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Journal articles on the topic 'Forced won'
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1
Holzer, Joshua. "The perils of plurality rule and the major(itarian) effect of cabinet composition on human rights in presidential democracies." Research & Politics 5, no. 3 (2018): 205316801879475. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168018794753.
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I argue that when presidents are able (or forced) to cobble together broad-based coalitions to win an absolute majority, their administrations are less likely (and less able) to violate human rights, in comparison to presidential administrations whose victories are the result of a narrow plurality. Consistent with this argument, I find cabinets comprised of a higher percentage of individuals from parties other than that of the president to be associated with greater government respect for human rights. Additionally, I find that in the years after a presidential election won by an absolute majority, states are more likely to experience an increase in government respect for human rights, in comparison to the years after a presidential election won by a mere plurality. Utilizing an original dataset of cabinet composition for 35 presidential democracies spanning from 2001 to 2011, this study concludes that it may prudent for non-majoritarian systems to consider adopting a mandatory majority rule so to encourage the types of conciliatory alliances that appear to promote high human rights respect.
2
ROBERTSON, DAVID BRIAN. "Madison's Opponents and Constitutional Design." American Political Science Review 99, no. 2 (2005): 225–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055405051622.
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Understanding what James Madison's opponents sought and won at the U.S. Constitutional Convention revises our understanding of the founders' original intentions for the durable framework that has structured American political development. The Constitution is the by-product of expedient accommodations forced on Madison. Madison sought broad national authority independent of state governments and a swift victory for population-based congressional representation. Delegates from economically disadvantaged states opposed these plans, seeking instead to nationalize only selective public goods, to maintain most state policy autonomy, and to minimize contingencies imposed by other governments. Connecticut's delegates, particularly Roger Sherman, played a pivotal role in spoiling Madison's agenda and altering his substantive plans for Constitutional design. Madison's Convention opponents are responsible for a Constitution that nationalized only enumerated public goods and imposed potentially high transaction costs on any further nationalization of policy authority. They helped make federalism a lasting political weapon used to win substantive policy outcomes.
3
Courneya, Kerry S., and Albert V. Carron. "Effects of Travel and Length of Home Stand/Road Trip on tie Home Advantage." Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology 13, no. 1 (1991): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/jsep.13.1.42.
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The present study investigated the effects of season game number, series game number, length of home stand, length of visitor's road trip, home travel, and visitor travel on the home advantage in minor league Double A baseball (N= 1812 games). Initial analysis indicated that the home team won 55.1% of the games (p<.001). Forced-entry multiple regression analyses determined that the combined main and interaction effects of the predictor variables explained less than 1.2% of the variance in win/loss outcome (p>.49). Chi-square analyses revealed that the variable of length of visitor's road trip produced the greatest change in the magnitude of home advantage. When the length of visitor's road trip was cross-tabulated with the length of home stand, me change in home advantage was statistically significant for the home team's later series (p<.05). The implications of these results for the various home advantage explanations are discussed, and future directions for home advantage research are offered.
4
Becker, Marjorie. "Black and White and Color: Cardenismo and the Search for a Campesino Ideology." Comparative Studies in Society and History 29, no. 3 (1987): 453–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500014675.
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It is well known that upon emerging victorious from the Mexican Revolution in 1920, the Constitutionalists confronted a dilemma. Having defeated the popular armies of Emiliano Zapata and Pancho Villa, they believed that they had won the right to construct a postrevolutionary state reflecting their interests. Yet the spectors of the popular armies were to haunt them. The new revolutionary elites were forced to determine how to create a state in their own Constitutionalist image and simultaneously how to avoid provoking further popular insurrection.
5
Shalev, Gabriela. "Political Agreements." Israel Law Review 26, no. 4 (1992): 442–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700011146.
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The legal debate concerning political agreements has lately won renewed interest in Israel, following some disturbing incidents that took place just prior to the establishment of the present government. These events, which were referred to by Justice Elon as “a weakness of political culture” and even “political eclipse”, have forced the High Court of Justice to deal with a number of petitions concerning political agreements over the past year. The Legislature also has had to give this matter considerable attention; the Basic Law: The Knesset, Amendment no. 12, allows for amending and even preventing disruptive phenomena such as political defection which tend to occur alongside political agreements.
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Balfour, Sebastian. "‘Bitter Victory, Sweet Defeat.’ The March 1996 General Elections and the New Government in Spain." Government and Opposition 31, no. 3 (1996): 275–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1996.tb01191.x.
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As The Results of The General Elections In Spain of 3 March were being announced, the leaders of the two main parties came out of their respective headquarters to greet the crowds of well-wishers. To judge by the expression on their faces, one could be forgiven for thinking that the victors had lost and the losers had won. A jubilant Felipe González, the outgoing Premier, uttered the phrase which serves as the main title of this article. The paradoxical outcome of the election was that in order to form a government, the victors were forced to seek the kind of parliamentary support which they had bitterly decried in the outgoing government and a pact with parties that they had mercilessly attacked during the previous legislature.
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Florya, Boris N. "The domestic political crisis in the Right-Bank Ukraine in the late summer-autumn of 1669." Slavic Almanac, no. 3-4 (2020): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2020.3-4.1.02.
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The article examines the mass riots of the population of RightBank Ukraine and the Zaporizhia Cossacks against Hetman Petro Doroshenko and his supporters. They were accompanied by the Ottoman Empire intervening in the events. After the Porta forced Crimea to abandon the support of the rebels in the summer of 1669, they were defeated, and a change of leader took place in their camp: instead of P. Sukhoveenko, who was supported by the Crimean Tatars, an Uman colonel M. Khanenko was elected hetman. He and his allies were besieged by Doroshenko in Uman, but without enough support from the Tatars, the right-bank hetman was forced to make peace with his opponents and lift the siege at the end of August 1669. Moreover, Crimea again, contrary to orders from Istanbul, provided assistance to Doroshenko’s opponents, who in October besieged him in Stebliv. Only the new intervention of the Porta, which sent significant forces of the Belgorod Horde to help Doroshenko and once again forbade Crimea to provide assistance to Khanenko, allowed the supporters of the Right-Bank hetman to lift the siege and inflict a decisive defeat on the enemy. Khanenko fled to Zaporizhia, and many cities and towns of the Right Bank were occupied by the Belgorod Tatars. The sources testify a particular depth and acuteness of the domestic political crisis in the Ukrainian society of the Right Bank, and also show that in the end the victory was won by the side (Doroshenko) that managed to gain more powerful external support.
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Ivanov, Vladimir G., and V. Mikael Kassae Nigusie. "The Problem of Internally Displaced Persons in Ethiopia in the Context of 2020 Parliamentary Elections." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (2019): 633–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-4-633-641.
