Academic literature on the topic 'Folk literature, Braj'

Cancer remains a major public health concern, mainly because of the incompletely understood dynamics of molecular mechanisms for progression and resistance to treatments. The link between melanoma and thyroid cancer (TC) has been noted in numerous patients. Nucleocytoplasmic transport of oncogenes and tumor suppressor proteins is a common mechanism in melanoma and TC that promotes tumorigenesis and tumor aggressiveness. However, this mechanism remains poorly understood. Papillary TC (PTC) patients have a 1.8-fold higher risk for developing cutaneous malignant melanoma than healthy patients. Our group and others showed that patients with melanoma have a 2.15 to 2.3-fold increased risk of being diagnosed with PTC. The BRAF V600E mutation has been reported as a biological marker for aggressiveness and a potential genetic link between malignant melanoma and TC. The main mechanistic factor in the connection between these two cancer types is the alteration of the RAS-RAF-MEK-ERK signaling pathway activation and translocation. The mechanisms of nucleocytoplasmic trafficking associated with RAS, RAF, and Wnt signaling pathways in melanoma and TC are reviewed. In addition, we discuss the roles of tumor suppressor proteins such as p53, p27, forkhead O transcription factors (FOXO), and NF-KB within the nuclear and cytoplasmic cellular compartments and their association with tumor aggressiveness. A meticulous English-language literature analysis was performed using the PubMed Central database. Search parameters included articles published up to 2021 with keyword search terms melanoma and thyroid cancer, BRAF mutation, and nucleocytoplasmic transport in cancer.

A quitosana, polissacarídeo linear obtido a partir do exoesqueleto de crustáceos e artrópodes, tem sido pesquisada em Odontologia por suas diversas propriedades terapêuticas. O objetivo do presente estudo foi realizar uma revisão da literatura sobre as aplicações atuais e as possibilidades terapêuticas da quitosana na odontologia. A busca foi realizada através do banco de dados eletrônico do Pubmed, utilizando os descritores Quitosana, Odontologia e Biomateriais. Foram incluídas pesquisas científicas utilizando quitosana em diversas áreas da odontologia e excluídas revisões de literatura e estudos não odontológicos, sendo selecionados 13 artigos. A quitosana induz resposta transcricional e anti-inflamatória em fibroblastos gengivais sobre citocinas inflamatórias, fatores transformadores do crescimento (TGF -β) e fatores de crescimento tumoral (TNF-α) que estão diretamente relacionados à atividade patológica periodontal. Nas infecções endodônticas persistentes, a substância atua criando ligações de hidrogênio e liberação de íons cálcio, o que potencializa a ação dos irrigadores intracanal, além de causar menos estresse oxidativo. Para a odontologia restauradora, a quitosana demonstrou eficácia como auxiliar no condicionamento da dentina e mostrou potencial para induzir a migração de odontoblastos na proteção do complexo dentino-pulpar. A substância atua como uma cura de feridas orais devido à sua capacidade de estimular a formação de fibroblastos e novos vasos sanguíneos, além de células anti-inflamatórias. Descritores: Biopolímeros; Biomateriais; Biotecnologia. Referências Zhao X, Li P, Guo B, Ma PX. Antibacterial and conductive injectable hydrogels based on quaternized chitosan-graft-polyaniline/oxidized dextran for tissue engineering. Acta Biomater. 2015;26:236-48. Tomihata K, Ikada Y. In vitro and in vivo degradation of films of chitin and its deacetylated derivatives. Biomaterials. 1997;18(7):567-75 Citgez B, Cengiz AN, Akgun I, Uludag M, Yetkin G, Bahat N, Ozcan O, Polat N, Akcakaya A, Karatepe O. Effects of chitosan on healing and strength of colonic anastomosis in rats. Acta Cir Bras. 2012;27(10):707-12. Azevedo VVC, Chaves SA, Bezerra DC, Lia Fook MV, Costa ACFM. Quitina e Quitosana: aplicações como biomateriais. Rev Eletr Mater Proc. 2007;2(3):27-34. Tavaria FK, Costa EM, Pina-Vaz I, Carvalho MF, Pintado MM. A quitosana como biomaterial odontológico: estado da arte. Rev Bras Eng Bioméd. 2013;29(1):110-20. Ueno H, Nakamura F, Murakami M, Okumura M, Kadosawa T, Fujinag T. Evaluation effects of chitosan for the extracellular matrix production by fibroblasts and the growth factors production by macrophages. Biomaterials. 2001;22(15):2125-30. Shahid F, Abuzaytoun R. Chitin, chitosan, and co-products: chemistry, production, applications, and health effects. Adv Food Nutr Res. 2005;49(1):93-135. Croisier F, Jerome C. Chitosan-based biomaterials for tissue engineering. Eur Polym J. 2013;49(1):780-92. Giovino C, Ayensu I, Tetteh J, Boateng JS. An integrated buccal delivery system combining chitosan films impregnated with peptide loaded PEG-b-PLA nanoparticles. Colloids Surf B Biointerfaces. 2013;112(1):9-15. Wieckiewicz M, Boening KW, Grychowska N, Paradowska-Stolarz,U. Clinical Application of Chitosan in Dental Specialities. Mini Rev Med Chem. 2017;17(5):401-9. Ravi Kumar MNV. A análise dos pedidos de quitina e quitosana. R React Funct 2000;46(1):1-27. Chen CK, Chang NJ, Wu YT, Fu E, Shen EC, Feng CW, Wen ZH. Bone Formation Using Cross-Linked Chitosan Scaffolds in Rat Calvarial Defects. Implant Dent. 2018;27(1):15-21 Pavez L, Tobar N, Chacon C, Arancibia R, Martinez C, Tapia et al. Chitosan triclosan particles modulate inflammatory signaling in gingival fibroblasts. J Periodontal Res. 2017; 53(2):232-39. Moraes PC, Marques ICS, Basso FG, Rosseto HL, Pires de Sousa FCP, Costa CAS et al. Repair of Bone Defects with Chitosan- Collagen Biomembrane and Scaffold Containing Calcium Aluminate Cement. Braz Dent J. 2017;28(3):287-95. Aydin UZ, Akpinar KE, Hepokur C, Erdönmez D. Assessment of toxicity and oxidative DNA damage of sodium hypochlorite, chitosan and propolis on fibroblast cells. Braz Oral Res. 2018;32(1):1-8. Özdoğan AI, Ilarslan YD, Kösemehmetoğlu K, Acka G, Kutlu HB, Comerdov E et al. In Vivo Evaluation of Chitosan Based Local Delivery Systems for Atorvastatin in Treatment of Periodontitis. Int J Pharm. 2018;25(1):470-76. Paiola FG, Lopes FC, Mazzi-Chaves JF, Pereira RD, Oliveira HF, Queiroz AM et al. How to improve root canal filling in teeth subjected to radiation therapy for câncer. Braz Oral Res. 2018;32(1):1-9. Farhadian N, Godiny M, Moradi S, Hemati Azandaryani A, Shahlaei M. Chitosan/gelatin as a new nano-carrier system for calcium hydroxide delivery in endodontic applications: Development, characterization and process optimization. Mater Sci Eng C Mater Biol Appl. 2018;92:540-46. Subhi H, Reza F, Husein A, Al Shehadat SA, Nurul AA. Gypsum-Based Material for Dental Pulp Capping: Effect of Chitosan and BMP-2 on Physical, Mechanical, and Cellular Properties. Int J Biomater. 2018;2018:3804293. Soares DG, Anovazzi G, Bordini EAF, Zuta UO, Silva Leite MLA, Basso FG, Hebling J, de Souza Costa CA. Biological Analysis of Simvastatin-releasing Chitosan Scaffold as a Cell-free System for Pulp-dentin Regeneration. J Endod. 2018;44(6):971-76. Işılay Özdoğan A, Akca G, Şenel S. Development and in vitro evaluation of chitosan based system for local delivery of atorvastatin for treatment of periodontitis. Eur J Pharm Sci. 2018;124:208-16. Kesim B, Burak AK, Ustun Y, Delikan E, Gungor A. Effect of chitosan on sealer penetration into the dentinal tubules. Niger J Clin Pract. 2018;21(10):1284-90. Guo JM, Makvandi P, Wei CC, Chen JH, Xu HK, Breschi L, Pashley DH, Huang C, Niu LN, Tay FR. Polymer conjugation optimizes EDTA as a calcium-chelating agent that exclusively removes extrafibrillar minerals from mineralized collagen. Acta Biomater. 2019;90:424-40. Susanto A, Susanah S, Priosoeryanto BP, Satari MH, Komara I. The effect of the chitosan-collagen membrane on wound healing process in rat mandibular defect. J Indian Soc Periodontol. 2019;23(2):113-18.

