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Journal articles on the topic 'Foreign Delegations'
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1
Maurer, Heidi, and Kristi Raik. "Neither Fish nor Fowl. How eu Delegations Challenge the Institution of Diplomacy: The Cases of Moscow and Washington." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13, no. 1 (September 15, 2018): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685373-13010034.
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Summary This article explores European diplomatic cooperation abroad since 2009 by studying diplomatic structures and practices in two key locations: Moscow and Washington, dc. It analyses the functions of European Union (eu) delegations as part of the hybrid eu foreign policy system and their way of engaging with the changing global patterns of diplomatic practice. The empirical analysis draws on extensive semi-structured interviews conducted in Moscow and Washington during 2013-2014. Our cases confirm the deeper institutionalization and intensification of European diplomatic cooperation abroad. The eu delegations increasingly assumed traditional diplomatic tasks and coordinated member states on the ground. The eu delegations’ ability to establish good working relationships with member states as well as the leadership of key individuals (notably eu ambassadors) were key factors in shaping how this new system fell into place, which shows the continued prevalence of hybridity in eu foreign policy-making.
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Mikhailova, Yulia. "The Soviet-Latvian Peace Treaty on August 11, 1920: Negotiations, Public Opinion, Implementation Mechanisms. Publication of Documents from the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation." ISTORIYA 12, no. 7 (105) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016579-5.
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This publication of documents from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation highlights the Soviet-Latvian peace negotiations, and issues related to the implementation of the peace treaty on August 11, 1920. These are transcripts of plenary meetings of the delegations of the RSFSR and Latvia, minutes of meetings of the Soviet-Latvian commission on the determination of the border, note correspondence (notes of the NKID to the Latvian diplomatic mission in Moscow, the notes of the Latvian diplomatic mission to the NKID, the RSFSR embassy in Latvia to the Latvian Foreign Ministry, the Latvian Foreign Ministry to the RSFSR embassy in Latvia, the Latvian peace delegation to the RSFSR). The published documents make it possible to highlight such issues as the development of a decision on the establishment of the Soviet-Latvian border, the exchange of refugees, the re-evacuation of property and the mutual holding of hostages. The archival materials are supplemented by an appeal to the materials of the Latvian press, which comprehensively covered the course of the peace negotiations and the solutions being developed.
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Kakovkina, Olga. "Foreign Delegations in Dnipropetrovsk City and Dnipropetrovska Oblast in 1945–1959." Roxolania Historĭca = Historical Roxolania 2 (December 28, 2019): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/30190213.
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The purpose of the article is to figure out the features of a foreign presence in the city and the region during 1945–1959, its intensity and content on the example of the visit of foreign delegations – from the end of the World War II, as a result of which the political map of Europe and the world, the content of international relations have changed, to the assignment to Dnipropetrovsk the status of a conditionally closed city in August 1959, which led to the prohibition of its visit by foreigners until 1987.Research methods: historical-chronological, comparative.Main results: One of the aspects of foreign presence in the region is revealed on the example of target groups, which, as a rule, came at the invitation of public organizations, as well as certain departments. Some features of visiting the region by foreign delegations, quantitative indicators, the composition of individual groups, residence programs, service problems were identified. It was found that a certain limit in visiting foreigners to the region, as well as in the whole USSR, was 1953, when, as a result of the liberalization of the foreign policy of the Soviet leadership, the foreign presence in the region became more massive and public. Dnipropetrovsk and the surrounding areas, along with Kyiv, Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhya, were one of the visiting points. The purpose of its visits was to familiarize with the Soviet reality for the formation of a certain image of the USSR, to demonstrate the "advantages" of the Soviet model, and, therefore caused a significant ideological load of programs and strict control by the party bodies. Since the mid-1950s, with the intensive development of international economic relations in the region, primarily in heavy industry, the number of delegations with production targets had been growing. The economic component of relations dominated the tourism sector, which almost did not cover the Dnipropetrovsk region, given the formation of closed industries. In conclusion, it was noted that already at the stage of late Stalinism, the city and region were a significant part of the international presentation of the USSR and Ukraine. However, the stay of foreign groups revealed significant problems in their service due to material difficulties, lack of experience and personnel, and the specifics of organizing admissions under conditions of totalitarian state.Practical significance: the article recommended for the practice of teaching and research regional and urban history.Originality: sources that were first introduced to scientific circulation were used – the Central State Archive of the Public Organizations of Ukraine, the State Archive of the Dnipropetrovsk Region (oblastʼ) and regional periodicals of the period.Scientific novelty: the issue of the presence of foreign delegations in the Dnipropetrovsk region during 1945–1959 was considered, the problem of the place of Dnipropetrovsk region, Dnipropetrovsk in the system of international relations of Ukraine of the totalitarian period was determined.Article type: explanation.
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Baltag, Dorina. "eu External Representation Post-Lisbon: The Performance of eu Diplomacy in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13, no. 1 (September 15, 2018): 75–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-13010035.
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Summary The European Union (eu) today has quasi-embassies at its disposal in third countries — the eu delegations — which represent the Union’s eyes, ears and face. Following the Treaty of Lisbon, these delegations assumed the role of the rotating Presidencies and oversee the conduct of eu diplomatic affairs. In practice, this implies representing the eu and cooperating with eu member states’ embassies on matters not only relevant for aid and trade, but also for foreign and security policy. By employing performance criteria such as effectiveness, relevance and capability, this article uncovers the particularities of the practices of European diplomatic cooperation among eu delegations and national embassies in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Minsk, Chisinau and Kiev from 2013-2016, the article explores practices of European cooperation abroad, shows how eu diplomatic actors identify a common approach and emphasizes certain capability issues faced by the eu in these countries.
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Onderco, Michal. "Parliamentarians in government delegations: An old question still not answered." Cooperation and Conflict 53, no. 3 (October 27, 2017): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836717737571.
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Why do governments include parliamentarians in the delegations to international negotiations? Conduct of the diplomatic negotiations is among the most tightly controlled prerogatives of the executive, and executives have been historically dominant in the conduct of foreign policy. This article draws on the participation of members of parliaments in national delegations to the Review Conferences of the Non-Proliferation Treaty over the past 40 years. The emerging patterns show that legitimation through oversight is unlikely to be the reason for participation. Drawing on literature on institutional variation in legislative–executive relations, the data indicate that executives are more interested in co-opting the parliamentarians, in order to make them less opposed to the government’s policy.
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Beshku, Klodiana. "European Union Delegations in EU Foreign Policy. A Diplomatic Service of Different Speeds." Europe-Asia Studies 68, no. 8 (September 13, 2016): 1460–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2016.1230400.
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De Bom, Erik. "European Union Delegations in EU Foreign Policy: A Diplomatic Service of Different Speeds." West European Politics 39, no. 2 (November 20, 2015): 407–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2015.1114298.
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Hayes, Eric. "European Union delegations in EU foreign policy: a diplomatic service of different speeds." Global Affairs 1, no. 1 (January 2015): 107–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23340460.2015.976741.
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GAMM, GERALD, and THAD KOUSSER. "No Strength in Numbers: The Failure of Big-City Bills in American State Legislatures, 1880–2000." American Political Science Review 107, no. 4 (November 2013): 663–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055413000397.
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Do big cities exert more power than less populous ones in American state legislatures? In many political systems, greater representation leads to more policy gains, yet for most of the nation's history, urban advocates have argued that big cities face systematic discrimination in statehouses. Drawing on a new historical dataset spanning 120 years and 13 states, we find clear evidence that there is no strength in numbers for big-city delegations in state legislatures. District bills affecting large metropolises fail at much higher rates than bills affecting small cities, counties, and villages. Big cities lose so often because size leads to damaging divisions. We demonstrate that the cities with the largest delegations—which are more likely to be internally divided—are the most frustrated in the legislative process. Demographic differences also matter, with district bills for cities that have many foreign-born residents, compared with the state as a whole, failing at especially high rates.