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In 2019, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiyah Ahmed won the Nobel peace prize. His government is praised for releasing political prisoners, partially opening Ethiopia's political space to the opposition, and making peace with neighboring Eritrea. At the same time, in recent years nearly 3 million people have fled their homes in Ethiopia, mainly because of ethnic violence. Human rights organizations accuse the country's authorities of forcing people to return to their homes, where many still do not feel safe. In 2018 and 2019 alone, more than a million Ethiopians were forced from their homes by ethnic violence. Ethiopia currently ranks first in the world in the number of internally displaced persons. The authors analyze the controversial socio-political situation in Ethiopia in the context of the upcoming parliamentary elections in 2020.
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Holtrop, Pieter N. "The Governor a Missionary? Dutch Colonial Rule and Christianization during Idenburg’s Term of Office as Governor of Indonesiaw (1909-16)." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 13 (2000): 142–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002830.
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As a reslut of forced Christianization, the motherland threatens to alienate the indigenous population of our colonies from herself.’ With this slogan a combination of left-wing political parties entered the elections for the Dutch Parliament in June 1913. This combination won the elections and in the end it was the liberal Cort van der Linden who was commissioned to form a government. The then governor-general of what was called the Dutch East Indies, the Christian statesman A. W. F. Idenburg (1861-1935), consequently considered relinquishing his post, now that a government would be formed of a political colour different from his own. On the advice of the leader of his party, the Dutch politician, journalist, and church leader Abraham Kuyper, however, he decided that his decision to stay or to resign would depend on the possibilities of co-operation with the new minister of colonial affairs. But he had no illusions about the opinion of the European press in Indonesia. ‘Against me,’ he wrote in a letter to the outgoing minister of colonial affairs, J. H. de Waal Malefijt (1852-1931), a fellow party member, ‘a devilish howling has burst out in some of the papers. They all agree that I must go.’
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Nguyen, Thành, and Karthik Kannan. "Welfare Implications in Intermediary Networks." Information Systems Research 32, no. 2 (2021): 378–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1287/isre.2020.0970.
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Competitive pressures have forced many traditional companies to evolve into a platform-based business model. Trade commissions and even supreme courts recognize the need for economic analysis as the nature of competition changes in the market. There have been many mergers and acquisitions across platform-based businesses. In the ride-sharing sector, Lyft and Didi Chuxing were initially in a partnership to thwart Uber but Uber merged its operation with Didi Chuxing eventually. Amazon and Walmart competed fiercely to buy the Indian online retailer Flipkart, which Walmart eventually won. Traditional antitrust models studying the implications of mergers do not consider the underlying network structure of these intermediary markets. This is the main focus of our model and analysis. We provide a network measurement to evaluate the effect of mergers on welfare. Our analysis shows that because of the underlying networks mergers can sometimes improve welfare.
11
Koch, Ernesto. "Uruguay. Ein lateinamerikanisches Modell?" PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 36, no. 142 (2006): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v36i142.571.
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A history of social struggles in Uruguay is given, from the fights against the Spaniards in early 19th century until the present time. These fights were always influenced by imperialist appropriation of the country. After the Spain has withdrawn it was at first the English Imperialism, later the US-Imperialism which forced Uruguay’s economy to serve its needs. A comprise between rival fractions of Uruguay’s ruling class brought the country a long lasting period of stability and also some social reforms. Economic crisis, increasing social protest and a brutal military regime ended this period in the early seventies. A broad coalition of the Left Frente Amplio could not only survive the military regime, it grew continuously under democratic conditions. Since 1989 Frente Amplio rules in Montevideo, capital and biggest department of the country, and in 2004, its candidate won the presidential elections, starting a new economic policy as well as a new foreign policy.
12
ANGELOS, CLAUDIA, and JAMES B. JACOBS. "Prison Overcrowding and the Law." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 478, no. 1 (1985): 100–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285478001009.
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This article traces and analyzes the history of prison- and jail-crowding litigation in the federal courts since the 1960s. While prisoners and pretrial detainees have won many victories, the doctrinal basis for a constitutional right to uncrowded incarceration facilities remains unclear and is still evolving. Despite several recent Supreme Court decisions unfavorable to inmates, there has been no rejection of the principles (1) that the totality of conditions in prison—including crowding—must not amount to cruel and unusual punishment and (2) that jail crowding cannot be permitted to impose genuine privations over an extended period of time. In order to enforce the decrees outlawing overcrowding, judges have had to search for creative enforcement techniques. Many of these techniques are controversial and their effectiveness is disputed. The courts have forced the other branches of government to face up to crowded prisons and jails, and they have helped to ameliorate the suffering and deprivations that the overcrowding crisis has caused.
13
Kökény, Andrea. "Extranjeros en la propia patria - Juan N. Seguín : los tejanos y las guerras de independencia de México y Texas." Acta Hispanica 16 (January 1, 2011): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2011.16.19-32.
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The paper analyses how the Mexican Texans (téjanos) related to the Mexican War of Independence, what role thy played in the borderland region, and why some of them decided to support the Anglo-American immigrants in their War of Independence against Mexico in 1836. The study is primarily based on the results of American historiography and the memoirs and correspondence of one of the most influential and controversial téjanos, Juan Nepomuceno Seguin. He was an outspoken critic of the centralist policies of Santa Anna, the Mexican president and supported the Texans' demand for more self-government. He fought in the regular army of Texas against the Mexicans, and after gaining independence was elected to the Senate of the new republic and twice won election as mayor of San Antonio. Then, however, as thousands of American newcomers arrived in Texas, he gradually became „a foreigner in his native land" and was forced to leave his homeland andflee to Mexico.
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Williams, Jean M., and Bonnie L. Parkhouse. "Social Learning Theory as a Foundation for Examining Sex Bias in Evaluation of Coaches." Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology 10, no. 3 (1988): 322–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/jsep.10.3.322.
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Sex bias in attitudes toward male and female basketball coaches was examined within a context of social learning theory to determine if the precepts of social learning theory help clarify exactly when and why differential attitudes toward males and females occur. More specifically, would having a male or female coach role model and participating on a winning or losing team mediate sex bias previously found when female athletes evaluate hypothetical coaches who vary in sex and status (defined by won/loss record and coaching honors)? In addition to evaluating written coaching philosophy statements from a hypothetical male and female coach with a successful or unsuccessful professional status, the subjects (N=80) were forced to choose which coach they would prefer to have as their own. Attitudes were mediated by both the sex of the athlete's own coach and successfulness of the athlete's team. There appears to be merit in future researchers examining the potential causes of sex stereotypes and bias within a context of social learning theory.
15
Guly, HR. "Archibald Lang McLean (1885–1922) – Explorer, writer and soldier." Journal of Medical Biography 26, no. 1 (2015): 43–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967772015622877.
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Archibald McLean qualified in Sydney in 1910 and in the following year joined Douglas Mawson’s Australasian Antarctic Expedition (1911–1914). He took a full part in the expedition and was forced to stay an extra year when Mawson failed to return to the base before the ship left. During this time he edited the expedition newspaper, The Adelie Blizzard. His writing impressed Mawson who invited him to work on the book about the expedition. This necessitated visiting England to liaise with publishers and promote the book. He was in England when the First World War broke out and he was commissioned in the RAMC and sent to France. He was invalided out of the army in 1916 and returned to Australia where he obtained his MD for his research in the Antarctic. Then he joined the Australian Army Medical Corps and returned to France where he won the Military Cross and he also suffered gassing. During the war, he developed TB and was unwell when he returned to Australia.
