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1

United States. National Aeronautics and Space Administration., ed. Capaciflector-based virtual force control and centering. Catholic University of America, Dept. of Electrical Engineering, 1993.

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2

United States. National Aeronautics and Space Administration., ed. Capaciflector-based virtual force control and centering. Catholic University of America, Dept. of Electrical Engineering, 1993.

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korkeakoulu, Teknillinen, ed. Force based motion control of a walking machine. Technical Research Centre of Finland, VTT Automation, Machine Automation, 1994.

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4

Hayat, Abdullah Aamir, Shraddha Chaudhary, Riby Abraham Boby, et al. Vision Based Identification and Force Control of Industrial Robots. Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-6990-3.

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5

Zhen, Robert Ruo Yu. Robust position and force control of manipulators based on sliding mode. National Library of Canada, 1993.

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6

United States. Army Space Command, ed. Space-based combat/force multiplier capabilities for the warfighter. U.S. Army Space Command, 1999.

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7

Office, General Accounting. Defense acquisitions: Space-based infrared system-low at risk of missing initial deployment date : report to the Chaitman, Subcommittee on Defense, Committee on Appropriations, House of Representatives. U.S. General Accounting Office, 2001.

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8

Capaciflector-based virtual force control and centering. Catholic University of America, Dept. of Electrical Engineering, 1993.

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9

Schitter, Georg. Model-based control of atomic force microscopes. 2004.

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10

Lehtinen, Hannu. Force based motion control of a walking machine. 1994.

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11

Lu, Ziren. Sliding mode-based impedence control and force regulation. 1993.

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12

Vision Based Identification and Force Control of Industrial Robots. Springer, 2023.

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13

Roy, Sumantra Dutta, Abdullah Aamir Hayat, Shraddha Chaudhary, Riby Abraham Boby, and Arun Dayal Udai. Vision Based Identification and Force Control of Industrial Robots. Springer Singapore Pte. Limited, 2022.

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14

The residential lead-based paint hazard evaluation and control act: Model legislative language : based on the July 1995 report of the National Task Force on Lead-Based Paint Hazard Reduction and Financing. National Conference of State Legislatures, 1996.

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15

Financial management: NASA's financial reports are based on unreliable data : report to the Congress. The Office, 1992.

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16

Ross, Jeffrey. Making News of Police Violence. Praeger, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400681547.

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Although many people consider excessive police violence disconcerting, if, when, and how they voice their opinion or respond by taking some sort of action has generally remained empirically unknown. In the hope of understanding this process, Ross has developed a four-stage model, based on a review of the literature and on interviews with the relevant actors. He then uses this tool to analyze police violence that occurred in Toronto, Canada and New York City, over a fifteen-year period. To better focus the study, he uses in-depth case studies of three well-publicized cases of police violence from each city, matched on important criteria. This study addresses a difficult, timely, and important topic for victims, for police personnel, and for society. Ross concludes that, in general, most individuals do not respond to police use of excessive force; further, if and when they do usually depends on the context of the violence. Using both quantitative and qualitative methods, Ross's model integrates a variety of approaches to improve our understanding of how communities come to define and control the use of force by police, including literature on the role of media efforts and their impact upon police violence. The work concludes with an analysis of the reasons why people react so infrequently to incidents of excessive force.
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17

Delaney, Douglas E. Growing, Controlling, and Fighting Imperial Armies, 1914–1918. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198704461.003.0004.

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No one in the United Kingdom, India, or the dominions forecasted the magnitude of the war efforts that took place between 1914 and 1918. Just as no one in Whitehall predicted a British Expeditionary Force (BEF) of sixty divisions, no one in Melbourne foresaw an Australian Imperial Force (AIF) of five divisions in France. But they were not entirely without some solid building blocks—common staff procedures, training, organizations, and equipment, plus a small cadre of highly-trained professionals—for the massive task that confronted them. Chapter 3 explores three aspects of the Great War experience for the British, Indian, and dominion armies: (a) their expansion; (b) national control; and (c) their ability to work together. Based on an assessment of how tactical lessons were integrated across armies, how readily formations were attached or detached between national contingents, and how fire was controlled across national lines, it concludes that they worked quite well together.
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18

Vaez-Zadeh, Sadegh. Rotor Position and Speed Estimation. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198742968.003.0006.