Methods: This is a cohort study, conducted at a university-based reproductive medicine center and private reproductive medicine center that aimed to evaluate granulosa cumulus cell gene expression in the insulin signaling pathway in Polycystic Ovary Syndrome (PCOS) patients undergoing in vitro fertilization (IVF) treatment and to compare the cumulus gene expression between normal weight and obese women without clinical insulin resistance. Fifteen PCOS patients, nine normal weight patients and six obese patients presenting normal HOMA IR (Homeostasis Model Assessment–Insulin Resistance), participated. Patients underwent oocyte retrieval for IVF and after the procedure, granulosa cumulus cells were removed from the oocytes for RNA extraction. Quantitative polymerase chain reaction (PCR) array analysis of 84 genes from insulin signaling pathway was conducted. The results were expressed as fold up- or fold down-expression in obese patients compared with normal weight patients. Any fold change ⩾3 or ⩽3 and any p ⩽ 0.05 were considered statistically significant. Results: There were 10 genes that were overexpressed in obese compared with normal weight women, BCL2L1, BRAF, CBL, DOK1, FBP1, FRS2, MTOR, PCK2, RPS6KA1, and SORBS1, that had a fold change ⩾3 and p ⩽ 0.05. Discussion: In the obese group, the overexpressed genes are mainly responsible for the proliferation and differentiation of cumulus cells during oocyte maturation, insulin resistance, apoptosis regulation, and glucose metabolism during early embryogenesis, suggesting that in the follicular environment, insulin resistance is present even in the absence of clinical signs. Conclusion: Together, our findings and the related literature suggest that those alterations may be associated with the worse prognosis of follicular development and oocyte maturation observed in PCOS obese women.

Purpose: Novel, “outside of the box” approaches are needed for evaluating candidate molecules, especially in oncology. Throughout the years of 2000-2010, the efficiency of drug development fell to barely acceptable levels, and in the second decade of this century, levels have improved only marginally. This dismal condition continues despite unprecedented progress in the development of a variety of high-throughput tools, computational methods, aggregated databases, drug repurposing programs and innovative chemistries. Here we tested a hypothesis that the economic impact of targeting a particular gene product is predictable a priori by employing a combination of transcriptome profiles and quantitative metrics reflecting existing literature. Methods: To extract classification features, the gene expression patterns of a posteriori high-impact and low-impact anti-cancer target sets were compared. To minimize the possible bias of text-mining, the number of manuscripts published prior to the first clinical trial or relevant review paper, as well as its first derivative in this interval, were collected and used as quantitative metrics of public interest. Results: By combining the gene expression and literature mining features, a 4-fold enrichment in high-impact targets was produced, resulting in a favourable ROC curve analysis for the top impact targets. The dataset was enriched by the highest impact anti-cancer targets, while demonstrating drastic differences in economic value between high and low-impact targets. Known anti-cancer products of EGFR, ERBB2, CYP19A1/aromatase, MTOR, PTGS2, tubulin, VEGFA, BRAF, PGR, PDGFRA, SRC, REN, CSF1R, CTLA4 and HSP90AA1 genes received the highest scores for predicted impact, while microsomal steroid sulfatase, anticoagulant protein C, p53, CDKN2A, c-Jun, and TNSFS11 were highlighted as most promising research-stage targets. Conclusions: A significant cost reduction may be achieved by a priori impact assessment of targets and ligands before their development or repurposing. Expanding a suite of combinational treatments could also decrease the costs, while achieving a higher impact per developed ligand. This article is open to POST-PUBLICATION REVIEW. Registered readers (see “For Readers”) may comment by clicking on ABSTRACT on the issue’s contents page.

Objetivo: verificar o comportamento da incidência da tuberculose na população privada de liberdade e estimando sua tendência. Materiais e métodos: Trata-se de um estudo ecológico de série temporal com análise de tendência da incidência da tuberculose na população privada de liberdade. Utilizou-se de dados secundários provenientes do Sistema de Informações e Agravos de Notificação. A população foi composta por todas as notificações de Tuberculose da população privada de liberdade de unidades masculinas e femininas no período de 2007 a 2016. Na análise de tendência temporal foi realizada através da criação de modelos de regressão polinomial e testados os modelos linear; quadrático; exponencial. Resultados: A tendência da incidência na população privada de liberdade geral e no sexo masculino foi considerada estável, ambas com (p=0,180), e no sexo feminino decrescente (p= 0,040). Conclusão: É necessário avanços na condução do controle da tuberculose nas unidades prisionais. Descritores: Tuberculose; Epidemiologia; Prisioneiros; Incidência; Saúde Pública. Referências Ministério da Saúde. Secretaria de Vigilância em Saúde. Departamento de Vigilância Epidemiológica. Manual de recomendação para o controle da tuberculose no Brasil. Brasília: Ministério da Saúde. 2018. World Heatlh Organization. 2017 Fer.Disponívelem: http://www.who.int/tb/areas-of-work/population-groups/prisons-facts/en/. Acesso em : 20 Jan. 2017. Kayomo MK, Hasker E, Aloni M, Nkuku L, Kazadi M, Kabengele T, et al. Outbreak of Tuberculosis and Multidrug-Resistant Tuberculosis, Mbuji-Mayi Central Prison, Democratic Republic of the Congo. Emerg Infect Dis. 2018;24(11):2029-35. Schwitters A, Kaggwa M, Omiel P, Nagadya G, Kisa N, Dalal S. Tuberculosis incidence and treatment completion among Ugandan prison Int J Tuberc Lung Dis. 2014;18(7):781-86. Ministério da Saúde. Secretaria de Vigilância em Saúde. Boletim epidemiológico. Brasília: Ministério da Saúde, 2018;49(8). Alinaghi SAS, Farhoudi B, Najafi Z, Jafari S. Comparing Tuberculosis incidence in a prison with the society, Tehran, Iran. Arch Clin Infect Dis. 2018;E60247:1-3. Sacramento DS, Gonçalves MJF. Situação da tuberculose em pessoas privadas de liberdade no período de 2007 a 2012 . J Nurs UFPE on line. 2017;11(1):140-51. Valença MS, Possuelo LG, Cezar-Vaz MR, Silva PE. Tuberculose em presídios brasileiros: uma revisão integrativa da literatura. Cien Saude Colet. 2016;21(7):2147-60. Sánchez A, Larouzé B. Tuberculosis control in prisons, from research to action: the Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, experience. Cien Saude Colet. 2016;21(7):2071-80. Martins ELC, Martins LG, Silveira AM, Melo EM. The contradictory right to health of people deprived of liberty: the case of a prison in Minas Gerais , Brazil. Saúde soc. 2014;23(4):1222-34. Ministério da Saúde (BR). Secretaria de Vigilância em Saúde. Departamento de Vigilância das Doenças Transmissíveis. Brasil livre da tuberculose. Plano nacional pelo fim da tuberculose como problema de saúde pública [Internet]. Brasília: Ministério da Saúde; 2017 [citado 2018 mar 8]. 52 p. Disponível em: https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B0CE2wqdEaR-eVc5V3cyMVFPcTA/view. Macedo LR, Maciel ELN, Struchiner CJ. Tuberculose na população privada de liberdade do Brasil, 2007-2013*. Epidemiol Serv Saúde. 2017;26(4):783-94. Silva PF, Moura GS, Caldas AJM. Fatores associados ao abandono do tratamento da tuberculose pulmonar no Maranhão, Brasil, no período de 2001 a 2010. Cad Saúde Pública. 2014;30(8):1745-54. Montgomery DC, Jennings CL, Kulahci M. Introductionto Time Series Analysis and Forecasting. 