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Widiana, Fany, and Ario Bimo Utomo. "Menuju Surabaya Green City Melalui Kerjasama Kota Kembar Surabaya-Kitakyushu." Transformasi Global 8, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 100–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jtg.2021.008.01.7.
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The sister city collaboration between Surabaya and Kitakyushu is an example of the active cooperation of local governments in Indonesia. Conceptually, this kind of cooperation is also called paradiplomacy or diplomatic activity carried out by local governments with other regions in foreign countries. This article takes a case study of the sister cities of Surabaya and Kitakyushu to then look at the institutionalization aspect as a dimension that can be seen from paradiplomacy. Using the Surabaya point of view, the institutionalization points that the writer will review in this article are (1) the formation of a special ministry or department; (2) establishment of permanent subnational offices; (3) official visits of regional authorities to foreign territories and countries; (4) participation in various international events organized by foreign actors; (5) formation and participation in multilateral global & cross-border regional networks and working groups in specific fields; and (6) regional authorization participation in international events organized by foreign entities in official delegations of the central government.
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Beklenishcheva, Mariia V. "Sverdlovsk Oblast in the diplomatic history of the USSR: visits of top officials of foreign countries to the region (1955–1965)." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 5, no. 2 (2021): 529–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2021-5-2-6.
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The article deals with the problem of increasing the regions’ role in international and foreign economic cooperation of the Soviet Union in 1955–65. The aim of the research is to study the dynamics of the visits of foreign countries’ leaders to Sverdlovsk Oblast, which was traditionally considered as “closed.” Based on the results of the study, the stages of diplomatic activity in the region are identified. It was found that 1955–59 and 1963–65, when 18 visits of leaders of capitalist, socialist and developing countries to Sverdlovsk Oblast were organized and held, were the most eventful periods in this regard. The programs of the visits to the territory of the oblast were analyzed. Based on the results of the analysis, the average length of stay in Sverdlovsk Oblast, the preferred period for a trip to the Middle Urals, and general principles and features of organizing the reception of eminent guests in Sverdlovsk Oblast were determined. It was revealed that the Sverdlovsk Oblast Committee of the CPSU approved a list of 64 institutions which were recommended for foreign delegations to visit. The article highlights the key objects and facilities that were shown to foreign guests. It was found that the main point of the program of almost all delegations was a visit to Uralmash. Foreign guests also visited other industrial enterprises, including those which were located within the 40–50 km radius of the administrative center of the region, the city of Sverdlovsk. The article reveals the importance of the role assigned to the cultural program (visiting the Geological Museum and theaters). Sojourn in Sverdlovsk Oblast allowed eminent guests to see the potential of one of the country’s industrial centers in person and facilitated placing orders in the oblast for the needs of the economy of foreign countries. In addition, an ideological task was solved: the peaceful stance of the Soviet Union which possessed powerful defense potential was demonstrated to the guests. The author concludes that the involvement of the USSR’s regions in the processes of international cooperation was effective. At the same time, the adjustment of the country’s foreign policy in the mid-1960s was marked by a trend towards a decrease in the number of trips of foreign countries’ top officials to the regions of the USSR, including Sverdlovsk Oblast, within the framework of official and working visits.
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Bicchi, Federica. "The European External Action Service:A Pivotal Actor in EU Foreign Policy Communications?" Hague Journal of Diplomacy 7, no. 1 (2012): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119112x614666.
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Summary This article analyses the role of the European External Action Service (EEAS) in EU foreign policy communications. Having cumulated a number of pre-existing functions, the EEAS is situated at the centre of the existing communication systems used in the European Union in relation to matters of foreign policy. Moreover, the EEAS is contributing to the expansion of the existing practice of foreign policy communications in three ways. First, it has affected the direction of communication flows in the most well-established (but now declining) communication system — the COREU/CORTESY network — as a growing proportion of messages now originate in Brussels. Second, the EEAS is developing an autonomous EU capacity for information gathering, as EU delegations regularly draft political reports. Third, the EEAS has contributed to the expansion of information sharing in consular affairs, which is an area of mixed and contested competences. The EEAS is thus a key actor in EU foreign policy communications, although practices are forever shifting and its role is still under construction.
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Humphries, Jill. "Cyberorganizing United States Constituencies for Africa." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 5, no. 3 (2006): 163–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915006778620115.
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AbstractThis case study examines how state level constituencies for Africa used advanced communication technology to organize and mobilize state delegations to the National Summit on Africa with the intent of effecting United States foreign policy toward Africa. More specifically, it focuses on the application of information communication technology (ICT) usage as a communication and coordination tool by the National Summit Secretariat. Secondly, it examines the extent to which state delegations used advanced communication technology to complete the relevant task of developing a national policy planof-action. I hypothesize that ICTs might assist the National Summit by reducing costs of attracting and maintaining membership and facilitating coordination and communication both horizontally (among membership) and vertically (to policymakers). Primary data collection methods included administering a survey to state chairs, conducting semi-structured interviews, and reviewing state web-pages and e-groups. Preliminary results indicate that information technology to some extent can reduce coordination problems and barriers to participation; however, other factors, such as computer literacy, access to computers, and the ability to use alternative institutional resources, mediate the effectiveness of information technology usage. Implications for implementing information technology as a more effective tool for collective organizing are explored.
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Levchuk, Volodymyr. "International Cooperation of the Odessa Region (1950-2015): General Characteristics of the Source Base." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.050.
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In today’s conditions of active growth of the non-government parties’ participation in international relations and fast development of the municipal partnership, the issues of identification, analysis and generalization of the source base of the formation of a complex phenomenon of twin cities as participants of the international cooperation are becoming of paramount importance. The article analyzes the source base of the process of formation, development and modern state of twin and partner relations of Odessa, as well as international cooperation of Odessa Region in the second half of the XXth – beginning of the XXIth centuries. The basis of the source for the study consists of published and unpublished archival materials which are stored in the archives of the Union of Soviet Friendship and Cultural Relations with foreign countries, the Association of Soviet and Foreign Cities, the regional and city committees of the Communist Party of Ukraine, the archives of regional and state administrations, city councils and city executive committees, archives of local authorities of twin and partner cities. The second group of sources is represented by materials from periodicals containing reports on exchanges of delegations, joint events, speeches by members of delegations of twin cities. A separate group of sources consists of journalistic publications, materials from the Internet portals, information resources, which quickly covers the news and expert opinions on cultural, educational and other international events, the establishment of twin/partner relations and the development of the international volunteer movement. In general, the source base is wide and diverse and quite sufficient for a comprehensive analysis and comprehensive coverage of the international cooperation of Odessa Region during the specified period. Large-scale complex of archival documents that are stored in the State Archives of the Odessa Region, the Department of Archival Affairs of the Odessa City Council and departmental archives of the region are required further scientific analysis and synthesis.
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Glucksmann, Eloïse. "Commisimpex v. Republic of Congo." American Journal of International Law 111, no. 2 (April 2017): 453–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2017.30.
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The law in France regarding waivers of foreign state (or sovereign) immunity from execution of judicial judgments (based largely on consideration of international law principles) has recently undergone significant developments. Previously, French case law had required a foreign state's waiver of immunity from execution to be both express and specific to consider valid the attachment of foreign state property allocated to public services (including bank accounts used for the functioning of both diplomatic missions and delegations to international organizations). In 2015, the French Court of Cassation relaxed the criteria it had previously required for giving effect to waivers of sovereign immunity in such situations, thus facilitating the ability of judgment creditors to attach foreign state property in France. Its decision in the Commisimpex v. Republic of Congo case appeared to put an end to that requirement by abandoning the criterion of a “specific” waiver on the ground that “customary international law does not require a waiver of immunity from execution other than express.” In December 2016, however, the French government enacted new legislation reinstating the need for a specific waiver of immunity for the attachment of the property as well as bank accounts of foreign embassies and diplomatic missions and additionally requiring a court order authorizing the attachment or seizure. As a result, France has now embraced a distinctly more protective approach to the immunity of foreign state assets from attachment and execution of judicial judgments.