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Holdsworth, Nadine. "‘They'd Have Pissed on My Grave’: the Arts Council and Theatre Workshop." New Theatre Quarterly 15, no. 1 (1999): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00012604.
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It has become a critical commonplace to contrast the relative generosity of the early Arts Council towards establishment institutions with its miserliness towards Joan Littlewood's Theatre Workshop, as the company struggled to survive through the immediate post-war period of touring and then to establish itself with a degree of security at the Theatre Royal, Stratford East. In this article, Nadine Holdsworth complements evidence that has before been mainly anecdotal with material from the archives both of the company and the Council, and traces the mutual suspicions that were later also to undermine support for Littlewood's ‘Fun Palace’ in the 'sixties. She documents also the ironic loosening of the funding purse-strings at the very moment when Theatre Workshop's run of West End transfers depleted its energies at its Stratford base – and forced it also to return a percentage of its hard-won profits to Arts Council coffers. Nadine Holdsworth lectures in Theatre Studies at De Montfort University. She contributed an article to NTQ49 (1997) on ‘Good Nights Out: Activating the Audience with 7:84 (England)’.
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DIEKERT, VOLKER, JÜRN LAUN, and ALEXANDER USHAKOV. "EFFICIENT ALGORITHMS FOR HIGHLY COMPRESSED DATA: THE WORD PROBLEM IN HIGMAN'S GROUP IS IN P." International Journal of Algebra and Computation 22, no. 08 (2012): 1240008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0218196712400085.
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Power circuits are data structures which support efficient algorithms for highly compressed integers. Using this new data structure it has been shown recently by Myasnikov, Ushakov and Won that the Word Problem of the one-relator Baumslag group is in P. Before that the best known upper bound was non-elementary. In the present paper we provide new results for power circuits and we give new applications in algorithmic algebra and algorithmic group theory: (1) We define a modified reduction procedure on power circuits which runs in quadratic time, thereby improving the known cubic time complexity. The improvement is crucial for our other results. (2) We improve the complexity of the Word Problem for the Baumslag group to cubic time, thereby providing the first practical algorithm for that problem. (The algorithm has been implemented and is available in the CRAG library.) (3) The main result is that the Word Problem of Higman's group is decidable in polynomial time. The situation for Higman's group is more complicated than for the Baumslag group and forced us to advance the theory of power circuits.
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Torello, Francesca. "Dibattito politico e gestione della trasformazione: Vienna 1848-1891." STORIA URBANA, no. 120 (July 2009): 25–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/su2008-120002.
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- The plan for the Ring in Vienna is one of the most significant examples of urban transformation of a European capital in the nineteenth century. The plan was chosen from entries in a competition published in the Wiener Zeitung in 1858. It raised a number of issues that completely upset the existing balances between various opposing power centers: military authority vs. civilian society, municipal vs. state power, public vs. private property, and financial management tools vs. building codes. As opposed to the model plan in Paris, Vienna's plan was successful because the land involved was public and thus the government was not forced to use the politically dangerous means of expropriation by eminent domain. The financial crisis of 1873 that followed the collapse of the stock exchange did not leave any immediate effect on the city. The Christian Social Party won the 1885 elections and pushed for the creation of Greater Vien- na (GroB Wien) and for the public management of urban transportation, including the construction of a subway system. This was a turning point for urban development.
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Peplow, Stephen. "The 1846 Repeal of the Corn Laws: Insights from a Classification Tree Approach." International Journal of Humanities and Arts Computing 8, no. 2 (2014): 187–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ijhac.2014.0128.
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Prime Minister Robert Peel was forced to resign in 1846 over the Repeal of the Corn Laws. Far from being a relatively unimportant piece of agricultural legislation, the Corn Laws, and their continuance, formed part of the ideology of the Conservative Party of the time. By proposing to Repeal the Corn Laws, Sir Robert was attacking the beliefs on which his party had won victory in the 1841 General Election. The result was a serious split within the Conservative Party over the Corn Laws. The majority of Conservatives voted against their own government, while 114 ‘Peelite’ Conservatives voted with Peel and the government. Why those particular Conservative Members decided to split away from their colleagues has been the subject of a large amount of research, mostly with ‘demand-side’ models which assume that the MP is little more than a mouthpiece for constituency interests. Peel's 1845 motion, a year before Repeal, to increase the yearly grant to the Irish Catholic seminary at Maynooth created very large controversy, and a backbench rebellion in which half of his own party voted against the government. As with Repeal, Maynooth passed only because the Opposition party decided to side with the government. This article uses principal component analysis and a classification tree analysis for the first time to show that while Conservative Members were voting with constituency interests in mind, their previous voting record over Maynooth is an overlooked and important predictor.
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Vasiliev, A. M. "War and negotiations. How Vietnam defeated the American Colossus." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 3 (2020): 41–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-3-72-41-67.
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Over the course of the prolonged US war in Vietnam, the bloodiest one after World War II, it became obvious that there was no alternative to a negotiation process. Important reasons were the impossibility for Washington to win the battlefield and the rise of anti-war sentiment in the United States. The author tried to show how certain psychological characteristics of US leaders led to the war and then eventually to negotiations. When started negotiations were accompanied by military action. The course of the war and negotiations was influenced by Soviet military assistance to the DRV, as well as by relations in the triangle of the USSR - USA - China. The time of detente between the USSR and the USA coincided with war in Vietnam, which influenced the behavior of the Soviet leaders, as evidenced by the recollections of the USSR ambassador to the United States A. Dobrynin.The Politburo of the Central Committee had disagreements regarding Vietnam and detente with the United States. But the war weakened US international stance and contributed to the achievement of strategic agreements with the USSR.The main objectives of the DRV in the negotiations were to stop US bombings and then withdrawal of US troops. The United States sought to maintain the Saigon puppet regime for some time after the withdrawal of its troops from South Vietnam. Washington’s main goal was to “save its face”, declaring defeat a “victory”. To achieve this goal the war and negotiations dragged on for years, and on the eve of the signing of the agreements, the most fierce bombing of the DRV was carried out.Thanks to the powerful air defense created with the help of the USSR, the DRV won the “air Dien Bien Fu”.The United States was forced to sign a peace agreement, which provided for the complete cessation of all US military operations in Vietnam, the withdrawal of all American troops, but left the North Vietnamese forces in South Vietnam together with the armed forces of the National Liberation Front along with the decaying and doomed to death Saigon regime. In 1975 its army was defeated the regime capitulated, which ensured the subsequent reunification of South and North Vietnam.The Vietnamese people defeated the American colossus, having suffered terrible sacrifices themselves, but achieved the national goal - the withdrawal of the Americans and the unification of the country. The full support of Vietnam can be seen as a successes story of Soviet foreign policy.