2th ed. Hoken, NJ: John Wiley&Sons; 2015. Cavalcante GMS, de Macedo Bernardino Í, da Nóbrega LM, Ferreira RC, Ferreira E Ferreira E, d'Avila S. Temporal trends in physical violence, gender differences and spatial vulnerability of the location of victim's residences. Spat Spatiotemporal Epidemiol. 2018;25:49-56. Alves JP, Brazil JM, Nery AA, Vilela ABA, Filho IEM. Perfil Epidemiológico de pessoas privadas de liberdade. Rev enferm UFPE on line. 2017;11(supl.10):4036-44. Lambert LA, Armstrong LR, Lobato MN, Ho C, France AM, Haddad MB. Tuberculosis in Jails and Prisons: United States. AJPH Res. 2016;106(12):2231-37. Orlando S, Triulzi I, Ciccacci F, Palla I, Palombi L, Marazzi MC et al. Delayed diagnosis and treatment of tuberculosis in HIV+ patients in Mozambique: A cost-effectiveness analysis of screening protocols based on four symptom screening, smear microscopy, urine LAM test and Xpert MTB/RIF. PLoS One. 2018;13(7):1-16. World HeatlhOrganization.The end TB strategy [Internet]. Geneva: World HeatlhOrganization; 2015. 20 p. Available in: http://www.who.int/tb/End_TB_brochure.pdf Belo MTCT, Luiz RR, Hanson SL, Teixeira EG, Chalfoun T, Trajman A. Tuberculose e gênero em um município prioritário no estado do Rio de Janeiro. J Bras Pneumol. 2010;36(5):621-25. Sá LD, Santos ARBN, Oliveira AAV, Nogueira JA, Tavares LM, Villa TCS. O cuidado á saúde da mulher com tuberculose na perspectiva do enfoque familiar. Texto contexto - enferm. 2012;21(2):409-17. Minayo MCS, Ribeiro AP. Condições de saúde dos presos do estado do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil Health conditions of prisoners in the state of Rio de Janeiro , Brazil. Ciênc saúde coletiva. 2016;21(7):2031-40. Ministério da Justiça e Segurança Pública. Departamento Penitenciário Nacional. Levantamento Nacional de Informações Penitenciárias: INFOPEN atualização junho de 2016. Org. Tandhara Santos; Colaboração. Marlene Inês da Rosa, et al. Brasília – DF, 2017, p. 65 Winter BCA, Grazinoli Garrido R. A tuberculose no cárcere: um retrato das mazelas do sistema prisional brasileiro. Med leg Costa Rica. 2017;34(2):20-31. Soares Filho MM, Bueno PMMG. Demography, vulnerabilities and right to health to Brazilian prison population. Cien Saude Colet. 2016;21(7):1999-2010. Santos MNA, Sá AMM. Viver com tuberculose em prisões: O desafio de curar-se. Texto contexto - enferm. 2014;23(4):854-61. Ilievska-Poposka B, Zakoska M, Pilovska-Spasovska K, Simonovska L, Mitreski V. Tuberculosis in the Prisons in the Republic of Macedonia, 2008-2017. Maced J Med Sci. 2018;6(7):1300-4. Oliveira LGD, Natal S, Camacho LAB. Contextos de implantação do Programa de Controle da Tuberculose nas prisões brasileiras. Rev Saúde Pública. 2015;49:66. da Silva RD, de Luna FDT, de Araújo AJ, Camêlo ELS, Bertolozzi MR, Hino P, Lacerda SNB, Fook SML, de Figueiredo TMRM. Patients' perception regarding the influence of individual and social vulnerabilities on the adherence to tuberculosis treatment: a qualitative study. BMC Public Health. 2017;17(1):725.

Abstract Background A recent repurposing pharmacological screening revealed that vanadium-containing drugs anti-proliferative action in ovarian cancer cells was SLC26A2-dependent. SLC26A2/DTDST is a sulfate transporter, related to chondrodysplasia syndromes. Despite some reports on colon cancer, there are no studies on SLC26A2 performed in melanoma in the literature. Methods To better understand its potential use as biomarker for therapeutic decisions in melanoma, we performed gene expression analyses of the data available at GEO profiles (NCBI). Gene data sets that allowed analysis of SLC26A2 expression (1) in melanoma; (2) in response to drugs; (3) regulated by other proteins, were selected. Results Our results showed that, compared to normal skin or benign nevi, SLC26A2 expression was 2.5-fold higher in malignant melanoma (P = 0.019). Compared to the primary tumor, SLC26A2 expression tripled in melanoma (P = 0.022). We found a 6% decrease of SLC26A2 expression in A375 melanoma cells treated with BRAF inhibitor Vemurafenib (P < 0.001). After treatment of A375 cells with MLN4924, a selective inhibitor of the activating enzyme of Nedd8, SLC26A2 decreased in a time-dependent manner ( > 80% at 24 h; P < 0.001). In Sk-Mel-2 cells overexpressing E2F-1, a transcription factor that induces apoptosis in cancer cells, SLC26A2 levels were reduced by 76.4% (P = 0.067). In A375P cells depleted of PGC1α, an important metabolic co-activator in mitochondrial biogenesis and function, SLC26A2 levels increased 16% (P = 0.013). Conclusions From this work, we unveiled, for the first time, potential clues to better understand the regulation and role of SLC26A2 in melanoma. Though, it is still to be determined whether SLC26A2 is a driver or a passenger in the disease.

Introdution: The occlusal surface of the molars are more susceptible to dental caries because of their anatomy, so in some cases, the sealants are indicated. Objective: The objective of this study was to evaluate the efficacy, retention, presence of caries and marginal discoloration of resinous sealants (Fluoroshield and Prevent) in first permanent molars. Methods: Ninety - one children aged 7 to 9 years were selected from a municipal institution Regente Feijó, SP, Brazil, for the application of resinous sealants to first permanent lower first molars. The application of Fluoroshield and Prevent resin sealants was performed according to the manufacturer's recommendations. The evaluation was performed after 6 and 12 months by double-blind examiners and followed the criteria: alpha (total sealant, absence of caries and absence of pigmentation) charlie (partial sealing, superficial caries and light pigmentation) charlie complete sealing, presence of cavitation and pigmentation) after 12 months of application by two previously calibrated examiners. Results: Using Fischer's exact test, no significant difference (p 0.05) was observed between the resin-based sealant groups. In the evaluated criteria, both sealants after three years were similar, and may therefore be suitable materials for sealing grooves and fissures in permanent molars.Descriptors: Pit and Fissure Sealants; Dental Caries; Dentition, Permanent; Oral Health.ReferencesPalma-Dibb RG, Chinelatti MA, Souza-Zaroni WC. Diagnóstico de lesões de cárie. In: Assed S. Odontopediatria: bases científicas para a prática clínica. São Paulo: Artes Médicas; 2005.Sheiham A, James WP. Diet and Dental Caries: The Pivotal Role of Free Sugars Reemphasized. J Dent Res. 2015;94(10):1341-47.Faleiros Chioca S, Urzúa Araya L, Rodríguez Martínez G, Cabello Ibacache R. Uso de sellantes de fosas y fisuras para La prevención de caries em población infanto-juvenil: Revisión metodológica de ensayos clínicos. Rev Clin Periodoncia Implantol Rehabil Oral. 2013;6(1):14-9.Liu BY, Lo EC, Chu CH, Lin HC. Randomized Trial on Fluorides and Sealants for Fissure Caries Prevention. J Dent Res 2012;91(8):753-58Condò R, Cioffi A, Riccio A, Totino M, Condò SG, Cerroni L. Sealants in dentistry: a systematic review of the literature. Oral Implantol (Rome). 2014;6(3):67-74. Ahovuo-Saloranta A, Forss H, Walsh T, Hiiri A, Nordblad A, Mäkelä M et al. Sealants for preventing dental decay in the permanent teeth. Cochrane Database Syst Rev. 2013;(3):CD001830Moreira KMS,Kantovitz KR,Aguiar JPD, Borges AFS, Pascon FM, Puppin-Rontani RM. Impact of the intermediary layer on sealant retention: a randomized 24-month clinical trial. Clin Oral Investig. 