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Baban, Ezzadin N. M. Amin, and Rezan O. Rashid. "Comparison Between the Reality of Higher Education in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq Before and After the Fall of the Regime in Iraq in 2003." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 6, no. 1 (June 10, 2017): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v6i1.p347-357.
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In this study, a comparison between the realities of higher education in the three largest universities in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq has been done before the fall of the Iraqi regime in 2003 and beyond. The statistical results of analyzed of more than 2000 sample data showed tangible and clear changes of the higher education reality toward the better of about 70% after the fall of the Iraqi regime in 2003. These changes are related to the openness of these universities toward the foreign universities of the world especially the European universities. Many professors and students of these universities contacted to the foreign universities to conduct joint research and take advantage of new experiences of professors of these foreign universities and using the new technology in teaching enhanced learning and scientific research, in addition to the using of new references such as journals and books. As well as the improved economic situation in the Region from a low level to the moderate level improved higher education by 20%, especially after the entry of many investment companies to the region and improved infrastructure and accessibility delegations to the region through the newly built airports.
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Huang, Rengang. "Commentary: A PRC Perspective on Manufactures Liberalization." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850057. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1144.
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A commentary on Alan V. Deardorff and Robert M. Stern, University of Michigan, "Issues of Manufactures Liberalization and Administered Protection." Rengang Huang is the Minister/Counsellor of the Permanent Mission of the People's Republic of China to the World Trade Organization based in Geneva, Switzerland. Since the launching of Doha Development Agenda negotiations in 2001, he has served on many occasions as the head of the Chinese delegations in the WTO. Huang began his career in public service in 1986 with the Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation (MOFTEC) of China. He worked for six years in the Foreign Investment Administration of MOFTEC, and in 1992, he was appointed Deputy Director of the Interpreting and Translating Service (ITS) in MOFTEC and became ITS Director in 1997. He has participated in numerous bilateral and multilateral negotiations between China and its trading partners, including China’s accession to the WTO. In 2000, he became Deputy Director General of the Protocol Department and was responsible for the foreign affairs agenda of MOFTEC. Huang received an M.A. degree in International Studies from the University of International Business and Economics in Beijing, China; an MBA degree from Cardiff Business School, University of Wales, UK; and a B.A. degree in English Literature from Nankai University, Tianjin, China.
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Johns, Andrew L. "Declining the “Invitation to Struggle”." Pacific Historical Review 89, no. 1 (2020): 97–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2020.89.1.97.
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Congress has abdicated its role at the center of U.S. political life. As a result, the constitutional powers that should be exercised by Congress in both domestic and foreign policy have been progressively appropriated by the executive branch. At times, presidents have seized those powers through exigent circumstances or congressional desuetude and ineffectiveness. Just as frequently, however, Congress has been willing—if not eager—to cede those prerogatives to the president whether for the sake of expediency, emergency, efficiency, electoral maneuvering, or in a deliberate effort to deflect political consequences. This has made the country less democratic, more authoritarian, and decreasingly likely to solve complex problems that require a broad range of perspectives and thoughtful deliberation. The article explores how this abdication has occurred throughout U.S. history in a variety of areas, including U.S. foreign relations, the constitutional war powers, national emergencies, and delegations of power. This article is a revised and expanded version of the author’s presidential address at 2019 annual meeting of the Pacific Coast Branch of the American Historical Association, delivered August 1, 2019, at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas.
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Rasmussen, Steffen Bay. "The Messages and Practices of the European Union’s Public Diplomacy." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 5, no. 3 (2010): 263–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119110x508521.
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AbstractThis article examines the messages and practices of the European Union’s public diplomacy. Public diplomacy is conceptualized as a modality of diplomacy that seeks to influence foreign political discourses. The influence sought by the EU through its messages relates to the projection of its identity as an actor and to the diffusion of its own normative foundation, which are potentially conflicting objectives. EU public diplomacy is characterized by its decentralized nature, where the European Commission’s delegations in third states are the most important actors in the network ‘doing’ EU public diplomacy. The article concludes that the network organization of EU public diplomacy, although giving rise to important problems of coherence, is well adapted to the current patterns of diplomatic interaction and the pursuit of EU strategic objectives, and indeed is more effective than a more unitary actor that was able to speak with a single voice in international relations.
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Kovalkov, Oleksandr L. "The Afghan question in the work of SC & GA of UNO in January, 1980." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 1, no. 1-2 (December 26, 2019): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/2611810.
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In December, 1979 sub-units of the Soviet Army invaded the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, eliminated Hafizullah Amin from power, established the government of Babrak Karmal and occupied the country. These events caused the condemnation of the international community, that were reflected by the statement on the Afghan question in the agenda of the Security Council and the UN General Assembly in January, 1980. The minute-books of SC of the UNO, as well as the UN General Assembly resolutions are the main sources of research of this problem. The discussion of the Afghan question in the UN Security Council lasted from 5 to 7 January, 1980, involving 42 countries. The USSR Representative to the United Nations O. Troyanovskyi and Foreign Minister of DRA Sh. M. Dost tried to persuade all those present that Soviet troops had been brought to Afghanistan at the invitation of a legitimate Afghan government to repulse allegedly externally-aggressive aggression. Herewith they referred to Article 51 of the UN Charter and Article 4 of the Treaty of Friendship, Neighborhood and Cooperation between the USSR and the DPA. Most of the delegations (primarily the US delegation, Pakistan, the Chinese People’s Republic, Great Britain) rejected the arguments of the Soviet and Afghan sides and condemned Soviet aggression and called for the withdrawal of troops from the territory of Afghanistan immediately. The Soviet Union and the DRA were supported only by a few delegations of Soviet satellites (Poland, the GDR, Hungary, the Mongolian People’s Republic, Laos and Vietnam). But during the vote on the anti-Soviet resolution on January 7, 1980, the USSR expected vetoed it. After that, the consideration of the «Afghan question» was postponed to the General Assembly, where 108 countries condemned the Soviet aggression on January, 14 (18 countries abstained, the same number supported the USSR). The discussion of the «Afghan question» at the United Nations Organization in January, 1980 assured that the Soviet Union had suffered a loud defeat in the international arena, its authority was severely undermined. This was also confirmed by the end of the policy of "discharging" and the subsequent eruption of the Cold War in international relations. In addition, the consideration of the Afghan question at the UNO has shown the lack of a mechanism for influencing an aggressor country that has a veto power in the UN Security Council. The USSR was expected to veto the Security Council resolution, and the decisions of the General Assembly were recommendatory. This is particularly relevant in terms of the current UN crisis in deterring the aggressive actions of the Russian Federation, the DPRK, Syria and others like that.
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Nuhiu, MA Fjollë, and Prof Ass Dr Ngadhnjim Brovina. "European Union Public Diplomacy Case Study - the Intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 10, no. 2 (May 19, 2017): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v10i2.p71-78.
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This paper describes public diplomacy (PD) of European Union (EU) throw European External Action Service (EEAS). As PD has its aim influencing the public, EU makes PD throw its missions and delegations trying to prove to the whole world that is an important actor in international arena. Since EU is unique international organization with elements of a state, we will try to describe that even EU has difficulties using PD to build a positive image in front of public considering the fact that each member state has its own voice in the path of representing the EU throw EEAS as one voice. The purpose of this paper is to highlight the EU's foreign policy with particular focus on the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, that in our case analyzing it in the context of the PD specifically creating a positive image, has shown weakness and incapacity to intervene and play his role as an important actor to resolve a conflict and bring peace. Samples were taken from the international literature, scientific researches and official documents taken from EU official website. We used descriptive and analytical method to arrive at the conclusion of this topic, proving theoretically and practically that EU diplomacy as part of foreign policy has failed in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Sõtšov, Andrei. "The Ecumenical and Patriotic Activity of the Estonian Eparchy in the Context of Soviet Politics of Religion in 1954–1964." Politics and Religion 5, no. 1 (March 16, 2012): 36–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048311000629.