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Allen, William E. "Historical Methodology and Writing the Liberian Past: the Case of Agriculture in the Nineteenth Century." History in Africa 32 (2005): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2005.0002.
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Some of the late nineteenth century success of Liberia coffee, sugar, and other commodities can be attributed to the leasing of plantations to enterprising foreigners, although a few leading politicians did own successful farms … For most Americo-Liberians, the role of dirt farmer was decidedly beneath their station.Yet the reasons for this apathy among most Americo-Liberians for agriculture, which prevailed up to the early 1870s, were not far to seek. The majority of them being newly emancipated slaves, who had in servitude in America been used to being forced to work, erroneously equated their newly won freedom with abstinence from labour.Both arguments are inaccurate, yet the authors made essential contributions to the writing of Liberian history. J. Gus Liebenow became renowned within Liberian academic circles for his earlier book, Liberia: the Evolution of Privilege. In that book he analyzed the policy that enabled the minority Americo-Liberians (descendants of free blacks from the United States who founded Liberia in 1822), to monopolize political and economic power to the exclusion of the majority indigenous Africans for more than a century. M. B. Akpan dissected Liberia's dubious political history and concluded that Americo-Liberian authority over the indigenous population, was identical to the discriminatory and oppressive policy practiced by European colonizers in Africa.
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Repinetskiy, Aleksandr Ivanovich. "Industrial production and administrative resources influence on the environmental situation in the Kuibyshev Region in the 1950s–1970s." Samara Journal of Science 9, no. 4 (2020): 256–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv202094208.
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The paper examines the impact of the accelerated industrial development of the Kuibyshev Region in the 1950s and 1970s on the environmental situation in the region. The activities of defense, petrochemical, and machine-building industries had a negative impact on the quality of atmospheric air and drinking water. This had a negative impact on the health of the urban population. The conflict of interests between the plans of industrial development of the region and the need to preserve its environmental safety is considered. As a rule, the interests of economic development won, and the industrial potential of the region was constantly replenished with new industrial giants, which further worsened the environmental situation. The paper shows that the measures to improve it taken by the regional authorities and sanitary and epidemiological structures did not always lead to the desired results, since the interests of the industry leaders focused on the implementation of the planned tasks, while the interests of the population receded into the background. This led to the fact that the funds aimed at the environmental situation improvement were not fully developed. At the same time, the understanding of the enormous harm caused to the nature of the region by harmful industries forced the regional authorities to more actively defend its environmental safety.
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Lindekilde, Lasse. "København - Cairo tur/retur: Om transnational politisk aktivisme under karikaturkrisen og det ‘arabiske forår’." Tidsskrift for Islamforskning 6, no. 1 (2017): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/tifo.v6i1.25304.
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Recent scholarly work on political protest has often highlighted the potential of new social media in gathering transnational support and driving political reforms, not least in authoritarian regimes. This idea seems to have won even more credence after the ‘online revolutions’ of the ‘Arab spring’ in early 2011. However, as this article demonstrates, attempts at creating transnational exposure of national political issues through various forms of transnational political activism may also, under certain circumstances, be linked to significant costs. The article delivers an empirical analysis of the effects of Danish Muslims’ transnational activities during the Muhammad cartoons controversy in 2005/06 on subsequent Muslim claims-making. The article argues that the envisioned ‘boomerang effect’ of the transnational activities – the attempt to put pressure on Danish authorities by contacting political and religious authorities in the Middle East – backfired on Danish Muslims. The transnational move was successfully ‘securitized’ by elements of the media and the political elite, inviting soft forms of repression against especially the Muslim actors involved in the delegations of primarily religious authorities that travelled to Egypt, Lebanon, and Syria in December 2005. These actors were forced into a more defensive mode of claims-making soon after their return to Denmark through processes of name-calling and stigmatization. Building on this case study, the article concludes by suggesting some theoretical modifications/specifications of the boomerang model of transnational activism.
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Blomqvist Mickelsson, Tony, and Vince Shaw. "Performance increments without audience: paired data from mixed martial arts fighters during COVID-19." Revista de Artes Marciales Asiáticas 15, no. 2 (2020): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/rama.v15i2.6294.
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During COVID-19, athletes have been forced to compete in the absence of audience. Athletic and cognitive performance have been shown to be both incremented and decremented when competing either with or without audience, something that has been termed ‘social facilitation’. The current study sought to investigate this effect in a naturalistic experiment due to the current pandemic, in a sport in which the effect has never been examined; mixed martial arts (MMA). A performance variable was constructed, and data from 86 fighters who competed during COVID-19 were collected and compared to previous competition history. In total, 586 bouts were analyzed. Data distribution and assumptions were explored in which non-normal distribution was found. Subsequently, a test of marginal homogeneity and a Wilcoxon Signed Ranks test were performed. The results showed that MMA fighters who won their bout without audience displayed poorer performance’s in previous bouts, which were attended by audience. The current study further explores the notion of social facilitation effects and suggests there may be a need to pro-actively incorporate training alternatives that could mitigate performance decrements in fighters who are prone to negative effects due to external stimuli, such as an audience. However, due to the limited observations in the non-audience condition the study results should be interpreted cautiously and considered highly preliminary.
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Jošić, Hrvoje, and Fran Maček Pandak. "Nizozemska bolest u Bolivarijanskoj Republici Venezueli." Notitia, no. 3 (November 16, 2018): 125–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.32676/n.3.10.
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Ever since its independence, Venezuela has based its economy on the manufacturing and export of a single product. In the 19th century, those products were cocoa and coffee beans, which were replaced by oil in the 20th century. This led to the Dutch disease which harmed other sectors of the economy, so the often corrupt governments bought social peace with socialist policies and government spending. During the 1980s, the first significant plunge in oil prices in the 20th century forced the Venezuelan government to conduct liberal reforms in order to receive assistance from the International Monetary Fund. These led to a significant decline in the standard of living and GDP, as well as, mass protests. Due to the popular discontent, the 1998 presidential elections were won by Hugo Chavez, a former military officer and the leader of the failed coup, who used the rebound in oil prices to start socialist reforms and economic recovery. Expropriations of privately owned assets and price controls weakened the domestic economy and led to inflation, while the rise in government spending strained the public finances. The big drop in oil price in 2014 caused the collapse of Venezuelan economy as well as social and political crisis. The data used in making this paper is from the Venezuelan government and its departments and institutes, as well as from the United Nations, the World Bank, other organisations and Venezuelan and foreign newspapers and web portals.
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Raj, Subhendu Ranjan. "People’s Movement in Odisha: An Assessment." Indian Journal of Public Administration 63, no. 2 (2017): 265–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556117699744.
