Academic literature on the topic 'Folk song zimbabwe'

In eastern and southern Africa, some ranch owners are now keeping cattle overnight in temporary corrals (hereafter referred to as kraals) within rangelands for short durations to improve grass production. However, this has profound effects on the woody plant community. For instance, cattle break woody plant stems and strip them of foliage, initiating resprouting. The resprouts produced have high foliar nitrogen (N) and reduced condensed tannin (CT) concentrations, making them attractive to herbivores. The aim of this study was to determine the key nutrient-quality parameters of resprouts that make previously kraaled sites attractive to impala soon after cattle removal at Debshan Ranch in central Zimbabwe. We determined resprout length, foliar N, phosphorus (P), potassium, CT, fibre and rumen fermentation of three browse species, viz. Grewia monticola Sond., Terminalia sericea Burch. ex DC. and Dichrostachys cinerea (L.) Wight and Arn., and related them to impala use of previously kraaled sites. We used impala dung density to determine the use patterns of previously kraaled sites 2, 4, 12 and 24 weeks after cattle removal and compared them with the surrounding vegetation. Impala use of previously kraaled sites was highest 4 weeks after cattle removal and lowest in the surrounding vegetation. Resprout length increments were 6-fold over a 10-week growth period in all three woody species. Foliar N and P were generally higher, whereas CT was lower, in previously kraaled sites than the surrounding vegetation in all three of the plant browse species. Impala use of previously kraaled sites showed a strong negative relationship with foliar CT. We conclude that kraaling initiates strong resprout responses by woody plants soon after cattle removal, to produce resprouts of high nutrient quality, which attract herbivores such as impala.

This thesis is an investigation of the significance of Mhande song-dance in two performance contexts: the Mutoro ritual of the Karanga and the Chibuku Neshamwari Traditional Dance Competition. In addition, I undertake comparative analysis of the structure of Mhande music in relation to the structure of selected genres of Shona indigenous music. The position of Mhande in the larger context of Shona music is determined through analysis of transcriptions of the rhythmic, melodic and harmonic elements of chizambi mouth bow, karimba mbira, ngororombe panpipes, ngano story songs, game, hunting, war, and love songs. Mhande is an indigenous song-dance performed for the mutoro ceremony, the annual rain ritual of the Karanga. The Mhande repertoire consists of distinctive songs and rhythms used for communicating with the majukwa rain spirits. The rain spirits in turn communicate with God (Mwari) the provider of rain, on behalf of the Karanga. Mhande song-dance is performed exactly the same way in the annual Chibuku Neshamwari Traditional Dance Competitions as in the ritual context of the mutoro ceremony. However, in the context of the Competition, it is used for the expression of joy and as a form of cultural identity. The Competition is a forum in which Karanga songdance traditions such as Mhande, compete with other Shona song-dance traditions such as mbakumba, shangara and chinyambera. I contextualize and analyse Mhande song-dance by using the ‘Matonjeni Model’, which in terms of Karanga epistemology, is culture specific. This Model is grounded in description, interpretation and analysis; the primary methods in my research process.

Botswana, formerly known as the Bechuanaland Protectorate, is a country with diverse tribal and religious cultures. Bakalanga are one of the tribes found in Botswana and also in Westrn Zimbabwe. The Western part of the Zimbabwean Bukalanga region was included in the then Bechuanaland Protectorate when its border with Zimbabwe was fixed. To date, Botswana's traditional music has been passed from generation to generation, entirely orally. The main contribution of this study is collecting, documenting and preserving Bakalanga traditional music-making. After abolishing official usage of the Ikalanga language, at independence in 1966, in the early 1990's the Botswana government re-discovered that a nation without culture is a lost nation. Funds were then set aside to be used annually for the development of culture. In using these funds to revive their culture and traditional music, Bakalanga of North Eastern Botswana declared 21 May to be their annual cultural day. Photographs and video footage of these annual cultural festivals were taken by the researcher to help illustrate certain aspects of Ikalanga music and dance in this thesis. Several factors influencing Ikalanga traditional music were taken into consideration: the historical background of Bakalanga, their relationship with other tribes such as the Amandebele, their education, their language in relation to other languages and the missionary influence. Ikalanga traditional music instruments are described. The Mwali religion, which forms the basis of wosana music, linking Bakalanga of Botswana and those of Zimbabwe through the Njelele sacred place joint annual ceremonies, is discussed at length. Different Ikalanga traditional music types are addressed as follows: • Rain Making/Praying music; Wosana and Mayile • Traditional Music for Happy Occasions and Entertainment; Ndazula, Mukomoto, Woso, Iperu, Tshikitsha, Bhoro and Ncuzu./ Maskhukhu • Traditional Music for Healing Purposes; Mazenge (Shumba), Sangoma and Mantshomane. All the above music types are practised within Bukalanga communities publicly, with the exception of mazenge, which is regarded as sacred and private. Bhoro is also extinct in Zimbabwe. The notation of Ikalanga traditional basic musical themes is provided, except for mazenge and ncuzu. which were not found anywhere during this research.
Thesis (DMus)--University of Pretoria, 2006.
Music
unrestricted

A content analysis of Leonard Karikoga Zhakata’s sungura music unpacks shared experiences of Zimbabweans during a decade of crises.Various musicians composed music pregnant with cultural meaning. These genres defied the ruling Zanu PF party‘s propaganda. The ZANU P.F. flagged enemy was imperialist history, whose characteristic was bankrupt in civil justice. Common sense ‘umunthu’ (‘Humaness)’ philosophy could have witnessed the ruling party stand by the people at the height of economic decline. This dissertation argued that the sungura genre became a formidable force. The music had dramatic effect of unifying citizens of different distinct cultural traditions, often which set Shona, Manyika, Korekore, Changana and Ndebele apart. ‘Mugove’ ‘(Reward) and ‘Hupenyu mutoro’ (Life is a burden) lyrics manifested thought processes, ideas and actions which projected popular unity against ruling elite hegemony. Zimbabweans’ collective cultural awareness that could have defined social experiences indirectly or directly motivated formations of oppositional political establishments. The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was the brainchild of political disillusionment chorused in “Hupenyu Mutoro’ (Life is a burden) and ‘Mugove’ (Reward) lyrics. The musical texts unravelled the hidden sin of gross graft by the powerful built on self aggrandisement at the expense of the vulnerable subalterns. The sungura genre manifested an art of aggressive entertainment and enjoyment yet passively and remotely awakening citizens to the obtaining dire economic hardships. The genre’s scholarly fabric and dynamics, cut deep into life sensibilities as exemplified by ‘Hupenyu Mutoro’. The deplorable life style experienced by the suffering majority epitomised by political repression and economic meltdown became catalyst for political participation and opportunities for plural voices.This dissertation argues that academic curricula harnesses the influential sungura genre in teaching a people’s story. Sungura music authenticates national historical versions that comfortably orbits around official realities of civil governance processes, what Fanon refers to as ‘a zone of occult instability (Fanon, 1963 p. 253). Unemployment, hyper-inflation, cholera out breaks, empty shelves in shops compounded with a ravaging parallel market prices became food for thought. Disllusionment nagged Zimbabweans below and above the poverty datum peg vis a viz the material power index of a handful citizens in the ruling party. Hence Zhakata’s ‘Hupenyu mutoro’ (Life is a burden) and ‘Mugove’ (Reward) became a classical and contested terrain that motivated the teaching and learning of Zimbabwean history.
Communication
M.A. (Communication)