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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Folk literature, Hebrew

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Academic literature on the topic 'Folk literature, Hebrew'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Folk literature, Hebrew"

1

Feldman, Sara Miriam. "Jewish Simulations of Pushkin's Stylization of Folk Poetry." Slavic and East European Journal 59, no. 2 (2015): 229–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.30851/59.2.004.

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This article examines the prosody and other features of Hebrew and Yiddish translations of Eugene Onegin , which were composed as a part of Ashkenazi Jewish cultural movements in Eastern Europe, Russia, and Palestine. Russian literature played an important role within the history of modern literature in both Hebrew and Yiddish. Translating Russian literature tested the limits of the literary Yiddish and Hebrew languages. Due to the novel’s status in the Russian canon and its poetic forms, translating it was a coveted literary challenge for high-culture artistic production in Jewish languages. I examine this phenomenon using Pushkin’s simulation of folk poetry in the “Song of the Girls.” Due to the different social and textual functions of Yiddish and Hebrew, as well as their linguistic features, translatability of even formal characteristics differed from one Jewish language to another. The changes in Hebrew pronunciation during this period were reflected clearly in the changing limits of the ability of writers to translate Onegin . Though motivated by an inward-facing drive to produce modern and Western literature in one Jewish language or another, these translations were also a manifestation of the cultural bond between secular, East European Jewish intellectuals and Russian literature.

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2

Nosonovsky, Michael. "Connecting Sacred and Mundane: From Bilingualism to Hermeneutics in Hebrew Epitaphs." Studia Humana 6, no. 2 (June 1, 2017): 96–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sh-2017-0013.

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Abstract Gravestones with Hebrew inscriptions are the most common class of Jewish monuments still present in such regions as Ukraine or Belarus. Epitaphs are related to various Biblical, Rabbinical, and liturgical texts. Despite that, the genre of Hebrew epitaphs seldom becomes an object of cultural or literary studies. In this paper, I show that a function of Hebrew epitaphs is to connect the ideal world of Hebrew sacred texts to the world of everyday life of a Jewish community. This is achieved at several levels. First, the necessary elements of an epitaph – name, date, and location marker – place the deceased person into a specific absolute context. Second, the epitaphs quote Biblical verses with the name of the person thus stressing his/her similarity to a Biblical character. Third, there is Hebrew/Yiddish orthography code-switching between the concepts found in the sacred books and those from the everyday world. Fourth, the epitaphs occupy an intermediate position between the professional and folk literature. Fifth, the epitaphs are also in between the canonical and folk religion. I analyze complex hermeneutic mechanisms of indirect quotations in the epitaphs and show that the methods of actualization of the sacred texts are similar to those of the Rabbinical literature. Furthermore, the dichotomy between the sacred and profane in the epitaphs is based upon the Rabbinical concept of the ‘Internal Jewish Bilingualism’ (Hebrew/Aramaic or Hebrew/Yiddish), which is parallel to the juxtaposition of the Written and Oral Torah.

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3

Abramson, Glenda. "Israeli Drama and the Bible: Kings on the Stage." AJS Review 28, no. 1 (April 2004): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009404000054.

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Drama is the most neglected genre within Hebrew cultural development. In fact, until shortly before the foundation of the State of Israel, few plays in Hebrew had been staged. Although a large number of works in dramatic form had been written, particularly in the nineteenth century, few of them were viable theatrical dramas. They fell into the categories of rhetoric and allegory, devoid of believable dramatis personae. There were some milestones along the way, such as Somi's Zahut Bedihuta de-Kiddushin (An Eloquent Marriage Farce, c. 1600), Luzzatto's Leyesharim tehilla (Praise for the Righteous, 1743), and some modern plays, but these were not sufficiently feasible for the establishment of a dramatic tradition. An important factor qualifying the late development of Hebrew drama was the language, for within the communities' diglossia throughout the ages, Hebrew was reserved for more elevated discourse than playacting. Moreover, Hebrew, the language of the sacred texts, was inadequate for the expression of everyday life. Nowhere in the diaspora was there a Hebrew-speaking audience; there was no folk life in Hebrew as there was in Yiddish. Also, the potential playwrights were faced with the problem of the divine imperative in Jewish history, which precludes anything like the theodicy that gave rise to classical tragedy. Other religious restrictions against certain forms of representation, together with the small value Jewish religious authorities traditionally placed on theatre for its own sake, were also crucial factors mitigating against the drama's development.