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Development process in Odisha (before 2011 Orissa) may have led to progress but has also resulted in large-scale dispossession of land, homesteads, forests and also denial of livelihood and human rights. In Odisha as the requirements of development increase, the arena of contestation between the state/corporate entities and the people has correspondingly multiplied because the paradigm of contemporary model of growth is not sustainable and leads to irreparable ecological/environmental costs. It has engendered many people’s movements. Struggles in rural Odisha have increasingly focused on proactively stopping of projects, mining, forcible land, forest and water acquisition fallouts from government/corporate sector. Contemporaneously, such people’s movements are happening in Kashipur, Kalinga Nagar, Jagatsinghpur, Lanjigarh, etc. They have not gained much success in achieving their objectives. However, the people’s movement of Baliapal in Odisha is acknowledged as a success. It stopped the central and state governments from bulldozing resistance to set up a National Missile Testing Range in an agriculturally rich area in the mid-1980s by displacing some lakhs of people of their land, homesteads, agricultural production, forests and entitlements. A sustained struggle for 12 years against the state by using Gandhian methods of peaceful civil disobedience movement ultimately won and the government was forced to abandon its project. As uneven growth strategies sharpen, the threats to people’s human rights, natural resources, ecology and subsistence are deepening. Peaceful and non-violent protest movements like Baliapal may be emulated in the years ahead.
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Lagno, Anna. "The Day of Remembrance of the “Cursed Soldiers”: commemorative practices in contemporary Poland." A day in the calendar. Celebrations and memorial days as an instrument of national consolidation in Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe from the nineteenth to the twenty-first century, no. 1 (2019): 269–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2018.1.14.
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Since 1 March 2011 Poland has marked the National Day of Remembrance of the „Cursed Soldiers” (Narodowy Dzień Pamięci “Żołnierzy Wyklętych”) — members of the anti-Communist underground in the 1940s and 1950s who tried to prevent Poland’s sovietisation and subordination to the USSR. The idea of establishing such a state memorial day was expressed in 2010 by Lech Kaczyński, the then President of Poland and one of the leaders of the Law and Justice Party (L&J). During the debates on the Bill of the National Day of Remembrance in the Sejm, the deputies of the two main opposing parties voted in favour almost unanimously and the Senate approved it without making any changes. After President Bronisław Komorowski signed it on 1 March 2011, Poland acquired an additional state holiday. In 2015, after the Law and Justice Party won both the presidential and parliamentary elections, the issue of the „cursed soldiers” turned into one of the key questions in historical policy. The „Civic Platform” party, forced to move over to the opposition benches in parliament, sounded the alarm, accusing the L&J party of rewriting history and primitivising the image of the anti-Communist underground. Thus, the memory of the “cursed soldiers” transformed from an issue that united political opponents to a topic for arguments and political struggle. The article attempts to show how the L&J party used the preservation of the memory of the “cursed soldiers” for its own political purposes, including its fight against the opposition.
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Grala, Dariusz T. "The Agricultural Reform of 1981 and the Competition for Resources Between Peasant Farms and State-Owned Farms in the 1980s." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 38, no. 1 (2020): 100–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sho-2020-0005.
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Abstract In the economy of the Polish People’s Republic in the field of agriculture, the key resources which were a subject of competition included: land; production assets (machines, devices, tools for agricultural production, fertilizers, plant protection chemicals) and people necessary to work on farms and for farms. The command economy of the times of the People’s Republic of Poland was an example of an economy of permanent shortages, which increased in times of crises of the entire system. The collapse of 1979-1982 was such a socio-economic crisis. The Trade Union of Independent Farmers’ “Solidarity”, which was part of the great social protest movement in 1980-1981, forced a change in the communist regime’s approach to the peasantry and, together with other pressure groups, contributed to the implementation of the agricultural reform covering the entire sphere of agriculture and not only its state farm segment. The reform of 1981, initiated by the Rzeszów-Ustrzyki agreements, gradually changed the living situation of farmers and, above all, led to changes in the profitability of agricultural production and the legalization of trade in meat products at marketplaces as well as the release of prices for food products in 1989. Peasant farms won the competition with state-owned farms for capital resources – new production factors, and they expanded their land acreage (land factor). Farmers, however, were losing competition for workers in confrontation with industry and services in cities and state-owned farms, where farm workers could count on very generous social benefits.
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Lee, Seong, Joon Woong Noh, Eun Pyo Kim, and Moon Hee Hong. "Reduction Behavior of W and Cu Oxides Powder Mixture." Solid State Phenomena 135 (February 2008): 143–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/ssp.135.143.
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The reduction behavior of WO3 and CuO powder mixture has been studied by using thermo-gravimetric(TG), X-ray diffraction, and scanning electron microscopic analyses. The powder mixture was manufactured by ball-milling. It was found that W coated W-Cu composite powders were formed when reducing the powder mixture under hydrogen atmosphere. The following reduction steps are suggested as a mechanism for the formation of W coated W-Cu composite powders: with increasing temperature, Cu is initially reduced from CuO and the reduction reactions of WO3 to WO2 via WO2.9 and WO2.72 are followed. The gas phase WO2(OH)2 is formed by the reaction of the WO2 and water vapor, and then WO2(OH)2 diffuses toward Cu surface and deposits on it as W by reducing reaction with environmental hydrogen gas. The formation mechanism of W coated W-Cu composite powders involving the gas phase transportation reaction has been confirmed by the model experiment conducted by using Cu plate and WO3 powder.
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Janick, Jules. "Nikolai Ivanovich Vavilov: Plant Geographer, Geneticist, Martyr of Science." HortScience 50, no. 6 (2015): 772–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.50.6.772.
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Nikolai Ivanovich Vavilov (1887–1943), one of the pioneers of 20th century plant breeding, is best known for seminal work in identifying centers of origins and diversity for cultivated plants. Vavilov studied genetics with William Bateson from 1913 to 1914 at the John Innis Horticultural Institute. In 1921, he was chosen by Vladimir Lenin to head the Branch of Applied Botany in Petrograd (St. Petersburg) and rose to be the Director of the All-Union Institute of Agriculture in Leningrad, where he oversaw agricultural research for the entire country. By 1934, Vavilov established more than 400 research institutes and experiment stations with a staff of 20,000. His efforts established the Soviet Union as a world leader in genetics and plant breeding in the 1920s and early 1930s. Vavilov carried out an extensive series of expeditions worldwide, including the United States, to collect germplasm; and he created the world’s largest repository, over 250,000 seed accessions. However, as a result of famine in the Soviet Union in the late 1920s, partly as a result of forced collectivization of peasants, Vavilov came in conflict with an ambitious agronomist, Trofim Lysenko, who came to prominence with an agricultural technique proposed in 1928, of exposing chilled, soaked seeds of wheat (dubbed vernalization) to extend production in northern areas of Russia. Lysenko’s rejection of Mendelian genetics won the support of Joseph Stalin, leading to the arrest and death sentence of Vavilov, although this was later commuted to 20 years imprisonment. Vavilov died of starvation in prison in 1943, thus entering the select group of martyrs of science along with Gordiano Bruno, Galileo Galilei, Antoine Lavoisier, and Georgii Karpechenko.