2017;21(5):1435-43.Griffin SO, Gray SK, Malvitz DM, Gooch BF. Caries Risk in Formerly Sealed Teeth. J Am Dent Assoc 2009;140(4):415-23.Splieth CH, Ekstrand KR, Alkilzy M, Clarkson J, Meyer-Lueckel H, Martignon S et al. Sealants in dentistry: outcomes of the ORCA Saturday Afternoon Symposium 2007. Caries Res. 2010;44(1):3-13Sundfeld RH, Briso ALF, Mauro SJ, de Alexandre RS, Sundfeld Neto D, Oliveira FG et al. Twenty years experience with pit and fissure sealants. Int J Clin Dent. 2010;2(4):1-12.Baldini V, Tagliaferro EPS, Ambrosano GMB, Meneghim MC, Pereira AC. Use of occlusal sealant in a community program and caries incidence in high- and low-risk children. J Appl Oral Sci. 2010;19(4):396-402.Provenzano MGA, Rios D, Fracasso MLC, Marchesi A, Honório HM. Clinical Evaluation of a Resin-Modifi ed Glass Ionomer Cement (Vitremer®) Used as Pit-And-Fissure Sealant in Primary Molars. Pesq Bras Odontoped Clin Integr.2010;10(2):233-40.Saito CM, Lima EP, Mello D, Mello FAS. Selante resinoso: tratamento preventivo e minimamente invasivo. Rev Gest Saúde. 2014;11:10-17.Zenkner JE, Alves LS, de Oliveira RS, Bica RH, Wagner MB, Maltz M. Influence of eruption stage and biofilm accumulation on occlusal caries in permanent molars: a generalized estimating equations logistic approach. Caries Res. 2013;47(3):177-82.Delmondes FS, Imparato JCP. Selamento de primeiros molares permanentes em erupção com cimento de ionômero de vidro. J Bras Odontopediatr. Odontol Bebê. 2003;6(33):373-78.Heyduck C, Meller C, Schwahn C, Spliet CH. Effectiveness of Sealants in Adolescents with High and Low Caries Experience. Caries Res. 2006;40(5):375-81.Tagliaferro EPS, Ambrosano GMB, Meneghim MC, Pereira AC. Risk indicators and risk predictors of dental caries in schoolchildren. J Appl Oral Sci. 2008;16(6):408-13.Silva RCSP, Araujo MAM, Rego MA. Avaliação clinica de selantes de fossulas e fissuras: efeitos de materiais e tempo de analise. Rev Odontol UNESP. 1996;25(2):237-45.Beraldo DZ, Pereira KFS, Zafalon EJ, Yoshinari FMS.Análise comparativa entre selante resinoso e selante ionomérico por microscópio eletrônico de varredura. Rev Odontol UNESP. 2015;44(4):239-43.Araújo IT, Cunha MMF, Vasconcelos MG, Vasconcelos, RG. Selantes: uma técnica eficaz na prevenção da cárie. Com ciênc saúde. 2013;24(3):259-66.Moura SK, Lemos LVFM, Myszkovisk S, Provenzano MGA, Balducci I, Myaki SI. Bonding durability of dental sealants to deciduous and permanent teeth. Braz J Oral Sci. 2014; 13(3):198-202.Sundfeld RH, Mauro SJ, Briso ALF, Sundfeld MLMM. Clinical/photographic evaluation of a single application of two sealants after eleven years. Bull Tokyo Dent Coll. 2004;45(2):67-75.Folke BD, Walton JL, Feigal RJ. Occlusal Sealant Success Over Ten Years in a Private Practice: Comparing Longevity of Sealants Placed by Dentists, Hygienists, and Assistants. Pediatr Dent. 2004;26(5):426-32.Sundfeld RH, Croll Theodore P, José MS, Briso ALF, Sversut AR, Sundefeld MLMM. Longitudinal photographic observation of the occurrence of bubbles in pit and fissure sealants. J Appl Oral Sci. 2006;14(1):27-32.Arhakis A, Damianaki S, Toumba KJ. Pit and fissure sealants: types, effectiveness, retention, and fluoride release: a literature review. Balkan J Stomatol. 2007;11(3):151-62.Garbin CAS, Garbin AJI, Santos KT, Pizzato E, Moroso TT. Retention of a pit-and-fissure sealant: comparison of three types of isolation. Pesq Bras Odontoped Clin Integr. 2008;8(2):175-78.Kühnisch J, Mansmannb U, Roswitha HW, Hickel R. Longevity of materials for pit and fissure sealing - results from a meta-analysis. Dent Mater. 2012;28(3):298-303.

Bass, Karen. Drummer Girl. Regina: Coteau Books, 2011. Print. Writing for teens is an exercise in walking a tight-rope. Stories must reflect the current realities of their world, which is sometimes difficult for an adult writer to access directly, while offering commentary on that world that avoids didacticism. Karen Bass achieves both feats with ease in her novel Drummer Girl. This multifaceted and nuanced novel tells the story of an intelligent, self-possessed, and spunky girl, Sidney, or Sid for short, who tries to stay true to herself, her friends, and her musical passion in a world where it's hard for a girl to just be herself. "I hate being a girl! It's crap. All of it! The game is made for us to lose and I'm sick of playing it". Sid is a talented drummer who connects with music on a deep level, regardless of genre. Her two favourite styles are heavy metal and jazz. She would be happy to simply play drums all day, but when she tries out for The Fourth Down (TFD), a band composed of guys from the cool crowd at her school, she realizes that image matters too, at least to their group. She turns to her fashion conscious cousin for help. As she struggles to reconcile her new 'sexy' look with her own more casual style, she discovers that guys are only too ready to interpret her dress as an invitation to invade her personal space and pepper her with suggestive innuendo. Sid proceeds with her plan to win over the band, defending herself when necessary with an arsenal of retorts that some readers might recognize as a textbook. But the unfair harassment of the guys, who include another drummer trying out for the spot, drives the narrative in another direction and leads to a episode where Sid is subjected to a sexual assault outside her school. The band gangs up and their leader, Rocklin, forces a violent kiss on her. Her reputation is further undermined when they put a video of the event online. Even her best friend Taylor, a boy wrestling with his own issue of sexual identity, and math-nerd crush Brad, whom Sid has fallen hard for, develop a distorted view of Sid and begin to doubt her. Sid wants to handle the incident herself, but the trajectory of consequences takes it out of her control and out of the hands of the school counselor who is trying to help her. When a special school assembly and police investigation don't deliver public justice, Sid must choose between pursuing a nasty civil suit and finding peace with an indirect justice that the perpetrators meet in the community. After she realizes that she really doesn't want to join TFD after all, Sid decides to start her own all-girl band so she can play on her terms. The romance with awkward but adorable Brad also wends its way to a highly satisfying conclusion. There is no question that Bass is a skillful writer. Intelligent narration and inventive language lets us see the characters clearly as distinct personalities and Bass can quickly deliver an image or idea with a memorable turn of phrase. For instance, when Sid visits a hospital, she sees rooms "filled with people waiting for life to resume and fearing it might not". At the same time, Bass has a strong grasp of a snappy idiom for dialogue that feels authentically youthful. In fact the zing in the language does double duty, as it also fuels the momentum of the well-paced plot, making for a high re-read value. Likewise, musical terminology and description is accurate to a fault–terms like paradiddle and flam will be novel even to many musicians–and band references like Rush are legit. The novel doesn't pull any punches in presenting the ruthless world of high school: gender roles and harassment are topical and difficult issues. However, the resolution of the assault presents a dilemma. If Sid doesn't take up a civil suit, does that make what happened OK? Sid's decision to pick her battles and move on parallels the story arc of her moderation of style in both drumming and fashion. While some may disagree with the author's choice of this outcome, Bass treads carefully. The message she delivers is that the real world is not perfect. Finally, library folks will appreciate the way Bass, herself a former library manager, has subtly characterized the school library as a safe refuge and source of helpful information. A little self-advertising never hurt anyone. Highly Recommended: 4 out of 4 starsReviewer: John Huck Editor’s note: Drummer Girl was the recipient of the YA bronze medal in the 2011 Foreword Book of the Year Awards.John Huck is a metadata and cataloguing librarian at the University of Alberta. He holds an undergraduate degree in English literature and maintains a special interest in the spoken word. He is also a classical musician and has sung semi-professionally for many years.

