme, the Jewish War of Flavius Josephus. Having surveyed the evolution of our conception of Josephus' relationship to Flavian power, taken a broad account of issues of political expression and regime representation in Flavian Rome outside Josephus and examined questions relating to the structure and date of the work, I will provide a series of thematically-focused readings of the three senior members of the Flavian family, Vespasian, Titus and Domitian, as represented by their contemporary and client Josephus. Key topics to be explored include the level of independence of Josephus' vision, his work's relationship to how the regime is depicted in other contemporary sources, how Josephus makes the Flavians serve his own agenda (which is distinct from the heavy focus of most previous scholarship on how Josephus served their agenda), and the viability and usefulness of certain types of reading practices relating to figured critique which have recently become influential in Josephan scholarship. The thesis offers a new approach to Josephus' relationship to the Flavian Dynasty and sheds new light on contemporary historiography and political expression in the Early Principate.
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Broustet, Berbessou Bénédicte. "Edition critique, traduction et commentaire historique des livres flaviens de l' "Histoire romaine" de Cassius Dion." Bordeaux 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010BOR30018.
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Cette thèse vise à établir le texte des livres flaviens de l’Histoire Romaine de Cassius Dion, à le traduire et à en proposer un commentaire historique. Cette partie de l’œuvre étant perdue dans la tradition directe, l'édition critique de ces livres porte sur la tradition indirecte. Quatre témoins ont été retenus pour former le corps du texte, en raison de leur fidélité à la formulation et aux contenus de l'Histoire Romaine dont ils se servaient comme source : les Excerpta constantiniens tirés de Cassius Dion et de Pierre le Patrice, ainsi que les Épitomés de Xiphilin et Zonaras ; les Excerpta tirés de Jean d'Antioche et la Souda, pour leur part, figurent à l'étage des testimonia. La tradition manuscrite des quatre principaux témoins a été entièrement réexaminée, ce qui a permis de modifier en maints endroits le texte de l’édition de référence (réalisée par U. Ph. Boissevain entre 1895 et 1901). De plus, notre mise en page est novatrice : les passages parallèles sont mis en regard, ce qui permet de se faire une idée de la formulation originelle de leur source commune ; l'interclassement des fragments a plusieurs fois été modifié par rapport aux précédentes éditions. Une fois établi, le texte a été traduit en français. La composition de ces livres est marquée par une imbrication des techniques annalistique et biographique qui vise, selon nous, à dresser les portraits antithétiques de Vespasien et Titus d'une part, et de Domitien d'autre part. Ce jugement de Cassius Dion fut peut-être influencé par les similitudes entre les événements des années 68-96 (de la mort de Néron à celle de Domitien) et ceux des années 192-217 (de la mort de Commode à celle de Caracalla) auxquels il assista. Mais l'examen des faits historiques suggère que la rupture entre le règne de Domitien et celui de ses prédécesseurs ne fut pas aussi tranchée que ne l'affirme l'historien sévérien : sa succession avait été préparée par son père et son frère et ses réalisations s'inscrivent dans la continuité des leursThis thesis is aimed at establishing the text of the Flavian books of the Roman History of Cassius Dio, at translating it and at giving an historical commentary of it. As this part of the Roman History has been lost, the critical edition of these books only relies on the indirect tradition. Four works have been selected to make the corpus of the text, since they were faithful to the formulation and to the contents of Dio’s History they used as a source: the Constantinian excerpts of Cassius Dio and Petrus Patricius, the Epitomes of Xiphilinus and Zonaras. The Excerpta from John of Antioch and the Suda, among others, are pushed into the background within the Testimonia. The manuscript tradition of the four main works was entirely reconsidered and this permitted to modify the text of the editio maior (made by U. Ph. Boissevain in 1895-1901) in many places. Moreover, our layout of the page is innovative: the similar extracts are shown together, in order to figure out how their common source was originally formulated. Compared with the previous editions, the inner classification of the fragments was changed several times. Once it was issued, the text was translated into French. The composition of these books is marked by an intermingling of annalistic and biographical techniques which, in our opinion, is aimed at painting the antithetical pictures of Vespasian and Titus on the one hand, and of Domitian on the other hand. Dio’s point of view may have been influenced by the similarities of the events which occurred between 68 and 96 (from Nero’s death to Domitian’s) and between 192 and 217 (from Commode’s death to Caracalla’s), since he lived at the end of the 2nd Century- beginning of the 3rd. However, the study of the historical events lets us think that the break between the reign of Domitian and his predecessors was not as sharp as the Severan historian claimed. Indeed, Domitian’s accession to power had been prepared by his father and his brother, and his politics fitted into their scheme
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Rosso, Emmanuelle. "Idéologie impériale et art officiel sous les Flaviens : formulation, diffusion et réception dans les provinces occidentales de l'Empire romain (69-96 ap. J.-C.)." Paris 4, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA040187.