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4

Baumgarten, Jean. "Ahuva Belkin. The Purimshpil, Studies in Jewish Folk Theater. Jerusalem: Bialik Institute, 2002. 287 pp. (Hebrew)." AJS Review 29, no. 2 (November 2005): 404–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405430172.

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In the Early Modern period, the Jewish people did not develop theater arts comparable to that of other cultures. One reason often given to explain this absence of theatrical tradition is the virulent denunciations of theater by the rabbis, who likened it to idolatry and heresy, and condemned it as being incompatible with monotheism. The biblical injunction (Ps.1:1): “Blessed is the man that sits not in the seat of the scornful” has often been cited as condemning the theater, interpreting the Hebrew word leẓim, not as mocking or impious, but as buffoon or jester, and by extension, actor. Ahuva Belkin attempts to explain this cultural fact while at the same time challenging the argument that Jews did not create any theatrical tradition. From the Middle Ages on, Ashkenazi society produced many forms of popular entertainment, the most accomplished of which was the Purim-shpil. Belkin's work, which makes use of the pioneering studies of Yiddish theater by B. Gorin, Y. Shatsky, I. Shipper, and Ch. Shmeruk, offers much new and original material.

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5

Mendelsohn, Ezra. "Haya Bar-Itzhak. Jewish Poland—Legends of Origin: Ethnopolitics and Legendary Chronicles. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2001. 195 pp." AJS Review 29, no. 2 (November 2005): 392–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405370176.

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The author, an Israeli folklorist who teaches at the University of Haifa, has had the excellent idea of scrutinizing the various “legends of origin” of Polish Jewry. She makes use of works by Hebrew and Yiddish authors, published in modern times but based on folk material of considerable antiquity, and of materials collected by ethnographers of pre-Holocaust Jewish Eastern Europe and by researchers in Israel. Her linguistic skills are admirable (she discusses material in German and Polish as well as both Jewish languages), and her book, while it does not altogether avoid professional jargon, is definitely accessible to the nonspecialist.

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6

Papo, Eliezer. "The Last Supper and “Kneževa večera,” Parallels and Their Resonances in Traditional Christian and Serbian Folk Culture." Slavic and East European Journal 59, no. 1 (2015): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.30851/59.1.002.

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The New Testament episode of the Last Supper has powerful images of the suffering Jesus; of Judas, the evil disciple who betrayed him; and of Peter, the good but fainthearted disciple, who—torn between his loyalty to Jesus and his self-preservation instinct—denied his master three times in the course of a few hours, only to re-emerge as one of Christ’s most faithful apostles. This episode does not only reflect the relation of the early Church to the Jews but was also used for centuries to construct and reconstruct the relations between the two religious communities. Symptomatically, the name of the disciple who plays a diabolical role in the scene, Judas, is an eminently Hebrew (Jewish) name. Even more interestingly, it ‘happens’ to be identical with the ethnonym of the Judeans, the descendants of the biblical tribe of Judah, the inhabitants of New Testament Judaea, the later Jews. The anti-Semitic potential of the New Testament’s Last Supper was often used in traditional Christian society for creation and nourishment of anti-Jewish sentiments; or, even worse, as a pretext for anti-Jewish actions on the part of the elites (legislation, mass expulsion, etc.) or the common masses (riots, pogroms, etc.).

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7

Feinberg, Anat, and Robert Jütte. "Jüdisch-christliche Volksmedizin in einer Idylle Saul Tschernichowskys." Aschkenas 29, no. 1 (June 4, 2019): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asch-2019-0010.