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AbstractThe post-Stalinist decade resulted in a temporary liberalization in Soviet religious policy in 1956–1957, followed by an intensification of administrative suppression of religious life during the years 1958–1964. A close evaluation of archival sources reveals the quiet two-faced tendencies of Soviet religious policies vis-a-vis the Orthodox Church of occupied Estonia: on one hand, the dozens of orthodox congregations at the local level were forcibly liquidated and the number of clerics decreased rapidly; on the other hand, the patriotic and ecumenical activities of the administration of the Estonian Eparchy increased dramatically and achieved its “golden era” during the tenure of its new bishop of Tallinn, Aleksii Ridiger (the future patriarch Aleksii II of Moscow). This study describes in detail the gradual increase in the interference of Soviet propaganda with the ecumenical and patriotic activity of the Estonian Eparchy from 1959. In the course of subsequent restrictions and the persecution of religion under Khrushchev, the Estonian Diocese of the Moscow Patriarchate was integrated into the larger scheme of Soviet peace propaganda and ecumenical cooperation. This took the form mainly of the joint reception of foreign church delegations which coincided with the tenure of Bishop Aleksii, who played a big role in the Moscow hierarchy as well as in the external affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church. Visits of Church delegations in Tallinn and Kuremäe monastery became a kind of “show piece” of religious freedom and played their part in Soviet peace propaganda. In conclusion, the rise and ebb of the patriotic and ecumenical activity of the Orthodox diocese in occupied Estonia were influenced by the changes, which took place among the USSR's highest authorities in the religious policies level and by the transition from Stalinist totalitarian dictatorship toward Nikita Khrushchev's more oligarchical system.
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Kutovoy, E. "Tasks of improving the UN's activities and training personnel for work in the Organization." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2101-03.
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The article presents a personal view of the former executive offi cer of the Permanent Mission of the Russian Federation/USSR to the UN on the state, problems and prospects of development of this Organization. It provides an analysis of the activities of UN member States and their foreign ministries to use opportunities to preserve peace and international security. Particular attention is paid to the inconsistency of the US course in the fi eld of arms control, reform of the UN and its Security Council, with an emphasis on the analysis of Russia's position. The article highlights the activities of the Ministry of Foreign Aff airs in preparing recommendations for Russian delegations when discussing specifi c items on the approved agenda at the annual sessions of the General Assembly. Much attention is paid to those areas of the UN's activities, the regulation of which would meet the interests of Russia and other Member states: the fi ght against international terrorism and organized crime; ensuring international security; promoting economic development of the UN state; prevention of armed confl icts; strengthening the cooperation of Member States in the fi ght against infectious and other dangerous diseases. The need to improve the structures and apparatus of the UN is emphasized. In this regard, it is emphasized the need to organize at a high professional level training of competent specialists for work on the UN line in the Russian Foreign Ministry and in the UN structures in New York, Vienna, Geneva, etc.
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Кечкин, Иоанн, and Илья Рязанов. "The Moscow Theological Academy during the rectorate of Archbishop Filaret (Vahromeyev) (1966-1973): A Historical Sketch." Церковный историк, no. 1(1) (June 15, 2019): 104–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/chist.2019.1.1.007.
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Статья посвящена истории Московских духовных школ во время ректорства архиепископа Филарета (Вахромеева). На основании архивных данных рассмотрена личность владыки Филарета, его путь от студента Московской духовной семинарии до ректора академии. В этот период Академия продолжает развивать свой научный потенциал, пишутся и защищаются как магистерские, так и докторские диссертации. К преподаванию в Академии привлекаются наиболее способные выпускники. Московскую духовную академию посещают многочисленные официальные иностранные делегации, что даёт Академии возможность играть всё более важную роль во внешней деятельности Русской Православной Церкви. The article is devoted to the history of Moscow Theological Schools during the rectorcy of Archbishop Filaret (Vahromeev). Based on archival data, the personality of Vladyka Filaret and his path from a student at Moscow Theological Seminary to Rector of the Academy is examined. During this period the Academy continues to develop its scientific potential, both master's and doctoral dissertations are written and defended. The most gifted graduates are attracted to teaching in the Academy. Numerous official foreign delegations visit the Moscow Theological Academy, which enables the Academy to play an increasingly important role in external activities of the Russian Orthodox Church.
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Dremaite, Marija. "Symbolic Geographies, Nordic Inspirations, and Baltic Identities." Architectural Research in Finland 4, no. 1 (August 11, 2021): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.37457/arf.84565.
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"In Finland we really felt architecture", Lithuanian architect Vytautas Čekanauskas used to say remembering his first study trip to Finland in 1959. Impact of Nordic design is often emphasised when discussing Baltic design of the State Socialist period. When new residential districts in the 1960s were built among the trees in existing pine forests, as happened in Āgenskalna Priedesin Riga, Mustamäe in Tallinn, and Lazdynai in Vilnius, then Tapiola in Helsinki was most often cited as inspiration. Indeed, as opportunities for tourist travel and foreign exchange programs increased in the late 1950s, the Soviet Architects' Association began to organize professional delegations that included several representatives from each of the Baltic republics, dispatched on fact-finding missions to Finland. But why Nordic concept of regionalism became so important in the formation of the Baltic post-war modernism ? In the paper it is argued, that Finnish modern architecture, that was experienced at first hand during the study trips, was perceived as an acceptable model for the Baltic architects who wished to belong to the international community of modern architecture, yet retaining a national idiom and being distinctive within the USSR.
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Tēraudkalns, Valdis. "Cerību laiks: LELB kontakti ar Anglijas baznīcu arhibīskapa Gustava Tūra darbības laikā (1946–1968)." Ceļš 71 (December 15, 2020): 103–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/cl.71.07.
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The purpose of this article is to analyse relationships of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Latvia (ELCL) with the Church of England during Gustavs Tūrs’ time as archbishop. Special attention is given to his visit to U.K. in 1955 as a member of the delegation of Soviet clergy. These contacts are placed in various contexts – theological, socio-political, personal relationships. “Voices” from various sources are placed face to face and confronted with each other. The author has explored materials previously unused in scientific circulation in Latvia – the archive files stored at the Lambeth Palace Library (London). Contacts between the two churches is a continuation of relationships maintained before the Second World War. Delegations of the Lutheran Churches in Estonia and in Latvia had meetings with representatives of the Church of England in 1936 and in 1938. These negotiations resulted in agreement on intercommunion that because of the war was never ratified but respected by the involved parties. The first years after Stalin’s death was a “thaw”, when repression and censorship in the Soviet Union was relaxed. The renewed interest of Soviet leadership in using religious organizations for Soviet foreign politics was used by churches to further their own aims. They tried to reap additional benefits from the Soviet-inspired “parade ecumenism” – theological studies abroad, exchange visits, etc. However, it was not achieved without compromises. Here pops up a theme of collaborationism, which still is sensitive in post-Soviet countries. It may seem easy to evaluate this phenomenon from today’s perspective, whereas for people having no hope that situation would change in their lifetime, adjusting to the political realities was the only option they had. Of course, the question remains what kind of concessions they made to the Soviet system. Contacts between the churches in U.K. and Latvia helped to exchange information; they paved the way to membership in international organizations like the World Lutheran Federation. For Anglicans, the main emphasis during the visit of the delegation of Soviet clergy in 1955 was on Orthodox-Anglican relationships. It is related to the fact that the High-Church movement at that time was at its zenith of influence in the Church of England. The attitude of the Latvian Lutheran Church in diaspora was negative, because it did not recognize ELCL as legitimate, nevertheless, this attitude was not consistent, because the leadership of diaspora church simultaneously tried to maintain personal contacts with the colleagues in Latvia.
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Kharitonova, A. M. "VISITS OF OFFICIAL DELEGATIONS FROM THE KINGDOM OF CAMBODIA IN THE USSR AS AN ELEMENT OF THE NORODOM SIHANOUK’S FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY (1953–1970)." Учёные записки Петрозаводского государственного университета 174, no. 5 (June 2018): 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15393/uchz.art.2018.163.