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The ultimate importance of rotor position and speed information in permanent magnet synchronous (PMS) machines control, and the industry interest to the rotor and speed sensorless systems as a cost-saving and practical alternative to the motor control with mechanical sensors are emphasized. Major position and speed estimation schemes are then presented in detail. These are the: back electromotive force (EMF)-based method; flux linkage method; hypothesis rotor position method; saliency-based method, including high frequency signal injection and inverter switching harmonics schemes; and finally, the observer-based method, including state observer and extended Kalman filter-based schemes. Each scheme was discussed by presenting the corresponding fundamental principles, followed by the appropriate motor model, estimation procedure, and the implementation. Demanding criteria such as accuracy, robustness, swiftness, and capability of working over the entire range of motor operation are discussed with each method.
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19

Rommelfanger, Karen S. Placebo beyond controls: The neuroscience and ethics of navigating a new understanding of placebo therapy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198786832.003.0012.

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Placebo, as a negative control, has become a gold standard of research and clinical trials. “True” or significant effects must go beyond the placebo control, with the tacit understanding being that placebo achieves nothing significant. Placebo administration need not be synonymous with violating the doctor–patient covenant of trust, however. Ethical arguments around placebo require updating as they are based on premises that ignore data that (1) challenge the inertness of placebo, (2) suggest that patients often deem deceptive placebo use as ethically permissible, and (3) that placebo effects need not require deception. This chapter reviews the history of placebo and related ethical conflicts, discusses competing explanations for the mechanisms of placebo, and concludes by arguing that with rhetorical force, neuroscience should be incorporated into care in a way that does not reduce, but rather enriches the understanding of the complexities of human experience.
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20

LAND.TECHNIK 2022. VDI Verlag, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51202/9783181023952.

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INHALT Electrical Agricultural Machines Structuring of electrified agricultural machine systems – Diversity of solutions and analysis methods .....1 GridCON2 – Development of a Cable Drum Vehicle Concept to Power 1MW Fully Electric Agricultural Swarms ..... 11 GridCON Swarm – Development of a Grid Connected Fully Autonomous Agricultural Production System ..... 17 Fully electric Tractor with 1000 kWh battery capacity ..... 23 Soil and Modelling The Integration of a Scientific Soil Compaction Risk Indicator (TERRANIMO) into a Holistic Tractor and Implement Optimization System (CEMOS) .....29 Identification of draft force characteristics for a tillage tine with variable geometry ..... 37 Calibration of soil models within the Discrete Element Method (DEM) ..... 45 Automation and Optimization of Working Speed and Depth in Agricultural Soil Tillage with a Model Predictive Control based on Machine Learning ..... 55 Synchronising machine adjustments of combine harvesters for higher fleet performance ..... 65 A generic approach to bridge the gap between route optimization and motion planning for specific guidance points o...
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21

Butt, Daniel. Law, Governance, and the Ecological Ethos. Edited by Stephen M. Gardiner and Allen Thompson. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199941339.013.5.

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This chapter examines the limitations of both command-and-control and market-based legal mechanisms in the pursuit of environmental justice. If the environment is to be protected to at least a minimally acceptable degree, approaches that focus on the coercive force of the state must be complemented by the development of an “ecological ethos,” whereby groups and individuals are motivated to act with non-self-interested concern for the environment. The need for this ethos means that the state is dependent on the cooperation of a wide range of non-state actors. Recent work on environmental governance emphasizes the delegation of aspects of governing to such actors and supports efforts to increase popular participation in governmental processes. The chapter therefore advocates a governance approach that seeks to rectify some of the limitations of state-led environmental law, while encouraging popular participation in a way that can encourage the development of an ecological ethos among the citizenry.
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22

Chu, Donald A., and Gregory D. Myer. Plyometrics. Human Kinetics, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781718225459.