By most accounts, “resilience” is a pretty resilient concept. Or policy instrument. Or heuristic tool. It’s this last that really concerns us here: resilience not as a politics, but rather as a descriptive device for attempts in the humanities—particularly in rhetoric and cultural studies—to adequately describe a discursive event. Or rather, to adequately describe a class of discursive events: those that involve rhetorical resistance by victimised subjects. I’ve argued elsewhere (Munro, Descriptive; Reading) that Peircean semiosis, inflected by a rhetorical postulate of genre, equips us well to closely describe a discursive event. Here, I want briefly to suggest that resilience—“discursive” resilience, to coin a term—might usefully supplement these hypotheses, at least from time to time. To support this suggestion, I’ll signal some uses of resilience before turning briefly to a case study: a sensational Argentine homicide case, which occurred in October 2002, and came to be known as the caso Belsunce. At the time, Argentina was wracked by economic crises and political instability. The imposition of severe restrictions on cash withdrawals from bank deposits had provoked major civil unrest. Between 21 December 2001 and 2 January 2002, Argentines witnessed a succession of five presidents. “Resilient” is a term that readily comes to mind to describe many of those who endured this catastrophic period. To describe the caso Belsunce, however—to describe its constitution and import as a discursive event—we might appeal to some more disciplinary-specific understandings of resilience. Glossing Peircean semiosis as a teleological process, Short notes that “one and the same thing […] may be many different signs at once” (106). Any given sign, in other words, admits of multiple interpretants or uptakes. And so it is with resilience, which is both a keyword in academic disciplines ranging from psychology to ecology and political science, and a buzzword in several corporate domains and spheres of governmental activity. It’s particularly prevalent in the discourses of highly networked post-9/11 Anglophone societies. So what, pray tell, is resilience? To the American Psychological Association, resilience comprises “the process of adapting well in the face of adversity.” To the Resilience Solutions Group at Arizona State University, resilience is “the capacity to recover fully from acute stressors, to carry on in the face of chronic difficulties: to regain one’s balance after losing it.” To the Stockholm Resilience Centre, resilience amounts to the “capacity of a system to continually change and adapt yet remain within critical thresholds,” while to the Resilience Alliance, resilience is similarly “the capacity of a system to absorb disturbance and still retain its basic function and structure” (Walker and Salt xiii). The adjective “resilient” is thus predicated of those entities, individuals or collectivities, which exhibit “resilience”. A “resilient Australia,” for example, is one “where all Australians are better able to adapt to change, where we have reduced exposure to risks, and where we are all better able to bounce back from disaster” (Australian Government). It’s tempting here to synthesise these statements with a sense of “ordinary language” usage to derive a definitional distillate: “resilience” is a capacity attributed to an entity which recovers intact from major injury. This capacity is evidenced in a reaction or uptake: a “resilient” entity is one which suffers some insult or disturbance, but whose integrity is held to have been maintained, or even enhanced, by its resistive or adaptive response. A conjecturally “resilient” entity is thus one which would presumably evince resilience if faced with an unrealised aversive event. However, such abstractions ignore how definitional claims do rhetorical work. On any given occasion, how “resilience” and its cognates are construed and what they connote are a function, at least in part, of the purposes of rhetorical agents and the protocols and objects of the disciplines or genres in which these agents put these terms to work. In disciplines operating within the same form of life or sphere of activity—disciplines sharing general conventions and broad objects of inquiry, such as the capacious ecological sciences or the contiguous fields of study within the ambit of applied psychology—resilience acts, at least at times, as a something of a “boundary object” (Star and Griesemer). Correlatively, across more diverse and distant fields of inquiry, resilience can work in more seemingly exclusive or contradictory ways (see Handmer and Dovers). Rhetorical aims and disciplinary objects similarly determine the originary tales we are inclined to tell. In the social sciences, the advent of resilience is often attributed to applied psychology, indebted, in turn, to epidemiology (see Seery, Holman and Cohen Silver). In environmental science, by contrast, resilience is typically taken to be a theory born in ecology (indebted to engineering and to the physical sciences, in particular to complex systems theory [see Janssen, Schoon, Ke and Börner]). Having no foundational claim to stake and, moreover, having different purposes and taking different objects, some more recent uptakes of resilience, in, for instance, securitisation studies, allow for its multidisciplinary roots (see Bourbeau; Kaufmann). But if resilience is many things to many people, a couple of commonalities in its range of translations should be drawn out. First, irrespective of its discipline or sphere of activity, talk of resilience typically entails construing an object of inquiry qua system, be that system an individual, a community of circumstance, a state, a socio-ecological unit or some differently delimited entity. This bounded system suffers some insult with no resulting loss of structural, relational, functional or other integrity. Second, resilience is usually marshalled to promote a politics. Resilience talk often consorts with discourses of meliorative action and of readily quantifiable practical effects. When the environmental sciences take the “Earth system” and the dynamics of global change as their objects of inquiry, a postulate of resilience is key to the elaboration and implementation of natural resource management policy. Proponents of socio-ecological resilience see the resilience hypothesis as enabling a demonstrably more enlightened stewardship of the biosphere (see Folke et al.; Holling; Walker and Salt). When applied psychology takes the anomalous situation of disadvantaged, at-risk individuals triumphing over trauma as its declared object of inquiry, a postulate of resilience is key to the positing and identification of personal and environmental resources or protective factors which would enable the overcoming of adversity. Proponents of psychosocial resilience see this concept as enabling the elaboration and implementation of interventions to foster individual and collective wellbeing (see Goldstein and Brooks; Ungar). Similarly, when policy think-tanks and government departments and agencies take the apprehension of particular threats to the social fabric as their object of inquiry, a postulate of resilience—or of a lack thereof—is critical to the elaboration and implementation of urban infrastructure, emergency planning and disaster management policies (see Drury et al.; Handmer and Dovers). However, despite its often positive connotations, resilience is well understood as a “normatively open” (Bourbeau 11) concept. This openness is apparent in some theories and practices of resilience. In limnological modelling, for example, eutrophication can result in a lake’s being in an undesirable, albeit resilient, turbid-water state (see Carpenter et al.; Walker and Meyers). But perhaps the negative connotations or indeed perverse effects of resilience are most apparent in some of its political uptakes. Certainly, governmental operationalisations of resilience are coming under increased scrutiny. Chief among the criticisms levelled at the “muddled politics” (Grove 147) of and around resilience is that its mobilisation works to constitute a particular neoliberal subjectivity (see Joseph; Neocleous). By enabling a conservative focus on individual responsibility, preparedness and adaptability, the topos of resilience contributes critically to the development of neoliberal governmentality (Joseph). In a practical sense, this deployment of resilience silences resistance: “building resilient subjects,” observe Evans and Reid (85), “involves the deliberate disabling of political habits. […] Resilient subjects are subjects that have accepted the imperative not to resist or secure themselves from the difficulties they are faced with but instead adapt to their enabling conditions.” It’s this prospect of practical acquiescence that sees resistance at times opposed to resilience (Neocleous). “Good intentions not withstanding,” notes Grove (146), “the effect of resilience initiatives is often to defend and strengthen the political economic status quo.” There’s much to commend in these analyses of how neoliberal uses of resilience constitute citizens as highly accommodating of capital and the state. But such critiques pertain to the governmental mobilisation of resilience in the contemporary “advanced liberal” settings of “various Anglo-Saxon countries” (Joseph 47). There are, of course, other instances—other events in other times and places—in which resilience indisputably sorts with resistance. Such an event is the caso Belsunce, in which a rhetorically resilient journalistic community pushed back, resisting some of the excesses of a corrupt neoliberal Argentine regime. I’ll turn briefly to this infamous case to suggest that a notion of “discursive resilience” might afford us some purchase when it comes to describing discursive events. To be clear: we’re considering resilience here not as an anticipatory politics, but rather as an analytic device to supplement the descriptive tools of Peircean semiosis and a rhetorical postulate of genre. As such, it’s more an instrument than an answer: a program, perhaps, for ongoing work. Although drawing on different disciplinary construals of the term, this use of resilience would be particularly indebted to the resilience thinking developed in ecology (see Carpenter el al.; Folke et al.; Holling; Walker et al.; Walker and Salt). Things would, of course, be lost in translation (see Adger; Gallopín): in taking a discursive event, rather than the dynamics of a socio-ecological system, as our object of inquiry, we’d retain some topological analogies while dispensing with, for