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Cette thèse a pour objet l’expression figurée de l’idéologie flavienne, c’est à dire l’image, ou plutôt les images, qui ont été élaborées afin d’exprimer les options politico-dynastiques des trois princes flaviens ; il s’agit de déterminer, à la lumière d’une confrontation entre sources archéologiques, littéraires, épigraphique et numismatiques, comment cette idéologie flavienne trouva sa formulation, mais aussi comment elle fut diffusée _ puis reçue et reproduite _ en Italie, et dans la pars occidentalis de l’Empire, en mettant l’accent sur la sculpture officielle et le décor des monuments publics. En d’autres termes, cette étude examine, pour un moment spécifique de l’histoire de Rome, comment s’articulent les rapportas entre la "propagande" impériale et un "art du prince" qui étonne, par son caractère multiforme : pluralité des agents et des commanditaires, mais aussi multiplicité des supports, des messages et des intérêts. Un catalogue raisonné des portraits impériaux, groupes statuaires, base de statues constitue l’épine dorsale de ce travail : il en ressort que l’idéologie flavienne, souvent considérée comme un simple décalque de l’idéologie augusténne [sic], a en réalité fait appel à des référents très divers, où l’empreinte des propagandes héllénistiques est particulièrement présente ; les événements orientaux fondateurs du pouvoir – l’acclamation égyptienne et la prise de Jérusalem contribuèrent forcement à créer l’image de "princes providentiels" ayant reçu la Victoire comme un don divin, qui pouvait justifier en retour leur propre apothéose.
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Labbé, Gilbert. "L'organisation politique et administrative de la Judée d'Auguste à Hadrien : 4 a.c.-136 p.c." Bordeaux 3, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006BOR30020.
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Résumé : Cette étude porte sur l'organisation politique et administrative de la Judée, le terme étant pris au sens large, de la mort d'Hérode le Grand à la création de la province de Syrie-Palestine. La première partie traite de la situation dévolue par Rome aux dynastes hérodiens, d'Archélaos à Agrippa II. La seconde partie concerne surtout les titres et pouvoirs conférés aux chevaliers romains, préfets, ou encore, ultérieurement, procurateurs, qui furent chargés de gouverner la Judée de 6 à 66 de notre ère, mis à part le bref règne d'Agrippa Ier. Une grande attention a été portée aux problèmes posés par la traduction des termes institutionnels romains, du latin au grec, notamment chez Josèphe et Philon, ainsi que vers nos langues modernes. Tout au long de cette période, l'on observe que les princes et rois hérodiens, les préfets et les procurateurs de Judée, sont tous restés soumis à la haute autorité du légat consulaire de Syrie détenteur de l'imperium pro praetore dans la région. La nature du commandement de Titus en 70 est examinée. La troisième partie porte sur l'évolution administrative, aspects militaires y compris, de la province prétorienne, puis de la province consulaire de Judée, de 70 à 136, de la destruction du Second Temple à la défaite de Bar Kokhba. L'étude de cette période a bénéficié de l'éclairage fourni par des données épigraphiques et papyrologiques devenues plus nombreuses ces dernières années. Sur quelques points particuliers, cette thèse se trouve toucher aussi à l'histoire des origines chrétiennesEnglish summury : This study is about the political and administrative organization of Judaea, understanding the word in its broadest meaning, from the death of Herod the Great to the establishment of the province of Syria Palaestina. The first part deals with the place given by Rome to the Herodian dynasts, from Archelaus to Agrippa II. The second part treats the titles and the powers imparted to equestrians, prefects or, later, procurators, who were given the government of Judaea from 6 to 66 A. D. , notwithstanding Agrippa I's short-lived reign. Due attention is paid to the difficult translation of the Roman institutional words from Latin to Greek, specially in Josephus and Philo, and also towards the modern target languages. During that time, one can see the Herodian princes and kings, prefects and procurators alike, governing under the higher authority of the Roman consular legate of Syria, the man holding the imperium pro praetore in the region. Titus'command in 70 is scrutinized. The third part is about the administrative evolution – military aspects included – of the praetorian province, afterwards of the consular province of Judaea, from 70 to 136, i. E. From the destruction of the Second Temple to the defeat of Bar Kokhba. The study of this period has been improved by the new light coming from epigraphical and papyrological data disclosed in the last past years. On some issues, by the way, this doctoral thesis deals also with the history of the Christian beginnings
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Lach, Katarzyna. "Mennictwo aleksandryjskie w okresie panowania dynastii flawijskiej (69-96 r. n.e.)." Praca doktorska, 2014. https://ruj.uj.edu.pl/xmlui/handle/item/55177.