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Strength and power—which provide the ability to move quickly with great force—are absolute necessities for today’s athletes. Elite players, coaches, and trainers rely on plyometrics to improve quickness, speed, jumping ability, footwork, body control, balance, and overall performance. With this authoritative guide on plyometrics, you can, too. In Plyometrics, Donald Chu and Gregory Myer present only the best science-based and tested drills, exercises, and programs to ensure optimal performance results for every athlete at any level in any sport. You'll also find the latest research, application, and recommendations for the prevention, screening, and rehabilitation of injuries as well as targeted training for young athletes and female athletes. Plyometrics provides instruction on assessment, selection, and sequencing of exercises for building the ideal program based on individual needs and goals. You'll also find nine sport-specific training regimens, including basketball, soccer, football, rugby, volleyball, and mixed martial arts. With comprehensive coverage and expert insights, Chu and Myer take the guesswork out of training and provide the best tool for achieving dynamic strength and explosive power. It is the ultimate resource for maximizing athletic performance.
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23

Cimbala, Stephen J. Strategic Impasse. Praeger, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798216987789.

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There is probably no area of more crucial concern nor one more subject to possible misunderstanding and riddled with paradox than nuclear weapons and their use, not only in war, but as deterrents to war. In Strategic Impasse, Cimbala examines the critical issues, problems, and paradoxes inherent in the current nuclear situation. It is from a fundamental contradiction--the usefulness of nuclear weapons versus the undesirability of nuclear war--that nuclear deadlock arises. Their usefulness as deterrents is based on their destructive potential and the balance of power in Europe cannot be adjusted until the inflexible, bipolar balance of terror is addressed. Ironically, superpower sovereignty in nuclear first strike/retaliation capability, shared across the divided East-West political buffer zone, created the impetus for improvements in conventional warfare. To the extent war can be contained below the nuclear threshold, conventional weaponry contributes to deterrence by denial. One difficulty lies in the improbability of completely isolating the nuclear from the conventional battlefield in a European scenario. Also, a level of superpower force perceived to be adequate in peacetime might prove to be an inadequate intrawar deterrent. Because of the underdevelopment of conceptual frameworks, credible deterrence--the creation of nuclear campaigns designed to prevent war--remains conjectural. Highly usable weapons require a command system that can provide for simultaneous fighting and escalation, but escalation beyond a certain level conflicts with control and therefore usability. In turn, low expectations of weapon usability may weaken deterrence. In Gorbachev's defensive sufficiency, forces for aggression and surprise attack would be diminished, while forces for defense would be strengthened. The problem lies not only in differentiating between offensive and defensive weaponry but in achieving a consensus on such a definition by NATO's member countries. The book is divided into three parts: the first section, Issues of Theory and Strategy, scrutinizes the relationship between offense and defense and examines SDI and more inclusive strategic defense matters. It also questions the connection between policy objectives and force, and explores the complication of externalities, such as relations with allies. In section two, Stretching Deterrence, Cimbala reviews the operational art likely to be employed by the Soviets in a conventionally fought European war and defines and appraises the sensor-cyber revolution in technology and its impacts on preferred strategies. The final part, Beyond Deterrence, considers war termination scenarios and related issues, including sociopolitical aspects, surveys the part nuclear weapons play in superpower competition in the Third World, and explains how issues of sovereignty effect deterrence, avoidance, and future super power relations.Strategic Impassewill enable scholars and students of military affairs as well as political scientists and government officials to see beyond current nuclear rhetoric and to make informed judgments on an issue that fundamentally affects this nation's and the world's future.
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24

Cimbala, Stephen J., and James Scouras. A New Nuclear Century. Praeger, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400691157.