example, Holling’s four-phase adaptive cycle (see Carpenter et al.; Folke; Gunderson; Gunderson and Holling; Walker et al.). For our purposes, it’s unlikely that descriptions of ecosystem succession need to be carried across. However, the general postulates of ecological resilience thinking—that a system is a complex series of dynamic relations and functions located at any given time within a basin of attraction (or stability domain or system regime) delimited by thresholds; that it is subject to multiple attractors and follows trajectories describable over varying scales of time and space; that these trajectories are inflected by exogenous and endogenous perturbations to which the system is subject; that the system either proves itself resilient to these perturbations in its adaptive or resistive response, or transforms, flipping from one domain (or basin) to another may well prove useful to some descriptive projects in the humanities. Resilience is fundamentally a question of uptake or response. Hence, when examining resilience in socio-ecological systems, Gallopín notes that it’s useful to consider “not only the resilience of the system (maintenance within a basin) but also coping with impacts produced and taking advantage of opportunities” (300). Argentine society in the early-to-mid 2000s was one such socio-political system, and the caso Belsunce was both one such impact and one such opportunity. Well-connected in the world of finance, 57-year-old former stockbroker Carlos Alberto Carrascosa lived with his 50-year-old sociologist turned charity worker wife, María Marta García Belsunce, close to their relatives in the exclusive gated community of Carmel Country Club, Pilar, Provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina. At 7:07 pm on Sunday 27 October 2002, Carrascosa called ambulance emergencies, claiming that his wife had slipped and knocked her head while drawing a bath alone that rainy Sunday afternoon. At the time of his call, it transpired, Carrascosa was at home in the presence of intimates. Blood was pooled on the bathroom floor and smeared and spattered on its walls and adjoining areas. María Marta lay lifeless, brain matter oozing from several holes in her left parietal and temporal lobes. This was the moment when Carrascosa, calm and coherent, called emergency services, but didn’t advert the police. Someone, he told the operator, had slipped in the bath and bumped her head. Carrascosa described María Marta as breathing, with a faint pulse, but somehow failed to mention the holes in her head. “A knock with a tap,” a police source told journalist Horacio Cecchi, “really doesn’t compare with the five shots to the head, the spillage of brain matter and the loss of about half a litre of blood suffered by the victim” (Cecchi and Kollmann). Rather than a bathroom tap, María Marta’s head had met with five bullets discharged from a .32-calibre revolver. In effect, reported Cecchi, María Marta had died twice. “While perhaps a common conceit in fiction,” notes Cecchi, “in reality, dying twice is, by definition, impossible. María Marta’s two obscure endings seem to unsettle this certainty.” Her cadaver was eventually subjected to an autopsy, and what had been a tale of clumsiness and happenstance was rewritten, reinscribed under the Argentine Penal Code. The autopsy was conducted 36 days after the burial of María Marta; nine days later, she was mentioned for the second time in the mainstream Argentine press. Her reappearance, however, was marked by a shift in rubrics: from a short death notice in La Nación, María Marta was translated to the crime section of Argentina’s dailies. Until his wife’s mediatic reapparition, Carroscosa and other relatives had persisted with their “accident” hypothesis. Indeed, they’d taken a range of measures to preclude the sorts of uptakes that might ordinarily be expected to flow, under functioning liberal democratic regimes, from the discovery of a corpse with five projectiles lodged in its head. Subsequently recited as part of Carrascosa’s indictment, these measures were extensively reiterated in media coverage of the case. One of the more notorious actions involved the disposal of the sixth bullet, which was found lying under María Marta. In the course of moving the body of his half-sister, John Hurtig retrieved a small metallic object. This discovery was discussed by a number of family members, including Carrascosa, who had received ballistics training during his four years of naval instruction at the Escuela Nacional de Náutica de la Armada. They determined that the object was a lug or connector rod (“pituto”) used in library shelving: nothing, in any case, to indicate a homicide. With this determination made, the “pituto” was duly wrapped in lavatory paper and flushed down the toilet. This episode occasioned a range of outraged articles in Argentine dailies examining the topoi of privilege, power, corruption and impunity. “Distinguished persons,” notes Viau pointedly, “are so disposed […] that in the midst of all that chaos, they can locate a small, hard, steely object, wrap it in lavatory paper and flush it down the toilet, for that must be how they usually dispose of […] all that rubbish that no longer fits under the carpet.” Most often, though, critical comment was conducted by translating the reporting of the case to the genres of crime fiction. In an article entitled Someone Call Agatha Christie, Quick!, H.A.T. writes that “[s]omething smells rotten in the Carmel Country; a whole pile of rubbish seems to have been swept under its plush carpets.” An exemplary intervention in this vein was the work of journalist and novelist Vicente Battista, for whom the case (María Marta) “synthesizes the best of both traditions of crime fiction: the murder mystery and the hard-boiled novels.” “The crime,” Battista (¿Hubo Otra Mujer?) has Rodolfo observe in the first of his speculative dialogues on the case, “seems to be lifted from an Agatha Christie novel, but the criminal turns out to be a copy of the savage killers that Jim Thompson usually depicts.” Later, in an interview in which he correctly predicted the verdict, Battista expanded on these remarks: This familiar plot brings together the English murder mystery and the American hard-boiled novels. The murder mystery because it has all the elements: the crime takes place in a sealed room. In this instance, sealed not only because it occurred in a house, but also in a country, a sealed place of privilege. The victim was a society lady. Burglary is not the motive. In classic murder mystery novels, it was a bit unseemly that one should kill in order to rob. One killed either for a juicy sum of money, or for revenge, or out of passion. In those novels there were neither corrupt judges nor fugitive lawyers. Once Sherlock Holmes […] or Hercule Poirot […] said ‘this is the murderer’, that was that. That’s to say, once fingered in the climactic living room scene, with everyone gathered around the hearth, the perpetrator wouldn’t resist at all. And everyone would be happy because the judges were thought to be upright persons, at least in fiction. […] The violence of the crime of María Marta is part of the hard-boiled novel, and the sealed location in which it takes place, part of the murder mystery (Alarcón). I’ve argued elsewhere (Munro, Belsunce) that the translation of the case to the genres of crime fiction and their metaanalysis was a means by which a victimised Argentine public, represented by a disempowered and marginalised fourth estate, sought some rhetorical recompense. The postulate of resilience, however, might help further to describe and contextualise this notorious discursive event. A disaffected Argentine press finds itself in a stability domain with multiple attractors: on the one hand, an acquiescence to ever-increasing politico-juridical corruption, malfeasance and elitist impunity; on the other, an attractor of increasing contestation, democratisation, accountability and transparency. A discursive event like the caso Belsunce further perturbs Argentine society, threatening to displace it from its democratising trajectory. Unable to enforce due process, Argentina’s fourth estate adapts, doing what, in the circumstances, amounts to the next best thing: it denounces the proceedings by translating the case to the genres of crime fiction. In so doing, it engages a venerable reception history in which the co-constitution of true crime fiction and investigative journalism is exemplified by the figure of Rodolfo Walsh, whose denunciatory works mark a “politicisation of crime” (see Amar Sánchez Juegos; El sueño). Put otherwise, a section of Argentina’s fourth estate bounced back: by making poetics do rhetorical work, it resisted the pull towards what ecology calls an undesirable basin of attraction. Through a show of discursive resilience, these journalists worked to keep Argentine society on a democratising track. 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Introduction: Bubbles and Sport The ephemeral materiality of bubbles – beautiful, spectacular, and distracting but ultimately fragile – when applied to protect or conserve in the interests of sport-media profit, creates conditions that exacerbate existing inequalities in sport and society. Bubbles are usually something to watch, admire, and chase after in their brief yet shiny lives. There is supposed to be, technically, nothing inside them other than one or more gasses, and yet we constantly refer to people and objects being inside bubbles. The metaphor of the bubble has been used to describe the life of celebrities, politicians in purpose-built capital cities like Canberra, and even leftist, environmentally activist urban dwellers. The metaphorical and material qualities of bubbles are aligned—they cannot be easily captured and are liable to change at any time. In this article we address the metaphorical sporting bubble, which is often evoked in describing life in professional sport. This is a vernacular term used to capture and condemn the conditions of life of elite sportspeople (usually men), most commonly after there has been a sport-related scandal, especially of a sexual nature (Rowe). It is frequently paired with connotatively loaded adjectives like pampered and indulged. The sporting bubble is rarely interrogated in academic literature, the concept largely being left to the media and moral entrepreneurs. It is represented as involving a highly privileged but also pressurised life for those who live inside it. A sporting bubble is a world constructed for its most prized inhabitants that enables them to be protected from insurgents and to set the terms