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Rychtarová, Vavřincová Veronika. "Analýza stavebních aktivit císařů flavijské dynastie na území římských provincií." Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-389209.
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This diploma thesis deals with the issue of The Analysis of Construction Activities of the Flavian Dynasty Emperors in the Territory of the Roman Provinces. The Emperors are Vespasian, Titus and Domitian. The time of their rule is second half of the 1. century AD. It is about their lives and impact of the roman provinces territory. All three Emperors are known for their architecture boom in Rome and Italy, but in Roman Provinces it is about Territory expansion. Each Emperor of Flavian dynasty have a big interest in this Era and this leads to architecture construction, where was only barbaricum before it. Key words: Archaeology, Classical Archaeology, Roman Empire, Roman Provinces, Flavian Dynasty, Architecture
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Tiron, Jocelyn. "L'Idéologie politique des empereurs flaviens (69-96) à travers les sources épigraphiques et numismatiques." Thèse, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/16023.
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La dynastie des Flaviens est souvent mal connue et appréciée en raison de sa situation chronologique, « coincée » entre la famille des descendants de César et d’Auguste et celle allant de Trajan à Marc Aurèle. Elle passe parfois pour une simple dynastie de « transition » qui aurait uniquement servi de passerelle entre deux familles considérées comme plus brillantes qui ont par ailleurs laissé un souvenir plus durable. En un peu plus d’un quart de siècle (69-96), Vespasien, Titus et Domitien ont pourtant davantage fait pour la stabilité de Rome et de l’Empire que certains de leurs prédécesseurs ou successeurs.
Sorti vainqueur des troubles civils de l’année des quatre empereurs (68-69), Vespasien ramena la paix en Orient et en Italie en plus de s’attacher à stabiliser les institutions et de reconstituer les finances de l’État, passablement écornées par les dernières années du Principat de Néron (54-68) et la guerre civile elle-même. Plus que la paix et la stabilité à l’intérieur et aux frontières de l’Empire, il fit cependant en sorte de refonder les bases institutionnelles du Principat en assumant sa transformation en un régime monarchique et héréditaire. Un principe parfaitement admis puisque ses deux fils adultes, Titus et Domitien, lui succédèrent sans difficulté.
Davantage peut-être que les récits laissés par les sources littéraires anciennes, les inscriptions romaines et italiennes ainsi que les monnaies émises par l’atelier de Rome sont probablement le meilleur témoignage permettant de saisir le plus précisément et le plus profondément l’idée que les Flaviens se faisaient d’eux-mêmes et du pouvoir dont ils étaient investis. Le contenu de leur titulature officielle comme leurs choix iconographiques permettent ainsi de dégager leurs différents thèmes de propagande qui laissent finalement apparaitre une vraie continuité dans leur idéologie du pouvoir et leur manière de gouverner.