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Skuratova, A. Yu, and E. E. Korolkova. "Private military and security companies in international law." Moscow Journal of International Law, no. 4 (December 31, 2020): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/0869-0049-2020-4-81-94.
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INTRODUCTION. The article analyses the sources of international law, national legislation of the Russian Federation, as well as that of certain foreign States regulating the operation of private military and security companies (PMSCs) in armed conflict. The article highlights the out-comes of the work of the UN Special Rapporteurs and Working Groups to study the activity of PMSCs and the impact it had on the observance of human rights. The authors further analyze the status of PMSC personnel under international humanitarian law. The article also looks at the positions expressed by the delegations of Member States during the discussion of the 2010 Draft Convention on Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) and provides recommendations for developing an appropriate international regulatory framework. The authors also examined State practice of the implementation of the The Montreux Document on Pertinent International Legal Obligations and Good Practices for Statesт Related to Operations of Private Military and Security Companies During Armed Conflict related to the operation of private military and security companies during armed conflict.MATERIALS AND METHODS. The article contains an analysis of the main sources of international law, the documents drafted by the United Nations International Law Commission, special rapporteurs and working groups on the matter, and State practice. It also addresses Russian and foreign legal scholarship. From a methodological perspective, this study relied on the general scientific (analysis, synthesis, systemic approach) and private legal methods of knowledge (formal-legal, comparative legal studies).RESEARCH RESULTS. Based on the study, it is argued that an international treaty should be adopted to regulate the activities of PMSCs, which would establish mechanisms to monitor and hold PMSCs and their employees legally accountable.
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Khodorovskyi, Heorhii. "My Path to Diplomacy." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 214–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-10.
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The article analyzes the life path of Heorhii I. Khodorovskyi − Ukrainian public figure, diplomat, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine, People’s Deputy of Ukraine. The major areas of his activity at different life stages, academic interests, contribution to the development of medicine and diplomacy are studied. The paper examines the childhood of Heorhii Khodorovskyi, his parents, educators and school years. After school, Heorhii studied at Chernivtsi Medical Institute, pursued post-graduate studies and gained a degree of Doctor of Medicine. From 1961 to 1969, Heorhii Khodorovskyi – a postgraduate student, assistant professor, Associate Professor at Chernivtsi National University. In 1968, he was assigned to the Institute for Doctors Improvement in Moscow and later to the USSR Academy of Sciences to study foreign languages. Between 1969 and 1973, he was Associate Professor at the Faculty of Medicine of the University of Zambia. Heorhii also held position of a chairman of the local committee of the Embassy of the USSR in Zambia. The following stage of Heorhii’s life went in Afghanistan, where he gained experience of people management in a foreign country under hazardous environment, terrorist acts, kidnapping and military operations. Between 1987 and 1990, Khodorovskyi was an advisor to the Rector of Kabul Medical Institute, head of a group of scientific and pedagogical staff of the USSR in Afghanistan, advisor to the Minister for Health of Afghanistan; worked in the trade mission of the USSR in Kabul. In February 1989, he returned from Afghanistan to Chernivtsi, where the staff of the Medical Institute nominated him as a candidate for the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine deputy. From 1990 till 1992, Heorhii acted as People’s Deputy of Ukraine of the 1st calling, was Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Women Affairs, Family Protection, Motherhood and Childhood. Heorhii was also engaged in operations on eliminating consequences of the Chernobyl disaster, worked with foreign delegations, was a member of the escort group during the visit of the President of Ukraine to Kyrgyzstan. He frequently went on foreign business trips, in the course of which took part in international conferences. At the Verkhovna Rada sessions, Khodorovskyi invariably put an emphasis on the issues of health protection of Ukrainian women and children, working and recreation environment, labour compensation and family support. The Ministry of Health of Ukraine Committee headed by Heorhii Khodorovskyi adopted a decision on the creation of the National Family Planning Program. In October 1992, he was transferred from the Verkhovna Rada to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine. From 1992 to 1998, Heorhii Khodorovskyi served as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to the Republic of India. Keywords: Verkhovna Rada, Afghanistan, University of Zambia, Chernivtsi, People’s Deputy.
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Dodds, K. J. "Amongst the palm trees: ruminations on the 1959 Antarctic Treaty." Polar Record 46, no. 1 (October 19, 2009): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247409990167.
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Surrounded by potted palm trees, the 12 delegations including the Soviet Union invited to participate by the United States government decided, over the course of six intense weeks, the legal, political and scientific future of the Antarctic continent and surrounding seas. Thanks in part to the neatly typed entries of Brian Roberts, the Foreign Office's polar advisor for many years; we have at least one source that vividly conveys (from the perspective of a British delegate of course) the febrile atmosphere surrounding the conference (see King and Savours 1995; Dodds 2008). Notwithstanding the achievements of the recently completed 1957–1958 International Geophysical Year and its extension the International Geophysical Co-operation (1959), there was no reason to presume that an Antarctic Treaty would be recognised as legitimate and sufficiently robust to accommodate all the parties concerned. Indeed, it is not uncommon to read in the reports prepared by the delegates for their domestic political leaders, a whole series of counter-factual possibilities if the negotiations failed to secure a modus vivendi for the polar region. We may not assume, therefore, that it was in any way inevitable that a treaty (lasting now for over fifty years) would have emerged when the delegates sat down to discuss the future of Antarctica in October 1959. The treaty was nearly not ratified in Argentina for example because of the anger felt by some political leaders about Article IV and what they considered the ‘giving away’ of Argentine sovereign rights.
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Panchaud, Catherine. "Enhancing Ethical Thinking: the Role of a National Nurses' Association." Nursing Ethics 2, no. 3 (September 1995): 243–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096973309500200307.
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In democratic Switzerland, each of its 26 cantons (states) has its own government and its own laws. Thus there are 26 ministries of health and as many different laws regulating medical and health care practice. The Swiss Nurses' Association likewise has 13 regional chapters and a central organization that works on the national level. Medicine is private and practically all of the Swiss population is privately insured. High technology has led to high specialization with, among other results, a reduced number of premature deaths, longer life span but also rising costs of health. Health professionals are also becoming much more aware of ethical issues such as cost versus quality, high technology versus compassionate care, etc. A multilingual (four national languages) and multicultural country, Switzerland's health care system relies heavily on foreign nurses, many of whom come from neighbouring France and Germany but also from England, Yugoslavia, Canada and other countries. Regulation of nursing practice is still poor. Nursing or nurses are hardly mentioned in the state laws and, when mentioned, are often put in a dependent relation to the physician. Basic nurse training is regulated nationally by cantonal delegations to the Swiss Red Cross. Although there is a good postbasic training scheme, nurses are still striving for access to the university. Meanwhile, they go abroad to acquire degrees. Research in nursing is being developed mainly by the efforts of individuals and the Swiss Nurses' Association.
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Fadl, Laila Abu El Seoud Mohamed. "The City of Alexandria: Its Identity and Environment in the works of Alexandria’s Pioneer Painters." Academic Research Community publication 1, no. 1 (September 18, 2017): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.21625/archive.v1i1.136.