of their encounters with others, especially sport fans and disciplinary agents of the state. The Covid-19 pandemic both reinforced and reconfigured the operational concept of the bubble, re-arranging tensions between safety (protecting athletes) and fragility (short careers, risks of injury, etc.) for those within, while safeguarding those without from bubble contagion. Privilege and Precarity Bubble-induced social isolation, critics argue, encourages a loss of perspective among those under its protection, an entitled disconnection from the usual rules and responsibilities of everyday life. For this reason, the denizens of the sporting bubble are seen as being at risk to themselves and, more troublingly, to those allowed temporarily to penetrate it, especially young women who are first exploited by and then ejected from it (Benedict). There are many well-documented cases of professional male athletes “behaving badly” and trying to rely on institutional status and various versions of the sporting bubble for shelter (Flood and Dyson; Reel and Crouch; Wade). In the age of mobile and social media, it is increasingly difficult to keep misbehaviour in-house, resulting in a slew of media stories about, for example, drunkenness and sexual misconduct, such as when then-Sydney Roosters co-captain Mitchell Pearce was suspended and fined in 2016 after being filmed trying to force an unwanted kiss on a woman and then simulating a lewd act with her dog while drunk. There is contestation between those who condemn such behaviour as aberrant and those who regard it as the conventional expression of youthful masculinity as part of the familiar “boys will be boys” dictum. The latter naturalise an inequitable gender order, frequently treating sportsmen as victims of predatory women, and ignoring asymmetries of power between men and women, especially in homosocial environments (Toffoletti). For those in the sporting bubble (predominantly elite sportsmen and highly paid executives, also mostly men, with an array of service staff of both sexes moving in and out of it), life is reflected for those being protected via an array of screens (small screens in homes and indoor places of entertainment, and even smaller screens on theirs and others’ phones, as well as huge screens at sport events). These male sport stars are paid handsomely to use their skill and strength to perform for the sporting codes, their every facial expression and bodily action watched by the media and relayed to audiences. This is often a precarious existence, the usually brief career of an athlete worker being dependent on health, luck, age, successful competition with rivals, networks, and club and coach preferences. There is a large, aspirational reserve army of athletes vying to play at the elite level, despite risks of injury and invasive, life-changing medical interventions. Responsibility for avoiding performance and image enhancing drugs (PIEDs) also weighs heavily on their shoulders (Connor). Professional sportspeople, in their more reflective moments, know that their time in the limelight will soon be up, meaning that getting a ticket to the sporting bubble, even for a short time, can make all the difference to their post-sport lives and those of their families. The most vulnerable of the small minority of participants in sport who make a good, short-term living from it are those for whom, in the absence of quality education and prior social status, it is their sole likely means of upward social mobility (Spaaij). Elite sport performers are surrounded by minders, doctors, fitness instructors, therapists, coaches, advisors and other service personnel, all supporting athletes to stay focussed on and maximise performance quality to satisfy co-present crowds, broadcasters, sponsors, sports bodies and mass media audiences. The shield offered by the sporting bubble supports the teleological win-at-all-costs mentality of professional sport. The stakes are high, with athlete and executive salaries, sponsorships and broadcasting deals entangled in a complex web of investments in keeping the “talent” pivotal to the “attention economy” (Davenport and Beck)—the players that provide the content for sale—in top form. Yet, the bubble cannot be entirely secured and poor behaviour or performance can have devastating effects, including permanent injury or disability, mental illness and loss of reputation (Rowe, “Scandals and Sport”). Given this fragile materiality of the sporting bubble, it is striking that, in response to the sudden shutdown following the economic and health crisis caused by the 2020 global pandemic, the leaders of professional sport decided to create more of them and seek to seal the metaphorical and material space with unprecedented efficiency. The outcome was a multi-sided tale of mobility, confinement, capital, labour, and the gendering of sport and society. The Covid-19 Gilded Cage Sociologists such as Zygmunt Bauman and John Urry have analysed the socio-politics of mobilities, whereby some people in the world, such as tourists, can traverse the globe at their leisure, while others remain fixed in geographical space because they lack the means to be mobile or, in contrast, are involuntarily displaced by war, so-called “ethnic cleansing”, famine, poverty or environmental degradation. The Covid-19 global pandemic re-framed these matters of mobilities (Rowe, “Subjecting Pandemic Sport”), with conventional moving around—between houses, businesses, cities, regions and countries—suddenly subjected to the imperative to be static and, in perniciously unreflective technocratic discourse, “socially distanced” (when what was actually meant was to be “physically distanced”). The late-twentieth century analysis of the “risk society” by Ulrich Beck, in which the mysterious consequences of humans’ predation on their environment are visited upon them with terrifying force, was dramatically realised with the coming of Covid-19. In another iteration of the metaphor, it burst the bubble of twenty-first century global sport. What we today call sport was formed through the process of sportisation (Maguire), whereby hyper-local, folk physical play was reconfigured as multi-spatial industrialised sport in modernity, becoming increasingly reliant on individual athletes and teams travelling across the landscape and well over the horizon. Co-present crowds were, in turn, overshadowed in the sport economy when sport events were taken to much larger, dispersed audiences via the media, especially in broadcast mode (Nicholson, Kerr, and Sherwood). This lucrative mediation of professional sport, though, came with an unforgiving obligation to generate an uninterrupted supply of spectacular live sport content. The pandemic closed down most sports events and those that did take place lacked the crucial participation of the co-present crowd to provide the requisite event atmosphere demanded by those viewers accustomed to a sense of occasion. Instead, they received a strange spectacle of sport performers operating in empty “cathedrals”, often with a “faked” crowd presence. The mediated sport spectacle under the pandemic involved cardboard cut-out and sex doll spectators, Zoom images of fans on large screens, and sampled sounds of the crowd recycled from sport video games. Confected co-presence produced simulacra of the “real” as Baudrillardian visions came to life. The sporting bubble had become even more remote. For elite sportspeople routinely isolated from the “common people”, the live sport encounter offered some sensory experience of the social – the sounds, sights and even smells of the crowd. Now the sporting bubble closed in on an already insulated and insular existence. It exposed the irony of the bubble as a sign of both privileged mobility and incarcerated athlete work, both refuge and prison. Its logic of contagion also turned a structure intended to protect those inside from those outside into, as already observed, a mechanism to manage the threat of insiders to outsiders. In Australia, as in many other countries, the populace was enjoined by governments and health authorities to help prevent the spread of Covid-19 through isolation and immobility. There were various exceptions, principally those classified as essential workers, a heterogeneous cohort ranging from supermarket shelf stackers to pharmacists. People in the cultural, leisure and sports industries, including musicians, actors, and athletes, were not counted among this crucial labour force. Indeed, the performing arts (including dance, theatre and music) were put on ice with quite devastating effects on the livelihoods and wellbeing of those involved. So, with all major sports shut down (the exception being horse racing, which received the benefit both of government subsidies and expanding online gambling revenue), sport organisations began to represent themselves as essential services that could help sustain collective mental and even spiritual wellbeing. This case was made most aggressively by Australian Rugby League Commission Chairman, Peter V’landys, in contending that “an Australia without rugby league is not Australia”. In similar vein, prominent sport and media figure Phil Gould insisted, when describing rugby league fans in Western Sydney’s Penrith, “they’re lost, because the football’s not on … . It holds their families together. People don’t understand that … . Their life begins in the second week of March, and it ends in October”. Despite misgivings about public safety and equality before the pandemic regime, sporting bubbles were allowed to form, re-form and circulate. The indefinite shutdown of the National Rugby League (NRL) on 23 March 2020 was followed after negotiation between multiple entities by its reopening on 28 May 2020. The competition included a team from another nation-state (the Warriors from Aotearoa/New Zealand) in creating an international sporting bubble on the Central Coast of New South Wales, separating them from their families and friends across the Tasman Sea. Appeals to the mental health of fans and the importance of the NRL to myths of “Australianness” notwithstanding, the league had not prudently maintained a financial reserve and so could not afford to shut down for long. Significant gambling revenue for leagues like the NRL and Australian Football League (AFL) also influenced the push to return to sport business as usual. Sport contests were needed in order to exploit the gambling opportunities – especially online and mobile – stimulated by home “confinement”. During the coronavirus lockdowns, Australians’ weekly spending on gambling went up by 142 per cent, and the NRL