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Phillips, John A. "From Municipal Matters to Parliamentary Principles: Eighteenth-Century Borough Politics in Maidstone." Journal of British Studies 27, no. 4 (1988): 327–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385917.
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The deaths of three Maidstone Common Councilmen in 1787 and 1788 threatened the unthinkable—the destruction of the Corporation party's long local political hegemony. Although the Corporation party still controlled a solid majority of the twelve aldermen, the anti-Corporationists had won eight of nine seats at the Common Council election two years earlier, giving the ruling group their first genuine political fright in more than twenty years. The further weakening of the party's control over the Common Council as a result of the deaths of Thomas Stevenson, Henry Pocock, and Henry Cutbush, all longstanding Corporation supporters, forced the council to hold an election to fill these three seats. After scheduling an election for August 29, 1788, the Corporation party leaders spared no pains in trying to achieve their goal of replacing their deceased supporters with the similarly disposed William Wimble, William Town, and George May. The anti-Corporation party also worked diligently for its candidates, and together the two parties recruited almost 200 nonresident freemen to vote. Dozens of freemen were brought in from London and its environs, substantial contingents arrived from Chatham and Rochester, and even more came from Aylesbury and other parts of Kent.Thomas Poole recorded the first three votes at the hustings, voting for all three Corporation candidates. At the end of the day, Sir William Bishop cast his three votes for the Corporation candidates. Along with Poole and Bishop, 648 residents and nonresidents cast their ballots. Fifty-five percent of the nonresidents cast strictly partisan ballots for the Corporation party, 36 percent cast straight-party votes for the anti-Corporation candidates, and only 9 percent split their support between the two contending slates.
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MacLeod, Roy. "Science for imperial efficiency and social change: reflections on the British Science Guild, 1905-1936." Public Understanding of Science 3, no. 2 (1994): 155–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/0963-6625/3/2/003.
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On 30 October 1905, the Lord Mayor of London blessed the inaugural meeting of a society created for the purpose of winning the British people to `the necessity of applying the methods of science to all branches of endeavour, and thus to further the progress and increase the welfare of the Empire'. Now nearly forgotten, the British Science Guild he opened that day was to be among the most visible `ginger groups' in British science during the first half of the century. Foreshadowing a world of parliamentary lobbies, public interest groups, and `think tanks', the Guild was created to `foster public appreciation of the role of science and the advantage of applying the methods of scientific enquiry, the study of cause and effect, in affairs of every kind'. For just twenty years, under the banner of `imperial efficiency', it campaigned for the application of scientific expertise to national and imperial policy, before it was ultimately forced to wind up its affairs, and combine with the British Association for the Advancement of Science. Its tempestuous history was not without achievements. Yet, those achievements were insufficient to change public opinion on the scale it attempted. Today, the history of the Guild holds important lessons for the `public understanding of science'. This essay reconstructs that history, and shows how the Guild's irenic vision of science blossomed, withered and failed. In retrospect, it may be argued, the Guild and its programme reflected the limited success won by the public advocacy of certain scientistic values, and the limits within which the British public was willing to accept those values as public authority.
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Santillan, G. Hernandez, and I. Mirapeix Bedia. "Quixotic delirium, around the fourth centenary of the publication of the second part of Don Quixote de la Mancha: About a case." European Psychiatry 41, S1 (2017): S513—S514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2017.01.667.
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Psychosis, understood as a judgment out of reality, is sometimes considered as a defensive mechanism in the face of an overflowing situation. However, beyond the pathological, given its fantastic nature, has also brought its form and content to art in its various manifestations. Thus, we bring up a similar case. A 51-year-old male, who has one brother with schizophrenia; in his childhood and adolescence excelled by an excellent academic performance, even won a national prize of Economy; and very scarce emotional ties outside the family environment. At the age of 23, during his stay in a foreign country after obtaining a scholarship in a world-renowned company, he presented disorganized behavior and thought, disinhibition, delusions of persecution, prejudice and referentiality; then, he was repatriated by his family to enter in a psychiatric center. After, he continued psychiatric monitoring irregularly, with no disease awareness and little therapeutic adherence. In his last decompensation, he shown a megalomaniacal delusion, he defined himself as “a living being, brother of all living beings, who fought to defend peace, justice and the good of mankind”. The last year, he had been helping economically the homeless, interceding before the authorities for strangers and needy people; he restored and prayed in temples of different religions. Furthermore, with a significant deterioration in their self-care and family life. In consequence, he required a third forced psychiatric admission. After two months, he received discharge for clinical improvement and treatment with injectable paliperidone. Eight months later, he continues to be monitored and markedly recovered.Disclosure of interestThe authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.
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Sela, Avraham. "From Revolution to Political Participation: Institutionalization of Militant Islamic Movements." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 2, no. 1-2 (2015): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798915584033.
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Social movements often undergo substantial changes as they grow more politically popular and influential, foremost of which is the shift from a single founding/charismatic leader to a hierarchic structure of representative institutions and rational political decision-making. Such changes are said to enable transformation from revolutionary to reformist strategies based on pragmatic calculations. Despite the wealth of studies on the political development of Islamic movements, this theoretical assumption is yet to be tested, especially in cases of popular Islamic movements identified with jihad as a core element in their ideology of resistance to an alien power. This article takes on to scrutinize the political trajectories of two jihadist-resistant movements, namely, Hamas and Hezbollah. Both Hamas and Hezbollah emerged as contentious, counter-elite movements adopting extreme Islamic agendas, yet along the years, they came to adopt national-Islamic attributes. Moreover, both movements moved from the fringes of opposition to the political center and government, each one establishing itself as ‘a state within a state’. Despite their different sectarian identities (Sunni and Shi`i, respectively) and domestic political arenas, these two movements share major attributes, especially their dedicated involvement in social and community concerns on the one hand, and ideological and practical commitment to jihad against Israel, on the other. At the same time, despite their involvement in violence (in the case of Hezbollah, also international terrorism), both movements made discernible efforts to win international recognition, especially by propagating their broad political constituency and civic activities. Whereas Hezbollah attained representation in the Lebanese governments since 1992, Hamas’s unexpectedly decisive victory in the 2006 elections to the Palestinian Legislative Council forced it to take responsibility as a government. Following its violent takeover of full control over the Gaza Strip in June 2007, Hamas has exercised full internal sovereignty over this territory and won a substantial international recognition, mainly from Islamic countries. Against this backdrop, what changes can be discerned in the thought and practice of these movements? Especially, what effect had the shift from ‘resistance’ to government—or rather, the mixture of both—had on these movements. The article’s working assumption is that notwithstanding processes of popular growth, institutionalization, and generational changes of leadership, neither Hezbollah nor Hamas deviated from their strategic goals and core principles. Nonetheless, on the tactical level, they proved to be innovative in legitimizing temporary deviations from stated ideologies and policies.