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The unique location of Alexandria city in the Mediterranean Basin has attracted several artistic civilizations ever since the time of Ptolemy. This has been the case during the Roman era, and the subsequent eras throughout which Alexandria remained the window of Egypt and most of the Middle East to the European cultures and arts. As a result, Alexandria has witnessed the cultural and artistic renaissance during the second half of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century, since "Muhammad Ali" –and his family–permitted the foreign delegations to come and form colonies fused with the human component of Alexandria that had a unique character. Consequently, the foreign artists’ rooms were widely spread and the Alexandrian pioneers of painting art, of the first and second generations, studied under their supervision. Despite being trained by foreigners, their sense of belonging to the Egyptian identity or their participation in laying groundwork for a national art project deeply rooted in the heritage of the nation wasn’t affected. However, they were receptive to maturely cope with the modernity of the western schools of arts. Mahmoud Said, a painter, after completing the art foundation phase, employed his art to portray the modern Egyptian man as a national hero. This portrayal was possible through his use of environmental elements and characters. Seif Wanli was one of the most receptive Egyptian painters to the modern and contemporary western schools of art. He was allegedly known to be unconcerned with the issue of national identity; however, Alexandria kept its high rank in his art despite being characterized by global features. Adham Wanli remained loyal to his impressive and symbolic realism as Alexandria, with all its components, was the core of his artistic creativity. Hamid Aweys left his hometown and went to Alexandria and spent most of his age therein. His belonging to the identity and environment of that ancient coastal city was the same as that of the previously mentioned artists. He was inspired by the city’s environmental and cultural elements in a distinctive way.
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Schopper, Doris. "Responding to the needs of survivors of sexual violence: Do we know what works?" International Review of the Red Cross 96, no. 894 (June 2014): 585–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383114000460.
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During the past twelve months, the issue of sexual violence in conflict and emergencies has received an unprecedented amount of attention at the highest political and institutional levels. In 2013, the United Kingdom's Department for International Development (DFID) launched a Call to Action to mobilize donors, UN agencies, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and other stakeholders on protecting women and girls in humanitarian emergencies, culminating in the high-level event “Protecting Girls and Women in Emergencies” in November 2013. As of August 2014, over forty partners (including governments, United Nations (UN) agencies and NGOs) had made commitments to the Call to Action. Furthermore, in June 2014 the “Global Summit to End Sexual Violence in Conflict”, co-chaired by the UK Foreign Secretary and Angelina Jolie, Special Envoy for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), gathered 1,700 delegates and 129 country delegations. In his summary, the chair of the Global Summit states: “We must apply the lessons we have learned and move from condemnation to concrete action. We must all live up to the commitments we have made.”1In September 2014, the United States organized a Call to Action event in New York during the UN General Assembly with the purpose of sharing progress on commitments made in November 2013. It thus seems that efforts to raise awareness about sexual violence in conflict and emergencies and advocate for a much stronger commitment to action are well under way. But is this enough? Is there enough evidence from lessons learned to allow us to increase and improve our response?
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Ratz, Sergey V. "Secret services of the USSR in Spain and their role in the military and political conflict of 1936–1939." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies 36, no. 2 (2020): 356–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2020.212.
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The article is dedicated to the activities of the Soviet intelligence agencies in Spain during the Civil War of 1936–1939. By June 1936, diplomatic relations between USSR and Spain were absent. Due to the putschist revolt and the appeal of the legitimate government of Spain to the USSR, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolshevik) made a decision to establish diplomatic, military, and trade delegations in Spain. The intelligence agencies of the USSR planned operation ‘X’ for military assistance to Spain. As part of this operation, a Soviet advisory staff concerning military and foreign intelligence was formed. The author brings to light the goals of the secret service authorities of the Soviet Union, including such particular ones as the removal of Spain’s gold reserve and the creation of the 14th Partisan Corps. The article analyses the activities of the advisory staff, their role in the development of the largest military operations during the Spanish Civil War, and traces the fate of the conflict’s most active participants. Based on the analysis of new data introduced into the historical discourse in recent years, the author concludes that the secret services of the USSR played a large role in this conflict. The Soviet advisors and specialists obtained unique experiences, including conducting large-scale operations; military equipment was tested in actual battle activities; intelligence specialists enlisted information sources with great potential. Many military specialists tried and trained in Spain in 1936–1939 later played an invaluable role in the victory of the USSR in the Great Patriotic War.
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Shageev, Denis A. "Analytic hierarchy process based method for delegating authority and responsibility in an organization." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Management 19, no. 4 (2020): 542–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu08.2020.406.
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There are only a few scientific sources in domestic and foreign citation databases where the methodical aspects on the topic of delegation of authority and responsibility in the organization at the average and higher levels have been elaborated. Today there is a need for further development of the delegation methods in economic and management science. The decisions made on delegation should have practical applicability, efficiency, possibility of integration with information technologies and mathematical methods, availability of a clear algorithm, the ability to confi rm or disprove the need for delegation by a set of different methods, the ability to assess the effect (effectiveness) of decisions. A methodology for delegating authority and responsibility in an organization based on the hierarchy analysis method that meets these requirements is proposed. The paper presents the results of the methodology approbation in a large commercial networks of one of the Russian megacity. Two problem situations of the network which required effective management decisions through the delegation of authority and responsibility were studied with the help of the developed logical algorithm. Th e analytic hierarchy process based method was used to implement delegation process by means of the Mpriority computer program. The results of delegation led to positive changes in performance indicators. The first situation showed a signifi cant reduction in the indicators of delayed orders and complaints, conflicts with customers, expressed in monetary terms. The second situation showed the increase in the customer base and profit growth. After solving both problems, the users of the method confi rmed its relevance.
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Pinchis-Paulsen, Mona. "Trade Multilateralism and U.S. National Security: The Making of the GATT Security Exceptions." Michigan Journal of International Law, no. 41.1 (2020): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.36642/mjil.41.1.trade.
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Today, there are an unprecedented number of disputes at the World Trade Organization (“WTO”) involving national security. The dramatic rise in trade disputes involving national security has resuscitated debate over the degree of discretion afforded to WTO Members as to when and how to invoke Article XXI, the Security Exception, of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (“GATT”), with binding effect. The goal of this article is to shed light on contemporary questions and concerns involving national security and international trade, particularly questions involving the appropriate invocation of Article XXI GATT, through careful attention to the article’s historical context. The article elucidates the diverse strategic and economic considerations that shaped the meaning of U.S. national security interests at the time when national delegations were drafting the post-war multilateral trade system, the ITO. It demonstrates how these interests, in turn, created the language, phrasing, and placement of the security exception within the ITO Charter, and details when and how this was adopted in the GATT. This article argues that analyzing internal U.S. practice into the making of Article XXI is relevant for current and future efforts to interpret the exception, thereby contributing to existing literature on Article XXI GATT. It provides the internal deliberations of U.S. officials who served as key architects of the multilateral trade system and of the ITO Charter’s security exception. Additionally, the article captures a fascinating story as to how different U.S. agencies competed to define U.S. foreign and economic policies at the time and shows how the compromises struck help to explain the making of article XXI GATT.
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Білявець, Сергій. "PECULIARITIES OF POLICE PROFESSIONAL TRAINING IN THE EUROPEAN UNION (END OF THE XX - BEGINNING OF THE XXI CENTURY." Збірник наукових праць Національної академії Державної прикордонної служби України. Серія: педагогічні науки 24, no. 1 (April 26, 2021): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32453/pedzbirnyk.v24i1.627.
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The article presents the results of the analysis of regulatory and scientific sources, which reveal the features of police training for EU countries at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st centuries. It was found that the integration of European states in the second half of the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st century contributed to the fact that the system of police training was changing in accordance with the changes in the political and socio-economic situation in individual EU countries and in the Community as a whole. The police training system itself is part of the integration processes within the framework of the integration of the EU law enforcement and police systems. Features such as the practical orientation of training, its continuous nature, and its close relationship to practice are characteristic of all police training institutions in EU countries. At the same time, EU countries are ambivalent about the innovations proposed by the 1999 Bologna Convention.
States with established educational systems (Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Denmark, France, Germany, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden, and the United Kingdom) are more conservative and less inclined to abandon their own educational standards, unlike Eastern European states that pursue radical reform policies, including reforms in police training. In police education programs, a significant number of hours are devoted to the development of skills and abilities to work with scientific and technological means, which are extremely widely used in police work in foreign countries. It was also found that police officers are thoroughly and comprehensively prepared for close interaction of national services, both through Interpol and directly with each other. At conferences, symposiums, seminars, exchanges of experience and delegations, increased attention is certainly given to police training.