Vespasien a ainsi posé des fondations idéologiques et politiques que ses fils ont globalement poursuivies et respectées, ce qui renforce l’idée selon laquelle les Flaviens ont effectivement suivi un « programme » qui les distinguait de leurs prédécesseurs et de leurs successeurs. Malgré des différences parfois importantes dans leurs pratiques, les inscriptions et l’iconographie monétaire permettent ainsi de mettre en lumière le fait que Titus et Domitien ont finalement moins cherché à faire preuve d’originalité qu’à s’inscrire dans la continuité de l’œuvre de leur père afin de garantir le maintien de la paix et avec elle la prospérité et la stabilité de l’État, et avec elles la satisfaction et la tranquillité de l’ensemble de la société.The Flavian dynasty is not the most famous of the imperial families who ruled the Roman Empire, especially because it seems to be badly located between two more prestigious dynasties: the descendants of Julius Caesar and Augustus, and those, to Marcus Aurelius, of Trajan. Moreover, the Flavian are sometimes considered only as insignificant because of the shortness of the time they stayed at power. However, for a little more than a quarter century (69-96), Vespasian, Titus and Domitian worked a lot, and more than some of their predecessors or successors, to ensure the stability of Rome and of the entire Empire. Winner of the Year of Four Emperors (68-69), Vespasian brought back peace in the East and in Italy, and intended to stabilize the institutions and restore the finances of the State, partly ruined by the last years of Nero’s reign and the civil war. More than peace and stability, inside the Empire and on the borders, he ruled to rebuild the institutional basis of the Principate by assuming its transformation into a monarchic and hereditary regime. This idea was wholly admitted because his two adult sons, Titus and Domitian, succeeded him with no difficulty. Perhaps more than the account of the ancient literary sources, Italian and Roman inscriptions and coins from the mint of Rome are the best testimony allowing us to catch, accurately and deeply, how the Flavian were considering themselves and the power they had. The content of their official titulature alongside with the iconography of their coins are helpful to determine the themes of their propaganda from which appears a real continuity in their ideology and their way of ruling power. Vespasian laid ideological and political foundations that his two sons globally respected and pursued, reinforcing the idea that the Flavians had their own « political program » which distinguished them from the predecessors and successors. Despite some differences in their practices, sometimes big, the inscriptions and monetary iconography of Titus and Domitian were finally less original than an attempt to pursue their father’s work in order to guarantee the peacekeeping, and with it, the stability and the prosperity of the State, and beyond, the satisfaction and calmness of the whole society.
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Trost, Travis Darren. "The fourth gospel as reaction to militant Jewish expectation of kingship, reflected in certain dead sea scrolls." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1985.
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The discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls has provided an opportunity to reexamine the formation of the Gospel of John. This study will utilize Dead Sea finds coupled with other Second Temple literature to examine how the Gospel of John portrays Jesus as being a king. The approach of this study to use a narrative approach that builds on the Gospel of John as a finished text. The contribution of a source critical approach is not disparaged but the narrative approach will allow the Johannine community to be seen in the context of the immediate post-Second Temple era. The limited literacy of the probable first audience of this text suggests that a narrative approach will best be able to understand the background to the formation of the Gospel of John.
A central contention of this study is that the Gospel of John was composed after the Jewish Revolt and after the Synoptics. Thus it deserves the appellation of the Fourth Gospel and is called such in this study. The Fourth Gospel was composed at a time when Roman interest in anything connected to Judaism was sure to attract special interest. Thus the portrayal of Jesus as the Davidic Messiah needed to be handled carefully. The imagery of the new David found in 4Q504 compared with the imagery of Jesus being the Good Shepherd becomes an important part of the argument of this study on whether this Gospel portrays Jesus as being the Davidic Messiah. Jesus as the Good Shepherd showed Jews that Jesus is the Davidic Messiah without overtly offending Roman sensibilities. Furthermore evidence from Christian and Jewish sources indicates that an interest in a Third Temple was still stirring between the Jewish and Bar-Kochba Revolts. The Fourth Gospel shows Jesus as the Davidic Messiah who replaces the Temple because the Good Shepherd was the perfect sacrifice.New Testament
D. Th. (New Testament)
Books on the topic "Flavian dynasty"
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Twice Neokoros: Ephesus, Asia and the Cult of the Flavian Imperial Family (Religions in the Graeco-Roman World). Brill Academic Publishers, 1993.
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Fenn, Richard K. The death of Herod: An essay in the sociology of religion. Cambridge University Press, 1992.
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Rebeggiani, Stefano. Nero in the Thebaid. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190251819.003.0002.
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This chapter considers two interconnected phenomena. The first concerns Domitian’s relationship with the elite, its gradual deterioration, and the consequences for both the historiography on this emperor and readings of Statius’ Thebaid. The second pertains to two different aspects of the influence of Neronian culture on Flavian Rome: (a) the reception of panegyric modes and constructions of kingship from the time of Nero, and (b) Domitian’s ambiguous relationship with Nero’s fashioning of his own imperial persona. In addition, this chapter considers the effects of Domitian’s condemnation by the following imperial dynasty over approaches to Statius’ text and its handling of political allusion. This chapter analyzes a key scene from book 3 of the Thebaid (Maeon’s suicide) and provides a new reading of the political implications of Statius’ reception of Seneca’s Oedipus.
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Noam, Vered. Shifting Images of the Hasmoneans. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198811381.001.0001.