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Cimbala and Scouras examine the issues related to the control of nuclear weapons in the early 21st century. These issues are both technical and policy oriented; science and values are commingled. This means that arguments about nuclear strategy, arms control, and proliferation are apt to be contentious and confusing. The authors seek to provide readers with a fuller, more accurate understanding of the issues involved. They begin by analyzing the crazy mathematics of nuclear arms races and arms control that preoccupied analysts and policymakers during the Cold War. After examining stability modeling, they argue for a more comprehensive definition of strategic stability and they relate this more inclusive concept to the current relationship between the United States and Russia—one characterized by cooperation as well as competition. They then use the concept of friction to analyze how the gap between theory and practice might influence nuclear force operations and arms control. The problem of nuclear weapons spread or proliferation is then considered from the vantage point of both theory and policy. They conclude with an analysis of whether the United States might get by in the 21st century with fewer legs of its strategic nuclear triplet than weapons based on land, at sea, and airborne. A provocative analysis for arms control policymakers, strategists, and students, scholars, and other researchers involved with nuclear weapons issues.
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25

Cimbala, Stephen J. The Dead Volcano. Praeger, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400638053.

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Cimbala argues that nuclear complacency is based on a misreading of history and on unsound political and military analysis. The stability factors built into the Cold War international system are now missing. The spread of nuclear weapons after the Cold War moved toward regional actors outside of Europe, some with religious or national scores to settle. Technology transfer of ballistic missiles and other delivery systems for weapons of mass destruction, including biological and chemical as well as nuclear weapons, brings the danger of nuclear eruption closer to reality. Finally, the mechanism of deterrence that seemed so dependable as a means of war prevention from 1947 to 1991 only seems so by virtue of nostalgia. The early decades of the Cold War were made somewhat unpredictable by uncertain U.S.-Soviet political relations, by nuclear force building based on worst-case estimates, and by rickety command and control systems that could have failed both sides in a crisis. The Soviets and Americans gradually improved their relationship and stabilized Cold War competition, including nuclear rivalry, but they had more than 40 years to practice and no immediate territorial disputes. As Cimbala makes clear, it cannot be assumed that the Soviet-American nonbelligerence of the Cold War is transferable into a multipolar, post-Cold War international system marked by spreading weapons and trigger-sensitive control systems. This provocative analysis will be of interest to all scholars, students, and policy makers involved with defense, security, and foreign policy studies.
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26

Marat, Erica. The Politics of Police Reform. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190861490.001.0001.

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What does it take to reform a post-Soviet police force? Across the region, the countries inherited remarkably similar police forces with identical structures, chains of command, and politicized relationships with the political elite. Centralized in control but decentralized in their reach, the police remain one of the least reformed post-communist institutions. As a powerful state organ, the Soviet-style militarized police have resisted change despite democratic transformations in the overall political context, including rounds of competitive elections and growing civil society. This book explores the conditions in which a meaningful transformation of the police is likely to succeed and when it will fail. Based on the analysis of five post-Soviet countries (Ukraine, Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Tajikistan) that have officially embarked on police reform efforts, the book examines various pathways to transforming how the state relates to society through policing. It develops a new understanding of both police and police reform. Departing from the conventional interpretation of the police as merely an institution of coercion, this study defines it as a medium for state-society consensus on the limits of the state’s legitimate use of violence. Police are, according to a common Russian saying, a “mirror of society”—serving as a counterweight to its complexity. Police reform, in turn, is a process of consensus-building on the rationale of the use of violence through discussions, debates, media, and advocacy.
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27

Price, Daniel. Islamic Political Culture, Democracy, and Human Rights. Praeger, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400672996.