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Manukhin, A. A. "Promoting Internal Armed Conflict Resolution and Peacebuilding: The Case of the U.S.-Colombia Relations (Part II)". Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, № 1 (2020): 150–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-1-150-196.
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In the present paper the author continues the study of the challenges faced by Colombia in its struggle to overcome the internal armed conflict, as well as the role of the United States in this process. By 2010 the confrontation between the government forces and the armed rebels had reached a breaking point opening the way to a successful conclusion of the Government of Colombia–FARC peace negotiations and the beginning of the country’s post-conflict reconstruction. The paper thoroughly examines the negotiations process, identifies the key disputed issues and the measures outlined for their resolution, including mechanisms of transitional justice, agrarian reform, programmes for demobilization and reintegration of the former combatants. The results of these talks laid the foundation for the historic Peace Accord of September 26, 2016. However, against all hopes and expectations, the agreement failed to bring an end to the long-standing internal conflict in Colombia. The failure of the national referendum, which was designed to approve the agreement, not only revealed deep divisions in the society, but forced the government to make serious concessions to the opponents of the negotiations with FARC. The author emphasizes the growing erosion of the hard-won consensus in the Colombian society, accompanied by the consolidation of the right-wing conservative camp. In this context the role of external sponsors of the peaceful agreement in general and the United States in particular becomes crucial. The paper presents a comparative analysis of approaches to providing aid to Colombia demonstrated by the administrations of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The author concludes that despite substantial differences, for both administrations the ultimate objective was national security of the United States. That was clearly demonstrated by the fact that the US foreign aid to Colombia focused primarily on the fight against the illegal production of and trafficking in drugs, while the issues of peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction received less attention. Assessing Colombia’s experience in overcoming the internal conflict and the role of the United States in that process, the author concludes that although prioritization of security issues may have a considerable organizing potential, at the same time it may be detrimental to the process of post-conflict reconstruction in general.
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Md Zain, Rosnani, and Nik Rafidah Nik Muhamad Affendi. "Unsur Konflik dalam Novel Nenek Karya Razali Endun." Malay Literature 31, no. 1 (2018): 124–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.37052/ml.31(1)no6.
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Makalah ini membicarakan konflik yang terdapat dalam novel Nenek . Novel ini memenangi Hadiah Sastera Perdana Malaysia pada tahun 2014. Kemenangan novel Nenek mencetuskan kontroversi kerana ada pihak yang tidak bersetuju novel tersebut diangkat sebagai pemenang. Objektif kajian ini adalah untuk mengklasifikasi dan menganalisis unsur konflik yang terdapat dalam novel Nenek dari perspektif humanistik Abraham Maslow. Novel ini memaparkan kisah manusia yang sering bertelagah dan berada dalam situasi dilema dan tidak dapat membuat keputusan yang tepat bagi menyelesaikan masalah. Mereka berhadapan dengan konflik untuk meleraikan masalah yang membelenggu hidup mereka. Konflik yang berlaku kepada watak-watak akhirnya dapat ditangani oleh mereka dengan bijak. Daripada penelitian, novel Nenek menyentuh beberapa aspek konflik seperti konflik individu, politik, ekonomi dan keluarga. Kajian mendapati Razali Endun berjaya memberikan gambaran tentang masyarakat kontemporari berdasarkan paparan konflik semasa dalam novelnya. Kata kunci: Nenek , Hadiah Sastera Perdana 2014, konflik, humanistik Maslow Abstract This article discusses the conflict found in the novel Nenek . Nenek won the prestigious Hadiah Sastera Perdana literary prize in 2014. The novel sparked controversy when it was declared the winner. Critics felt that Nenek did not meet the criteria and was awarded the prize due to political interference. The objective of this study is to classify and analyse elements of conflict in Nenek . This study will look at conflicts in the novel from the perspective of the humanistic psychologist Abraham Maslow. Humans are never free of problems. These problems and conflicts cause people to struggle, and they are in a constant state of dilemma where they are unable to make the right decisions and solve problems. Human beings are forced to deal with conflicts to disperse the problems that upset their lives instead of avoiding them. In the end, conflicts involving the characters are handled wisely. The study finds that Nenek touches on several types of conflict, such as political conflicts, economic conflicts and family conflicts. The study shows that Razali Endun is able to depict contemporary society by depicting such conflicts in his novels. Keywords: Nenek , Hadiah Sastera Perdana 2014 , conflict, Maslow Humanistic
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Khudyakova, R. A. "Rear evacuation hospitals in Tatarstan during the Great Patriotic War." Kazan medical journal 66, no. 3 (1985): 161–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/kazmj61611.
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Having won a world-historical victory over the most reactionary striking force of imperialism - Hitlerite fascism, the Soviet people and their Armed Forces under the leadership of the Communist Party defended the freedom and independence of the socialist Motherland, defended the cause of October, made a decisive contribution to the liberation of the peoples of Europe from enslavement, to the salvation of world civilization.
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Klein, Ellen R. "Can Feminism Be Rational?" Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 10, no. 1 (1998): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis1998101/22.
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The culture wars must not be viewed as over, for if they are, the wrong side has won. That aspect of multiculturalism which has infected American colleges and universities known as "Feminism" has been especially insidious. Underlying its destructive force is its fundamental commitment to epistemological relativism. This essity offers an allegory to demonstrate the logical absurdity, intellectual paucity, and, ironically, ultimate sexist nature of contemporary academic feminism. The conclusion follows that traditional-minded academics need to take up the intellectual charge and challenge feminism on their own battlefields in what may be the last chance to win the culture wars and reapprorpiate feminism for the good of men and women everywhere.
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Mukhanov, V. M., and A. Y. Skakov. "Elections in Georgia in 2016 and the Perspectives of the Russian-Georgian Relations." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 9, no. 5 (2018): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2016-9-5-77-94.
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The article deals with the distribution of political forces before the parliamentary elections in Georgia in 2016, their process and results, their influence on the current status of the relations between Georgia and Russia. For 25 years, Georgian political system has passed a difficult way of development. By the early 2010s in fact the country had developed a one-party system on the basis of which the regime of Saakashvili was formed. However, at the parliamentary elections in 2012 the system collapsed. Contrary to numerous predictions a new political force - “Georgian Dream ” led by V Ivanishvili won. Nevertheless, the elections of 2016 has shown that the old system is recurring: the question is about the dominance of one political party without obvious ideology and program. The main advantage of “Georgian Dream” is its pragmatism and realism. The defeated political forces have tackled a situation of deep and almost desperate crisis. However, the ruling party is facing serious challenges. The Georgian economy is going through hard times. The perspectives of integration in western economic, military and political space for the country is unobvious. The relations with Russia despite some positive tendencies have some significant political constraints which every ruling political force in Georgia shall take into consideration. Diametrically opposite positions of Moscow and Tbilisi related to the problem of Abkhazia and South Ossetia do not allow to expect a fundamental change in the political dialogue which has a semi-frozen status.