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The shifting image of the Hasmoneans in the eyes of their contemporaries and later generations is a compelling issue in the history of the Maccabean revolt and the Hasmonean commonwealth. Based on a series of six Jewish folktales from the Second Temple-period that describe the Hasmonean dynasty and its history from its legendary founders through achievement of full sovereignty to downfall, the present volume examines the Hasmoneans through the lens of reception history. On the one hand, these brief, colorful legends are embedded in the narrative of the historian of the age, Flavius Josephus On the other hand, they are scattered throughout the extensive halakhic-exegetical compositions known as rabbinic literature, redacted and compiled centuries later. Each set of parallel stories is examined for the motivation underlying its creation, its original message, language, and historical context. This analysis is followed by exploration of the nature of the relationship between the Josephan and the rabbinic versions, in an attempt to reconstruct the adaptation of the putative original traditions in the two corpora, and to decipher the disparities, different emphases, reworking, and unique orientations typical of each. These adaptations reflect the reception of the pristine tales and thus disclose the shifting images of the Hasmoneans in later generations and within distinct contexts. The compilation and characterization of sources which were preserved by means of two such different conduits of transmission brings us closer to reconstruction of a lost literary continent, a hidden Jewish “Atlantis” of early pseudo-historical legends and facilitates examination of the relationship between the substantially different libraries and worlds of Josephus and rabbinic literature.
Book chapters on the topic "Flavian dynasty"
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Wood, Susan. "Public Images of the Flavian Dynasty." In A Companion to the Flavian Age of Imperial Rome. John Wiley & Sons, Inc, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118878149.ch7.
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Madsen, Jesper Majbom. "Between Civilitas and Tyranny: Cassius Dio’s Biographical Narrative of the Flavian Dynasty." In Lexis Supplements. Fondazione Università Ca’ Foscari, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-472-1/004.
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In Cassius Dio’s account of imperial Rome, the Flavian Dynasty represents all the strengths and weaknesses of monarchical rule. The strength is represented with Vespasian, his display of modesty and understanding of the need to cooperate and share power with the senatorial elite. The weakness is described through the nepotism, betrayal, and uncontrolled ambition for glory and prestige that helped Domitian to power and forced the return of tyrannical rule upon the Romans. In this chapter, I shall discuss the way in which the Flavian narrative serves as a microcosm in the Roman History to demonstrate the reason for which dynastic succession was incapable of providing the stability needed for monarchical rule to reach its full constitutional and political potential.
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"Chapter IV: The Civil War of 68–69, the Flavian Dynasty & Nerva." In Roman Sculpture. Yale University Press, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.37862/aaeportal.00185.005.
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"5 The Date of the Book of Revelation pt. 2: The Socio-Historical Context of the Flavian Dynasty." In The Alter-Imperial Paradigm. BRILL, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004308398_007.
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"Dynastic Triads: Flavian Resonances and Structural Antithesis in Silius’ Sons of Hamilcar." In Family in Flavian Epic. BRILL, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004324664_010.
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Finkelstein, Ari. "The God of Jerusalem and His Temple." In Specter of the Jews. University of California Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520298729.003.0007.
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Chapter 6 explores the place Julian assigns the Jewish god in his divine order. His articulation and fixing of the Jewish god in his divine realm attempts to correct the Flavian dynasty’s mischaracterization of that order and restores the Judean ethnic god to his proper place. This endeavor realizes his ethnological arguments about Judeans in Galileans and occurs within a month of his publication of the Hymn to King Helios, in which he lays out Helios’s central place in the cosmic order. Julian’s various and sometimes contradictory characterizations of the Jewish god reveal his ambivalence over how close he ought to hold him. To rank the Jewish god too highly might collapse the boundaries between Jews and Hellenes and wreck his still fragile hellenizing program. The chapter concludes with a consideration of the impact on Christians of the replacement of Jesus with the Jewish god and the restoration of the temple.
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Boatwright, Mary T. "Imperial Women within the Imperial Family." In Imperial Women of Rome. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190455897.003.0004.
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Starting with Faustina the Younger, whose fecundity and imperial ties suggest her as a model imperial woman, this chapter explores the imperial domus—house, household, family—and women’s roles within it from Augustus through the Severans. That domus was a cornerstone of Augustus’ new principate, becoming ever more important during the principate. Flavian dynastic emphasis is noted, as is the growing attention to family in the motherless imperial families of Nerva, Trajan, and Hadrian. A high point comes with Faustina the Elder and Faustina the Younger, but familial emphasis continues under the Severans. The chapter also discusses nontraditional imperial families, including “concubines” and the same-sex relationship of Hadrian with Antinous, and various terms for the imperial house such as domus divina. The chapter reveals both that “the imperial family” was a cornerstone of the principate, but that it was hard for imperial women to gain individual visibility within that construct.