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Habro, Irina, and Mykhailo Solomko. "Development of environmental diplomacy of the European Union." European Historical Studies, no. 18 (2021): 6–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.01.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the development of environmental diplomacy of the European Union. Today environmental diplomacy has become an important way for states to promote their course of environmental diplomacy, to protect their environmental rights and interests, to promote their own economic and environmental development. The most striking example of the application of green diplomacy on a regional and global scale is the environmental policy implemented by EU member states. Within the EU there is a huge number of environmental programs for the development of renewable energy sources, protection of flora and fauna, as well as combating pollution of water and land resources. To implement its own environmental diplomacy, the EU has adopted a number of important regulations, which are analyzed in the article. The most thorough legal act in the field of environmental diplomacy was Council Directive 85/337 / EEC of 1985 on the assessment of the effects of public and private projects on the environment. This directive reflects the EU’s desire to draw the attention of government agencies and the public to environmental issues and to encourage their collective solution. EU environmental diplomacy is carried out through diplomatic missions, missions, delegations, as well as at the individual level. It involves European politicians and officials who are able to influence international public opinion, employees of foreign ministries and diplomatic missions. The EU also involves third countries as partners to discuss the most pressing environmental issues and their future solutions: climate change, biodiversity conservation, soil depletion, forest and water resources, and renewable energy. Environmental protection is one of the priority areas for European integration. States wishing to join the EU must meet its environmental standards and implement key principles of environmental legislation. It is noted that the EU countries are trying to transfer the economy to clean technologies and diplomatically encourage others to take measures to improve the environmental situation.
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Mukherjee, Arijit, and Kullapat Suetrong. "Privatization, Incentive Delegation and Foreign Direct Investment." Open Economies Review 24, no. 4 (September 5, 2012): 657–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11079-012-9251-7.
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Kulchina, Elena, and Joanne Oxley. "Relational Contracts and Managerial Delegation: Evidence from Foreign Entrepreneurs in Russia." Organization Science 31, no. 3 (May 2020): 628–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1287/orsc.2019.1329.
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We examine the managerial delegation decisions of foreign entrepreneurs and assess how these decisions are shaped by characteristics of the local product and labor market environment. We argue that actual or perceived home bias in court proceedings leads foreign entrepreneurs to place little reliance on formal contracts in their dealings with local agent-managers. Adopting the lens of relational contract theory, we develop hypotheses linking managerial delegation decisions to market conditions associated with stable self-enforcing agreements and test the hypotheses in the context of post-Soviet Russia. Consistent with our arguments, we find that foreign entrepreneurs are more likely to hire an agent-manager in local markets where industry growth creates a substantial “shadow of the future,” where managers’ outside employment options are relatively limited, and where competition and the variability of returns are not so high as to induce defection from an informal agreement. Similar observations on a sample of Russian-owned entrepreneurial firms suggest that these delegation decisions are relatively insensitive to local market conditions but that they are influenced by the density of local reputation networks. Our study thus contributes to understanding of the distinctive features of foreign entrepreneurs’ managerial delegation decisions and reinforces the view that contracting impediments constitute one important aspect of the “liability of foreignness” for entrepreneurial firms.
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Zoffmann Rodriguez, Arturo. "‘Off to Moscow with No Passports and No Money’: The 1921 Spanish Syndicalist Delegation to Russia." European History Quarterly 48, no. 3 (July 2018): 435–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691418777982.
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This article will follow the steps of the 1921 Spanish syndicalist delegation to revolutionary Russia. It will use the delegation as a window into the revolutionary subculture of post-war Europe and into the experience of foreign representatives in early Soviet Russia. Particular attention will be paid to the complex ways in which syndicalist militants that were strongly influenced by anarchism grappled with the realities of Soviet Russia, to argue that the thought process foreign visitors traversed was often contradictory, being simultaneously attracted and repelled by the Bolshevik regime.
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Serohina, Svitlana, Iryna Bodrova, and Anna Novak. "Delegation of State Powers to Local Self-Government Bodies: Foreign Experience and Ukrainian Realities." Baltic Journal of European Studies 9, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 262–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0033.
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AbstractThis article is devoted to the study of the problems of the delegation of state powers to local self-government bodies. The paper reveals the pluralism of approaches to the organization of models of such interaction in the countries where various doctrines of the organization and functioning of local self-government prevail (the state-oriented doctrine, the community-oriented doctrine, and the doctrine of municipal dualism). Using the example of various European states (grouped on the basis of the prevailing doctrines presented above for convenience), we reveal specific schemes for the legal regulation of interaction within such relations, their positive features, and drawbacks. The obtained data presented in a compressed form in the paper also features an in-depth analysis of the constitutional and legal regulation of the delegation of state powers to local governments in Ukraine. An important element of the novelty of the study was the projection of modern Ukrainian problems in the field of delegated powers through the prism of the existing European systems and relevant experience, thereby complementing this study with a comparative dimension.Conclusions made by the authors feature a set of recommendations based on the conducted comparative research and on formal and logical analysis of compliance of the domestic model of the delegation of powers with the provisions of the European Charter of Local Self-Government. Taking into account the fact that European standards in the sphere of the delegation of powers (depends on the adoption of amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine and the Law ‘On delegation of separate powers of executive authorities to local self-government bodies’) are not yet implemented in Ukraine, we believe that this research will not only be useful in the context of theoretical and scientific research of the issue but also has the potential to contribute to the development and implementation of relevant legislation.
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Editorial. "“VGIK DAYS”: FOREIGN ROUTES." Journal of Flm Arts and Film Studies 10, no. 4 (December 15, 2018): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/vgik1046-6.
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The international ties of VGIK with universities and national schools of different countries are developing rapidly. Confirmation is the 38th VGIK International Student Film Festival, which was successfully completed in Moscow, or the Student Oscar, as the Russian press calls it. In anticipation of the celebration of the 100th anniversary of the celebrated Russian university and the 120th anniversary of Sergei Eisenstein, the festival was attended by future cinematographers from 38 film schools from 36 countries presented 43 films for the competition program. Another proof is the holding of VGIK Days, which took place at the end of 2018 in the Republic of Belarus and the Republic of Uzbekistan, Italy, and Romania. And everywhere delegation VGIK waited for a warm and friendly welcome.
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Amorim Neto, Octavio, and Andrés Malamud. "Presidential Delegation to Foreign Ministries: A Study of Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico (1946–2015)." Journal of Politics in Latin America 12, no. 2 (August 2020): 123–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x20944184.
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When do presidents delegate policy-making authority to their foreign ministries? And is foreign policy unique in this respect? We posit that six international, national, and personal factors determine the opportunity and motivation of presidents to delegate, and then analyse the cases of Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico in 1946–2015. By applying fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis, we find that four combinations of factors are sufficient paths to delegation: (1) international stability and elite consensus on foreign policy; (2) international stability, right-wing president, and low diplomatic professionalisation; (3) international stability, right-wing president, and low presidential expertise on foreign policy; or (4) absence of authoritarianism combined with elite consensus on foreign policy and right-wing president. Our study of foreign ministries reinforces some of the main findings of the scholarly literature on other ministries, thus challenging the view of foreign policy-making as different from domestic policy areas.
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Trofymenko, Mykola. "Diaspora as a public diplomacy object and subject." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 39 (June 16, 2019): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.39.92-101.