earned significantly more than usual from gambling revenue—potentially $10 million above forecasts for 2020. Despite the clear financial imperative at play, including heavy reliance on gambling, sporting bubble-making involved special licence. The state of Queensland, which had pursued a hard-line approach by closing its borders for most of those wishing to cross them for biographical landmark events like family funerals and even for medical treatment in border communities, became “the nation's sporting hub”. Queensland became the home of most teams of the men’s AFL (notably the women’s AFLW season having been cancelled) following a large Covid-19 second wave in Melbourne. The women’s National Netball League was based exclusively in Queensland. This state, which for the first time hosted the AFL Grand Final, deployed sport as a tool in both national sports tourism marketing and internal pre-election politics, sponsoring a documentary, The Sporting Bubble 2020, via its Tourism and Events arm. While Queensland became the larger bubble incorporating many other sporting bubbles, both the AFL and the NRL had versions of the “fly in, fly out” labour rhythms conventionally associated with the mining industry in remote and regional areas. In this instance, though, the bubble experience did not involve long stays in miners’ camps or even the one-night hotel stopovers familiar to the popular music and sport industries. Here, the bubble moved, usually by plane, to fulfil the requirements of a live sport “gig”, whereupon it was immediately returned to its more solid bubble hub or to domestic self-isolation. In the space created between disciplined expectation and deplored non-compliance, the sporting bubble inevitably became the scrutinised object and subject of scandal. Sporting Bubble Scandals While people with a very low risk of spreading Covid-19 (coming from areas with no active cases) were denied entry to Queensland for even the most serious of reasons (for example, the death of a child), images of AFL players and their families socialising and enjoying swimming at the Royal Pines Resort sporting bubble crossed our screens. Yet, despite their (players’, officials’ and families’) relative privilege and freedom of movement under the AFL Covid-Safe Plan, some players and others inside the bubble were involved in “scandals”. Most notable was the case of a drunken brawl outside a Gold Coast strip club which led to two Richmond players being “banished”, suspended for 10 matches, and the club fined $100,000. But it was not only players who breached Covid-19 bubble protocols: Collingwood coaches Nathan Buckley and Brenton Sanderson paid the $50,000 fine imposed on the club for playing tennis in Perth outside their bubble, while Richmond was fined $45,000 after Brooke Cotchin, wife of team captain Trent, posted an image to Instagram of a Gold Coast day spa that she had visited outside the “hub” (the institutionally preferred term for bubble). She was subsequently distressed after being trolled. Also of concern was the lack of physical distancing, and the range of people allowed into the sporting bubble, including babysitters, grandparents, and swimming coaches (for children). There were other cases of players being caught leaving the bubble to attend parties and sharing videos of their “antics” on social media. Biosecurity breaches of bubbles by players occurred relatively frequently, with stern words from both the AFL and NRL leaders (and their clubs) and fines accumulating in the thousands of dollars. Some people were also caught sneaking into bubbles, with Lekahni Pearce, the girlfriend of Swans player Elijah Taylor, stating that it was easy in Perth, “no security, I didn’t see a security guard” (in Barron, Stevens, and Zaczek) (a month later, outside the bubble, they had broken up and he pled guilty to unlawfully assaulting her; Ramsey). Flouting the rules, despite stern threats from government, did not lead to any bubble being popped. The sport-media machine powering sporting bubbles continued to run, the attendant emotional or health risks accepted in the name of national cultural therapy, while sponsorship, advertising and gambling revenue continued to accumulate mostly for the benefit of men. Gendering Sporting Bubbles Designed as biosecurity structures to maintain the supply of media-sport content, keep players and other vital cogs of the machine running smoothly, and to exclude Covid-19, sporting bubbles were, in their most advanced form, exclusive luxury camps that illuminated the elevated socio-cultural status of sportsmen. The ongoing inequalities between men’s and women’s sport in Australia and around the world were clearly in evidence, as well as the politics of gender whereby women are obliged to “care” and men are enabled to be “careless” – or at least to manage carefully their “duty of care”. In Australia, the only sport for women that continued during the height of the Covid-19 lockdown was netball, which operated in a bubble that was one of sacrifice rather than privilege. With minimum salaries of only $30,000 – significantly less than the lowest-paid “rookies” in the AFL – and some being mothers of small children and/or with professional jobs juggled alongside their netball careers, these elite sportswomen wanted to continue to play despite the personal inconvenience or cost (Pavlidis). Not one breach of the netballers out of the bubble was reported, indicating that they took their responsibilities with appropriate seriousness and, perhaps, were subjected to less scrutiny than the sportsmen accustomed to attracting front-page headlines. National Netball League (also known after its Queensland-based naming rights sponsor as Suncorp Super Netball) players could be regarded as fortunate to have the opportunity to be in a bubble and to participate in their competition. The NRL Women’s (NRLW) Premiership season was also completed, but only involved four teams subject to fly in, fly out and bubble arrangements, and being played in so-called curtain-raiser games for the NRL. As noted earlier, the AFLW season was truncated, despite all the prior training and sacrifice required of its players. Similarly, because of their resource advantages, the UK men’s and boy’s top six tiers of association football were allowed to continue during lockdown, compared to only two for women and girls. In the United States, inequalities between men’s and women’s sports were clearly demonstrated by the conditions afforded to those elite sportswomen inside the Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA) sport bubble in the IMG Academy in Florida. Players shared photos of rodent traps in their rooms, insect traps under their mattresses, inedible food and blocked plumbing in their bubble accommodation. These conditions were a far cry from the luxury usually afforded elite sportsmen, including in Florida’s Walt Disney World for the men’s NBA, and is just one of the many instances of how gendered inequality was both reproduced and exacerbated by Covid-19. Bursting the Bubble As we have seen, governments and corporate leaders in sport were able to create material and metaphorical bubbles during the Covid-19 lockdown in order to transmit stadium sport contests into home spaces. The rationale was the importance of sport to national identity, belonging and the routines and rhythms of life. But for whom? Many women, who still carry the major responsibilities of “care”, found that Covid-19 intensified the affective relations and gendered inequities of “home” as a leisure site (Fullagar and Pavlidis). Rates of domestic violence surged, and many women experienced significant anxiety and depression related to the stress of home confinement and home schooling. During the pandemic, women were also more likely to experience the stress and trauma of being first responders, witnessing virus-related sickness and death as the majority of nurses and care workers. They also bore the brunt of much of the economic and employment loss during this time. Also, as noted above, livelihoods in the arts and cultural sector did not receive the benefits of the “bubble”, despite having a comparable claim to sport in contributing significantly to societal wellbeing. This sector’s workforce is substantially female, although men dominate its senior roles. Despite these inequalities, after the late March to May hiatus, many elite male sportsmen – and some sportswomen - operated in a bubble. Moving in and out of them was not easy. Life inside could be mentally stressful (especially in long stays of up to 150 days in sports like cricket), and tabloid and social media troll punishment awaited those who were caught going “over the fence”. But, life in the sporting bubble was generally preferable to the daily realities of those afflicted by the trauma arising from forced home confinement, and for whom watching moving sports images was scant compensation for compulsory immobility. The ethical foundation of the sparkly, ephemeral fantasy of the sporting bubble is questionable when it is placed in the service of a voracious “media sports cultural complex” (Rowe, Global Media Sport) that consumes sport labour power and rolls back progress in gender relations as a default response to a global pandemic. Covid-19 dramatically highlighted social inequalities in many areas of life, including medical care, work, and sport. For the small minority of people involved in sport who are elite professionals, the only thing worse than being in a sporting bubble during the pandemic was not being in one, as being outside precluded their participation. Being inside the bubble was a privilege, albeit a dubious one. But, as in wider society, not all sporting bubbles are created equal. Some are more opulent than others, and the experiences of the supporting and the supported can be very different. The surface of the sporting bubble may be impermanent, but when its interior is opened up to scrutiny, it reveals some very durable structures of inequality. Bubbles are made to burst. They are, by nature, temporary, translucent structures created as spectacles. As a form of luminosity, bubbles “allow a thing or object to exist only as a flash, sparkle or shimmer” (Deleuze, 52). In echoing Deleuze, Angela McRobbie (54) argues that luminosity “softens and disguises the regulative dynamics of neoliberal society”. The sporting bubble was designed to discharge that function for those millions rendered immobile by home confinement legislation in Australia and around the world, who were having to deal with the associated trauma, risk and disadvantage. 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