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What affect does Islamic political culture have on democracy and human rights practices? It has been argued that Islam facilitates authoritarianism, contradicts the values of Western societies, and significantly affects important political outcomes in Muslim countries. This view, Price argues, is based primarily on analysis of Islamic political theory and ad-hoc studies of individual countries, which do not consider other factors. Through rigorous evaluation of the relationship between Islam, democracy, and individual rights at the cross-national level, Price suggests that too much emphasis is being placed on the power of Islam as a political force. Comparative case studies, which focus on factors relating to the interplay between Islamic groups and regimes, economic influences, ethnic cleavages and societal development, are used to explain the variance in the influence of Islam on politics across eight nations. Price argues that much of the political power that is attributed to Islam can be better explained by other factors. Indeed, the increasing strength of Islamic political groups has often been associated with democratization. To test these assertions, an index of Islamic political culture based on the extent to which Islamic law is utilized and how Western ideas, institutions, and technologies are implemented, has been constructed. This indicator is used in statistical analysis to analyze the relationship between Islam, democracy, and individual rights across 23 predominantly Muslim countries and a control group of non-Muslim developing nations. The results provide strong evidence that Islamic political culture does not have a significant influence on levels of democracy and the protection of individual rights in predominantly Muslim countries.
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28

Ruggiero, John. Hitler’s Enabler. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400665745.

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Based largely on Neville Chamberlain’s own words and official government documents, this book describes how were it not for Chamberlain’s powerful, dominating presence in the British government, World War II might have been avoided. Was Adolf Hitler hell-bent on inciting a war, and there was no course of action by any national leader that could have prevented World War II? Or, did Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain’s appeasement policy with Germany and slowness in strengthening England’s armed forces directly encourage Hitler to strike, dooming Chamberlain’s successor Winston Churchill to face the war that could have been prevented? This book provides an in-depth look at one of the most pivotal moments in England’s history, tapping a variety of primary sources to reveal rarely considered perspectives on the story behind the road to World War II. It explains how Chamberlain was driven by a personal agenda to destroy Socialism, which was the primary force behind Chamberlain’s “double policy” of gradual rearmament and appeasement of the German dictator that enabled Hitler to strengthen his position in Europe. Author John Ruggiero takes exception to the Revisionist argument that Chamberlain had no choice but to appease Hitler, instead arguing that Charmberlain’s pursuit of a policy of appeasement powered Germany’s war machine, and as the most important figure in the British government, he therefore bears full responsibility for the failure of that policy. Students of international relations and history will be surprised to learn that Hitler was not wholly responsible for the war, while scholars will be interested in the manner in which Chamberlain managed to control the agenda—and his rationale for doing so.
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29

Berry, Nicholas. Foreign Policy and the Press. Praeger, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400653018.

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The role that the press plays in foreign policy is generally seen as taking one of two forms. It is either cited as an active participant in the policy process or as an instrument to be molded and manipulated by the president and his media managers. This study challenges both of these views and demonstrates that the press is neither a powerful force in foreign policy nor under the control of the government in its reporting of foreign policy. Nicholas Berry concludes that to a far greater extent than with domestic policies, the press is at one with the foreign policy establishment, accepting the government's assumptions and formulations until a policy begins to fail. At this outcome stage, the government tries, unsuccessfully, to manipulate the critical press. The study is based on a content analysis ofThe New York Times' reporting of foreign policy disasters. Five case studies were chosen for five recent presidents: the Bay of Pigs (Kennedy), Vietnam (Johnson), the Cambodian incursion (Nixon), the Iran hostage crisis (Carter), and the 1982-1984 intervention in Lebanon (Reagan). In each case,The New York Times' articles were examined and analyzed against the administration's foreign policy statements. Berry details the policy orientation of each administration, describes theTimes' coverage, and draws conclusions in all five cases. In a final chapter he discusses the implications of his findings and addresses such issues as the difference between domestic and foreign policy reporting and the notion that foreign-based correspondents are more critical of foreign policy than are U.S.-based reporters. Two appendices and a bibliography are also included. This important study will be a valuable resource for courses in journalism, behavioral studies on the media, and American foreign policy, and a significant addition to public, college, and university libraries.
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30

Amar, A. D. Managing Knowledge Workers. Praeger, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400682254.