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Abstract When working as a country doctor in Czarist Russia, the Jewish author and poet Saul Tschernichowsky (1875-1943) had close contact with the rural population and with the Jews living there. Meeting the village folk and peasants brought back memories of his own childhood spent in the country that made him realize the discrepancy between »yesterday’s world« and modern times. Academic medicine did not count for much in the country. The peasants wanted »proper« drugs, by which they meant drugs whose strong smell and conspicuous colour suggested effectiveness. Some of Tschernichowsky’s medical experiences from that time have found their way into his literary oeuvre, for instance into the stories »be-inyan ha-mumchim« (Concerning experts) and »ze’adim rishonim« (First steps), and particularly also into his idyll »Berele chole« (Berele is sick), composed in 1907, which is an attempt at making this literary genre also fruitful for Modern Hebrew Literature. Analysis of its content reveals that the historiographic inference that Jewish and non-Jewish religious-magic medicine overlap and influence each other is congruent with Tschernichowsky’s poetically alienated description.

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8

Sabar, Shalom. "Torah and Magic: The Torah Scroll and Its Appurtenances as Magical Objects in Traditional Jewish Culture." European Journal of Jewish Studies 3, no. 1 (2009): 135–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/102599909x12471170467448.

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AbstractThis essay deals with a little noticed aspect of the Torah scroll in Jewish life and practice—namely, the usage of the scroll and its accessories in the context of sympathetic magic. The Torah is undoubtedly the holiest text in the Jewish tradition, and early on rabbinical authorities set a code that determined the fitting rules of conduct towards the scroll upon which it is written. In the course of time, the Torah scroll and the appurtenances associated with it emerged as the most sacred tangible objects in Jewish tradition and folk culture. Select Torah scrolls in various communities, especially in the lands of Islam, were elevated to a special position and were considered as possessing extraordinary protective powers. Aside from miraculous stories told about such scrolls, the popular beliefs in the power of the Torah scroll in general are best reflected in the ornamental appurtenances which enhanced the physical appearance of the sacred object. Thus, costly ceremonial objects such as the tik (Torah case) or rimonim (Torah finials) were decorated in several communities with magical designs and carefully selected texts, which reflect ideas of Jewish magic in general and are reminiscent of Hebrew amulets in particular.

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9

UZUN, Adnan. "Divan Şiirinde Hz. Musa / The Prophet Moses In Divan Poetry." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 5, no. 1 (January 11, 2016): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v5i1.454.

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<pre><strong>The Prophet Moses In Divan Poetry</strong></pre><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>Divan poetry is a conglomerate formed under the influence of eastern societies' common culture and geographical advantages shared by various communities which is shaped by Islamic civilization and the sense of art. Prophet Moses is known by his place in Abrahamic religions. According to Islam, as a baby he was found in the Nile River, adopted by the Egyptian royal family, and grew up in the palace of the Pharaoh although in that time the Pharaoh ordered all newborn male Hebrew boys to be killed. Moses was forced to leave Egypt when he was young. Eventually, he became a prophet. He showed great patience against deeds of his folk. Divan poets mentioned Prophet Moses in their poetries with his standing against to Pharaoh, miracles like conversation with God in the Mount Sinai, Shacar al-Tur (the tree in the Mount Sinai), magic rod, and white hand. Prophet Moses became a source of inspiration for expression of sufi feelings and thoughts for Classic Turkish Literature poets. This article examines how Divan poetry depicts Prophet Moses and his miracles.</p><p align="center"><strong><br /></strong></p><p align="center"><strong>Divan Şiirinde Hz. Musa</strong></p><pre><strong>Öz</strong><strong></strong></pre><p>Divan Şiiri, İslam Medeniyetinin şekillendirdiği Müslüman Doğu toplumlarının ortak kültüründen ve çeşitli milletlerle paylaştığı coğrafyanın değerlerinden etkilenerek oluşan, devrin sanat anlayışıyla yoğrulmuş bir birikimdir. </p><p>Hz. Musa, Firavun tarafından yeni doğan bütün erkek çocukların öldürüldüğü bir dönemde dünyaya gelmesi, İsrail oğullarına zulmeden ve tanrılık iddiasında bulunan Firavun’un sarayında yetişmesi, gençliğinde yaşadığı olaylar nedeniyle Mısır’ı terketmek zorunda kalması, peygamber oluşu, mücadelesi ve halkına karşı gösterdiği sabır gibi özelliklerinin yanında başta Yahudilik olmak üzere bütün semavi dinlerde en önemli peygamberler arasında yer alması gibi nitelikleriyle İslam Dini ve diğer ilahi dinlerin inanç ve kültür değerlerinde önemli bir yer tutmaktadır. Divan şairleri Hz. Musa’yı, Firavun’a karşı duruşu, Tûr Dağı’nda Allah ile tekellümü, Şecer-i Tûr, mucizevi asası, yed-i beyza sahibi oluşu gibi yönleri ve göstermiş olduğu mucizeleriyle şiirlerine konu etmişlerdir.</p><p>Hz. Musa, Klasik Türk edebiyatı şairleri için tasavvufî duygu, düşünce ve heyecanların ifadesinde ilham kaynağı olmuştur. Bu makalede, Hz. Musa ve onun mucizeleri ile ilgili Divan şiirinde yer alan ifade ve anlatımlar incelenmiştir.</p><p align="center"><strong><br /></strong></p><p> </p>