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The article studies diasporas of states that turn into a valid actor in terms of international relations and more of ten become subjects and objects of public diplomacy. Governments of states are trying to adjust efficient communication and cooperation with their diasporas facilitating the institutionalization of their associations through the establishment of government agencies embracing the issues of interaction between the government and diaspora. Diasporas are of a special importance for small countries due to the lack of resources the country might use for carrying out their foreign policy and organizing diplomatic missions. For example, diasporas of Israel, Greece, Armenia etc. in the USA significantly influence the formation of politics of the United States toward their historical motherlands contributing to the development of bilateral relations. The author states that the diaspora studies peaked in the late 1990s, when researchers studied the characteristics of the diaspora as a social entity, and raised the issue of the limits of the diaspora. The Irish, Armenian and Jewish diasporas are classic examples of how the diaspora can represent and promote the interests of its homeland in the American government, while functioning as full-on diplomatic actors in bilateral relations. The paper notes that researchers of the diaspora's role in public diplomacy are paying much attention to China and India, due to their audacious initiatives to institutionalize relations with the diasporas, in order to obtain the potential benefits diasporas can bring for bilateral relations (particularly economic ones) as mediators and catalysts. These initiatives include the establishment of ministries and government agencies to engage and coordinate work with the diasporas. Thus, part of the state apparatus works exclusively with the communities of its country abroad. In China and India, the affairs of diaspora are meddled with on subnational levels with the participation of provincial and local governments. Their diaspora ministries and agencies conduct conferences on diaspora issues within the respective countries and send missions and delegations abroad to organize communication with their diasporas. Diasporas are primarily perceived as a source of information and advice, as well as a means of civic engagement for embassies and ministries/ departments.The author draws the following conclusion: first, today states involve diasporas in fulfillment of their diplomatic targets in terms of public diplomacy to promote national interests and reaching their personal goals; second, the notion of diaspora and diplomacy have been significantly widened lately and third, representatives of different diasporas often address diplomatic practice in official way by appointing honorary consuls or in an unofficial way through the activities of citizens-diplomats.
Keywords: public diplomacy, diaspora, diaspora diplomacy, diaspora associations, receiving state, sending state.
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Rodrik, Dani. "Is Populism Necessarily Bad Economics?" AEA Papers and Proceedings 108 (May 1, 2018): 196–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pandp.20181122.
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I distinguish between political and economic populism. Both are averse to agencies of restraint, or, equivalently, delegation to technocrats or external rules. In the economic domain, delegation to independent agencies (domestic or foreign) occurs in two different contexts: (i) in order to prevent the majority from harming itself in the future and (ii) in order to cement a redistribution arising from a temporary political advantage for the longer-term. Economic policy restraints that arise in the first case are desirable; those that arise in the second case are much less so.
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Нечипорук, Д. М. "“We were aliens, but no longer outsiders”: the strategies of political adaptation of the Mensheviks in Germany in 1920s." Диалог со временем, no. 76(76) (August 17, 2021): 421–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2021.76.76.020.
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Автор исследует стратегии политической адаптации меньшевиков в Германии и их вовлеченность во внутриполитические процессы Веймарской республики. В зависимости от участия в международном социалистическом движении, места внутри Социал-демократической партии Германии, положения в Заграничной Делегации берлинских меньшевиков можно поделить на интернационалистов, «изоляционистов» и «интеграционистов». Политику Заграничной Делегации в 1920-е гг. определяли интернационалисты Ю.О. Мартов, Ф.И. Дан и Р.А. Абрамович. Полноценная адаптация политэмигрантов в Германии была бы невозможна без содействия меньшевиков-«интеграционистов», имевших хорошие связи в немецкой социал-демократии. Один из старых лидеров меньшевиков А.Н. Потресов находился в берлинской эмиграции в изоляции. Он контактировал с «интеграционистами», но из-за политических разногласий не взаимодействовал с Заграничной Делегацией. The article is devoted to a history of Menshevism in German exile in the 1920s. The author studies three strategies of political adaptation in Weimar Republic: Internationalism, Integration, and Isolation. A chosen strategy depended on the participation in the international socialist movement, a position either within the Social Democratic Party of Germany, or the position adopted in the Foreign Delegation, a governing body of Mensheviks’ party abroad. The Foreign Delegation Policy in the 1920s was led by the internationalists Martov, Dan, and Abramovich. The adaptation of Mensheviks-internationalists in Germany would not have been possible without the assistance of “integrationists” who worked as the specialists and experts in German Social Democracy Party. One of the leaders of the Mensheviks A.N. Potresov found himself in isolation in German exile. He maintained contacts with some "integrationists", but because of acute political differences with Dan, Potresov stayed away from the Foreign Delegation. This division came to an end after the collapse of the Weimar Republic in 1933, when Mensheviks moved to the other states.
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Wang, Stephanie Lu, Yadong Luo, Xiongwen Lu, Jinyun Sun, and Vladislav Maksimov. "Autonomy delegation to foreign subsidiaries: An enabling mechanism for emerging-market multinationals." Journal of International Business Studies 45, no. 2 (August 29, 2013): 111–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/jibs.2013.40.
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Bakic, Dragan. "Nikola Pasic and the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, 1919-1926." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 285–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647285b.
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This paper looks at Nikola Pasic?s views of and contribution to the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS/Yugoslavia after1929) during the latest phase of his political career, a subject that has been neglected by historians. His activities in this field are divided into two periods - during the Paris Peace Conference where he was the head of the SCS Kingdom?s delegation and after 1921 when he became Prime Minister, who also served as his own Foreign Minister. During the peace conference, Pasic held strong views on all the major problems that faced his delegation, particularly the troubled delimitation with Italy in the Adriatic. In early 1920, he alone favoured the acceptance of the so-called Lloyd George-Clemenceau ultimatum, believing that the time was working against the SCS Kingdom. The Rapallo Treaty with Italy late that year proved him right. Upon taking the reins of government, Pasic was energetic in opposing the two restoration attempts of Karl Habsburg in Hungary and persistent in trying to obtain northern parts of the still unsettled Albania. In time, his hold on foreign policy was weakening, as King Alexander asserted his influence, especially through the agency of Momcilo Nincic, Foreign Minister after January 1922. Pasic was tougher that King and Nincic in the negotiations with Mussolini for the final settlement of the status of the Adriatic town of Fiume and the parallel conclusion of the 27 January 1924 friendship treaty (the Pact of Rome). Since domestic politics absorbed much of his time and energy, the old Prime Minister was later even less visible in foreign policy. He was forced to resign in April 1926 on account of his son?s corruption scandal shortly before the final break-down of relations with Italy.
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TYMCHENKO, Roman. "DIPLOMATS OF UNR AND ZUNR AT THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE." Contemporary era 6 (2018): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-105-118.
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In January 1919, the Paris Peace Conference began for the establishment of the world post-war order and solution of territorial conflicts and new national borders. Ukrainians, having proclaimed an independent state, hoped for the legal recognition. The negative attitude of the Entente states to Ukraine aggravated this situation, as well as the retreat of the UNR and ZUNR armies under the pressure of Bolshevik on the east and Polish troops on the west, that were not allies. These states wanted to establish their political domination on the Ukrainian lands. The necessity of the international recognition of the Ukrainian state had required the leadership of the UNR and ZUNR to pursue a common foreign policy. The Ukrainian delegation arrived in Paris very late and without an official invitation. The author determined that united Ukraine was represented by diplomats of different political orientations whose professional background did not suit the level of the tasks of the Peace Conference. A large number of members of the delegation have complicated the situation of Ukrainians at the conference because of different political and ideological positions. The case of Western Ukraine was on the agenda almost all the time, and united Ukraine was mentioned only sporadically. Therefore, the Galicians, hoping for the implementation of the principles of the Woodrow Wilson points, tried to act separately from the joint Ukrainian delegation. They issued their own papers and appeals, which often contradicted the statements of the joint Ukrainian mission. Eventually, the internal confrontation led to a split of the joint Ukrainian delegation, and in December 1919, Galician representatives Vasyl Paneiko and Stepan Tomashivsky dismissed from the joint delegation. As a result, the delegation did not fulfill the task: The Entente had never recognized the sovereignty of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. The pessimistic attitude towards the Ukrainians of the Entente states, the domestic split of the Parisian delegation, and the inability to clearly represent “the Ukrainian issue” did not bring the success. Despite this, Ukrainians denied part of Entente’s stereotypes and were able to outline some issues, especially concerning Eastern Galicia. Keywords Paris Peace Conference, Ukrainian People's Republic, West Ukrainian People's Republic, Eastern Galicia, diplomacy.