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Xu, Xiaofeng, Yingfeng Meng, Yonghui Liu, and Yueying Ji. "A study on weight-on-bit data correction method of a near-bit measuring tool." Advances in Mechanical Engineering 11, no. 1 (2019): 168781401882151. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1687814018821518.
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The real weight on bit is difficult to observe or estimate in highly deviated wells and extended-reach wells since complex loads are acted on drill string. Near-bit measurement while drilling tools, which are generally used to address this issue, can only measure axial forces based on axial strains instead of the real WOB. Axial forces on near-bit drill string are mainly controlled by buoyancy force of drilling fluid, circulating pressure, and other factors. To some extent, the measured data can be corrected by force analysis. It should be noted that experiments must be conducted to study the influences of differential pressure and temperature on measured WOB data of near-bit measuring tool. This article presents calculating method of real WOB via correction of measured data, based on force analysis of a self-developed near-bit measuring tool and experiments on influences of differential pressure and downhole temperature. Field test indicates that higher deviation angle will lead to a greater difference between real WOB and the indicated value at wellhead. Multi-well testing data verification indicates that this method is effective and reliable in extracting real WOB, and helpful to accurately identify the running state of bottom-hole assembly.
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Xiao, Peng, Ying Chun Qu, Xiao Hong Yang, and Shu Hua Liang. "W-Ti Alloy Prepared by Hydrogen Reduction of Nanometer WO3-TiH2 Powders." Materials Science Forum 749 (March 2013): 316–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/msf.749.316.
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In this study, TiH2 and WO3 powders were co-milled together, then the ultrafine powders were reduced at H2 atmosphere, and W-Ti alloys were prepared by the solid phase sintering. The main purpose of WO3 powder instead of the W powder was to use the transition of the lattice type of WO3, and the lattice distortion and defects in the lattice of W would promote Ti atom diffusing into W. It was easy to form a W-rich solid solution and reduce the effect of Ti-rich phase. The results showed that when the milling time of WO3-TiH2 was 24h, the particle size of mixed powder reached nanoscale, and WO3 particles were coated on the surface of TiH2 particles. The particle size changed unobviously with the increase of the milling time. The XRD analysis showed that the milled WO3 and TiH2 were not decomposed in the milling process. When WO3-TiH2 milled powders were decomposed in the H2 atmosphere at 800, WO3 reduction was not sufficient, and the middle phase of WO2 was existed. When the reduction temperature was 850 for 2h, WO3 was reduced to W, and the phase of WO2 was disappeared. A small amount of TiO2 was formed by the decomposed Ti and decomposed O from WO3. W-10Ti alloys were prepared by the solid-phase sintering with the reduced powders at 850. It was found that the amount of W-rich solid solution in W-10Ti alloy was decreased, because the diffusion of Ti to W was inhibited by a small amount of TiO2 in grain boundaries during the sintering process.
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송기중. "Naval forces reformation theory of Bangye, Yu Hyung-won." DAEDONG MUNHWA YEON'GU ll, no. 87 (2014): 431–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18219/ddmh..87.201409.431.
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Lauber, Murray L. "The Play-off Probability Problem." Mathematics Teacher 96, no. 4 (2003): 258–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/mt.96.4.0258.
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few years ago, just as I was about to introduce binomial probabilities in my precalculus class, the Edmonton Oilers were in a first-round play-off series with the Dallas Stars. Each team had won a game. The series suggested a problem: given that the Oilers had a probability p of winning any game, what was the probability that they would win the series? I focus on the Oilers because the small university where I teach is located a one-hour drive from their home in Edmonton. Our initial figure of p = .3 was based loosely on the Oilers' record against the Stars. We began with what I will call the brute-force method, treating the rest of the series as a five-game series. After completing the brute-force solution, we searched for a shorter, more elegant, solution. Although the solutions that we unearthed along our path of discovery are not new, they illustrate beautifully the process by which many mathematical problems are solved, extended, and generalized.
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Inbae Kim. "Lobbying Forces in the Korean Won - Japanese Yen Exchange Rate." Ewha Journal of Social Sciences 24, no. ll (2010): 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.16935/ejss.2010.24..008.
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Liu, Gong Hui, Tao Zhang, Jun Li, and Yu Long Yang. "Research on the Correction Method for Measurement Data of WOB while Drilling Based on Strain Analysis." Advanced Materials Research 361-363 (October 2011): 547–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.361-363.547.
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By detecting the axial strain at the near-bit, we can obtain the weight on bit(WOB), however, some other factors in the well such as hydrostatic force, circulating pressure, may also affect the measurement. Unless take these factors into consideration, derive the correction formula for the measurement data of WOB, eliminate the impact of other forces, we may not obtain the actual data of the weight on bit.
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Chira, Susan. "Donald Trump's Gift to Feminism: The Resistance." Daedalus 149, no. 1 (2020): 72–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01774.
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Donald Trump's surprise win in 2016 galvanized once-politically quiescent women and jolted those who had believed second-wave feminist victories were enduring. This “resistance” drew on two potent forces: the passion of the newly awakened, primarily grassroots participants; and the organizing experience of professionals and institutions determined to channel that passion into sustainable electoral and policy gains. The movement expanded beyond the political to encompass the social and cultural spheres and gave women of color a place in the spotlight. As women ran for national, state, and local office in record numbers, the #MeToo movement toppled men who once harassed with impunity. Record numbers of women won in the 2018 midterms, retaking the U.S. House of Representatives for the Democrats, and six women declared their candidacy for president in 2020. But it remains unclear whether these gains will be lasting and overcome remaining ambivalence about women and power.
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Perla, Jeanne. "SHEAR FORCE INITIATIVE UPDATE." Journal of Wound, Ostomy and Continence Nursing 34, Supplement (2007): S67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.won.0000271036.00057.f8.
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Ryttsén, Frida, Sofia Lafqvist, Torun Wall, Ulla Forsgren-Brusk, and Peter Larsson. "A Laboratory Method for Determining Bacterially Formed Odorants and Reducing Odor in Absorbent Incontinence Products." Journal of Wound, Ostomy and Continence Nursing 46, no. 6 (2019): 519–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/won.0000000000000593.
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Goldberg, Margaret T. "From the Chair, WOCN Wound Guidelines Task Force." Journal of Wound, Ostomy and Continence Nursing 39, no. 6 (2012): 597. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.won.0000423194.44492.89.
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Zhu, Hai-Lin, Jun Pan, Min Zou, Hong-Nen Wu, and Xingpei Qin. "WHICH WILL WIN IN THE GEAR PUMP TECHNOLOGY." Transactions of the Canadian Society for Mechanical Engineering 37, no. 1 (2013): 129–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/tcsme-2013-0008.
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There exist three major problems in current gear pumps. They are unbalanced radial force, big excessive flow pulsation and short working life. In order to solve the problems above, a new type of gear pump with flexible ring gear is introduced. Pumping action is achieved through meshing between a flexible ring gear and a rigid external gear. Thus radial pressure forces are hydraulically balanced and the volumetric displacement is doubled for the new pump.