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10

Sherman, Phillip. "The Hebrew Bible and the ‘Animal Turn’." Currents in Biblical Research 19, no. 1 (October 2020): 36–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x20923271.

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Animal Studies refers to a set of questions which take seriously the reality of animal lives, past and present, and the ways in which human societies have conceived of those lives, related to them, and utilized them in the production of human cultures. Scholars of the Hebrew Bible are increasingly engaging animals in their interpretive work. Such engagement is often implicit or partial, but increasingly drawing directly on the more critical aspects of Animal Studies. This article proceeds as a tour through the menagerie of the biblical canon by exploring key texts in order to describe and analyze what Animal Studies has brought to the field of Biblical Studies. Biblical texts are grouped into the following categories: animals in the narrative accounts of the Torah, legal and ritual texts concerning animals, animal metaphors in the prophets, and wisdom literature and animal life. The emergence and application of zooarchaeological research and a number of studies focusing on specific animal species will be discussed. Sustained attention will be given to two recent works which have brought Animal Studies into the fractured fold of biblical scholarship more directly. Finally, I will suggest some future directions for the study of the Hebrew Bible in light of Animal Studies.

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Books on the topic "Folk literature, Hebrew"

1

Babayoff, Shalom. Ben-he-ḥakham ṿeha-shoded: Sipure-ʻam. Yerushalayim: Harʼel, 1988.

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2

Yassif, Eli. Ke-margalit be-mishbetset: Ḳovets ha-sipurim ha-ʻIvri bi-Yeme ha-benayim. Tel-Aviv: ha-Ḳibuts ha-meʼuḥad, 2004.

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3

Sebba-Elran, Tsafi. Mi-Sefer ha-agadah el aron ha-sefarim ha-Yehudi: Ha-asupot ha-agadatiyot u-meḳoman be-ʻitsuvah shel ha-Yahadut ba-tarbut ha-ʻIvrit. [Tel Aviv?: ḥ. mo. l., 2009.

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4

Koén-Sarano, Matilda. G'oḥa, mah hu omer?: Sipure-ʻam Yehudiyim-Sefaradiyim. Yerushalayim: Kanah, 1991.

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5

Dämonische Allianzen: Jüdische Mahrtenehenerzählungen der europäischen Vormoderne. Tübingen: A. Francke Verlag, 2013.

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6

Sipure Zakho: Mivḥar sipure Kurdisṭan. [Israel: ḥ. mo. l., 1985.

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7

Yassif, Eli. Sipur ha-ʻam ha-ʻIvri: Toldotaṿ, sugaṿ u-mashmaʻuto. Yerushalayim: Mosad Byaliḳ, 1994.

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8

Ben-Ḥayim, Mosheh. Ḥokhmato shel ha-shor: Sipurim meha-haṿai ha-ʻArvi. Yerushalayim: Aḳademon, 1996.

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9

Bukhrits, Raḥamim, -1912 or 1913 and Bukhrits, Raḥamim, -1912 or 1913, eds. ha-Sefarim Peri ha-migdan. B.B. [z.o. Bene Beraḳ]: Tsiyon Kohen, 2003.

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10

ʻAshan ṿe-amits: Amirot u-fitgamim mi-tarbut Yehude Etyopyah. [Israel]: Hafaḳah, Tsur Glasner, 2012.

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