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With the emergence of a powerful new breed of organization--the knowledge organization--comes a bold new challenge to the old ways of managing people. Workers with special cutting-edge knowledge and the ability to transform it into marketable goods and services can not be managed the old command-and-control way, nor even by some of the more enlightened ways developed since then. Only new ways, and old ways updated and adapted to special new situations, can work. Only in this way can innovation and productivity--the crucial ingredients for success in knowledge-based organizations--be harnessed. Indeed, it is the capacity to innovate, not the infusion of huge amounts of capital, that is the true predictor of success in these new companies. Just as the baby boomers working in traditional settings differ from those who went before, so do the later generations of X-ers and Y-ers differ from them. Their sociology and psychology are totally different, and Amar shows specifically how and why. The result is an in-depth presentation of whom these knowledge workers are and how to select, adapt, and develop new concepts, principles, strategies, and techniques to achieve the unique successes they are capable of delivering. Amar highlights the difference between these new, knowledge-based organizations and their traditional counterparts. He makes clear with examples, anecdotes, and other illustrative material that the driving force behind them is their ability to innovate. These organizations attract special types of people, and, as Amar points out, they have their own ways of seeing the world and doing things in it. They tend to decry and defy tradition. Amar explores the sociology and psychology of these startling new workers, and provides management with a full bag of tools to interact with them, including ways to redesign work itself as well as the entire organization, plus new ways to approach the commonplace functions of decision-making, leading, motivating, and controlling. He also provides special insights into the modification of behavior, and a means to assess when it can be useful and productive.
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31

Stein, Elizabeth Ann. Information and Civil Unrest in Dictatorships. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.35.

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Considering incidents that make headline news internationally, given the modern information and communication technology revolution, the facility of citizens to rapidly mobilize represents a considerable threat to autocratic survival. While the speed with which popular movements emerge has increased exponentially, and the news of their existence spreads faster and farther, civil unrest has threatened the stability and survival of dictators for centuries. The paranoia and machinations of dictators depicted in films, such as the portrayal of Ugandan dictator Idi Amin in The Last King of Scotland, while sensationalized, capture the astounding array of threats with which unelected leaders must concern themselves. On the one hand, they must worry about insider threats to their standing, such as conspiratorial plots from people within the dictator’s own circle or mutiny among government soldiers. On the other hand, dictators also must monitor threats originating from non-regime actors, such as new alliances forming among once-fragmented opposition groups or the possibility of sustained insurgency or a popular revolution. From force to finesse, autocratic leaders have developed a broad and evolving range of tactics and tools to diminish both internal and external domestic threats to their reign. The success of dictators’ endeavors to insulate their regimes from forces that might challenge them depends on accurate and reliable information, a resource that can be as valuable to the leader as would a large armory and loyal soldiers. Dictators invest significant resources (monetary as well as human capital) to try to gather useful information about their existing and potential opponents, while also trying to control and shape information emitted by the regime before it reaches the public. New information and communication technologies (ICTs), which have drawn a great deal of scholarly attention since the beginning of the 21st century—present both risks and rewards for dictators; inversely they also create new opportunities and hazards for citizens who might utilize them to mobilize people opposed to the regime. While civil unrest could encompass the full range of domestic, nonmilitary actors, there also needs to be a specific focus on various forms of mass mobilization. Historically, more dictators have been forced from office by elite-initiated overthrows via coups d’état than have fallen to revolution or fled amid street protests. Civil unrest, in its many forms, can affect autocratic survival or precipitate regime breakdown. While mass-based revolutions have been a relatively rare phenomenon to date, the actions of many 21st-century dictators indicate that they increasingly concern themselves with the threats posed by popular protests and fear its potential for triggering broader antigovernment campaigns. The ease of access to information (or the lack thereof) help explain interactions between authoritarian regimes and citizens emphasizes. The role of information in popular antigovernment mobilization has evolved and changed how dictators gather and utilize information to prevent or counter civil unrest that might jeopardize their own survival as well as that of the regime.
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