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Journal articles on the topic 'Foreign Policy of Azerbaijan'
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1
Volhonsky, M. "“Hydrocarbon strategy” of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy: 2008 – 2015." Journal of International Analytics, no. 3 (September 28, 2016): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-3-15-26.
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This article examines the role of energy factor in Azerbaijan’s foreign policy in the period from 2008 to 2015. Detailed analysis of the impact of EU policy on diversification of energy supplies to European countries for the development of «hydrocarbon strategy» of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy exposes the differences between the Baku and Brussels on ways of resolving the problem of diversification of gas supplies to Europe. The article also examines the specific goals pursued by the Azerbaijani authorities, initiating the creation of new gas pipelines TANAP and TAP, and helps to understand the position of Baku regarding the project of creating a «TRANS-Caspian pipeline.» In general, the foreign policy of Azerbaijan in the energy sphere is admitted in the article as quite successful. This policy allowed Baku to go through the implementation of various infrastructure projects to a wider gas security as a part of the European market.
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Yadav, Ranjitabh Singh. "Energy Diplomacy In Azerbaijan’s Foreign Policy." Think India 22, no. 3 (2019): 570–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v22i3.8340.
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In the 21st century, the relations between states are being shaped by factors deriving from the national interest and the national security agenda. Many countries have shifted their foreign policies towards an economization strategy, i.e. assigning a particular importance to the economic priorities and instruments in foreign policy, as in the case of the small state of Azerbaijan, bordered by large neighbors and influenced by yet larger powers. Before Azerbaijan’s independence, Regional powers such as Russia, Turkey and Iran were active and after the independence, the US and EU, added to the competition over the rich oil and natural gas resources of the Caspian region. All of these countries created an external pressure and influence in Azerbaijan, turning the Caucasus region into a new playing field of the Great Power Game. Thus, the geopolitical ambiguity combined with oil and gas resources and further with geographical imperatives will shape and pose challenge to the country’s foreign policy.
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Abdullayev, Nazim Nizami. "Legal framework of Azerbaijan's foreign policy with the CIS countries." Международное право, no. 2 (February 2021): 12–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2644-5514.2021.2.35734.
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This article explores the legal framework of the foreign policy of the Republic of Azerbaijan in the post-Soviet space. This topic gains special relevance on the background of changes in the regional distribution of potentials after the Second Karabakh War. The subject of this research is the main agreements signed by Azerbaijan with the CIS countries in a bilateral format, as well as within the organization. Emphasis is placed on the normative legal documents that form the foundation of foreign policy relations in the military-political, economic, energy, and transport sectors as the highest priority for the country. Special attention is given to the analysis of legal institutionalization of Azerbaijan's foreign policy in the post-Soviet space in conjunction with the evolution of foreign policy concept of the country. The article employs general dialectical, logical, historical and formal-legal methods for determining the key trends and characteristics of the legal framework of Azerbaijan's foreign policy. The scientific novelty consists in periodization of the development of legal framework of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy: the first period was under the Presidency of Ayaz Mutalibov and Abulfaz Elchibey, the third covers the period from the autumn of 1993 to the late 1990s, and the fourth is since 2000. The first period marks sporadic nature of Azerbaijan's relations with the CIS countries. During the second period, the country joined multilateral institutions that emerged in the post-Soviet space. The third stage is characterized by transition towards the development of bilateral relations with the CIS countries, and shifting away from multilateral approach. It is worth noting, that this research is focused namely on examination of the legal framework Azerbaijan's foreign policy, rather than the generally accepted in the Russian scientific literature political-legal approach, which considers the normative documents in the context of political processes.
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Aghazada, Mirmehdi M. "International Assistance as an Instrument of “Soft Power” in Azerbaijan’s Foreign Policy." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical Studies 7, no. 3 (27) (2020): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2020.7(3).71-78.
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The article is devoted to the study of the policy of the Republic of Azerbaijan on international assistance to other countries and its use as an instrument of “soft power”. The relevance of the study is primarily due to the need to study in the field of international assistance the place and role of Azerbaijan, which is a “new” donor in the international arena. It should be noted that this article is the first scientific study in Russian and Azerbaijani historiography on this topic.
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Avatkov, V. A. "Fundamentals of the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Azerbaijan at the Present Stage." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 13, no. 3 (2020): 118–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2020-13-3-7.
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The article analyzes the basis of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy at the present stage. The main attention is paid to the documentary substantiation of foreign policy, political and legal bases of foreign policy strategy, and key organizations in this area. There is analysis of the most significant areas of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy. It is noted that the Republic is trying to find a new balance in the region and the world, pragmatically maintaining contacts with the main players in the region – Russia, the United States, Turkey and Iran. Moreover, in foreign policy documents of Baku, special emphasis is placed on cooperation with the West, in particular, there is a strengthening not only in the framework of doctrinal cooperation with NATO and the EU, but also constant contacts on all political, economic and military lines. In addition, the leadership of Azerbaijan pays special attention to the problem of Nagorno‑Karabakh. The article also shows that the fundamental documents that determine the external state agenda, although they are sufficiently Westernoriented, at the same time reflect the ambition of Azerbaijan in the context of becoming a regional center of power. This process is also influenced by external actors, in particular the Republic of Turkey. It was determined that the territorial issue, logistic and military issues, regional and global political trends are indicators, thanks to which one can observe the transformation of the foreign policy of Azerbaijan. In the context of bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and Russia, it was revealed that the interaction between the countries seems significant for both states in terms of ensuring security in the South Caucasus.
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Mehdiyeva, Nazrin. "Azerbaijan and its foreign policy dilemma." Asian Affairs 34, no. 3 (2003): 271–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0306837032000136305.
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Chiara Loda. "Azerbaijan, Foreign Policy and Public Diplomacy." Irish Studies in International Affairs 27 (2016): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2016.27.7.
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Markova, E. A. "US - Azerbaijan Relations in Caspian region (90s of the XX century)." Post-Soviet Issues 8, no. 2 (2021): 288–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2021-8-2-288-296.
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The collapse of the USSR resulted for Azerbaijan to pursue an independent foreign policy. Azerbaijan focused on establishing and furthering relations with Western states, primarily, with the United States. Official Baku considered the United States as an important partner to provide support for the economic development and production of hydrocarbon resources. On the other side, the United States also increased its focus on Azerbaijan due to the favorable geographical position of the Caspian state and the pro-Western attitude of its political elite. The US counted on taking advantage of Azerbaijan to change the flow of oil, which was supposed to be produced in the future. The United States played a decisive role in expanding Azerbaijan's cooperation with Western oil companies, which headed for the shores of the Caspian Sea. As a result, the Azerbaijani-American cooperation in the 90s of the XX century led Baku to chose the western direction in exporting its hydrocarbon resources as the principal one. In addition, under the US influence, Azerbaijan took a tough position on the international legal status of the Caspian Sea. Cooperation between the United States and Azerbaijan has had a great impact on the situation in the region, relations with Russia and the other Caspian states.
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Brown, Cameron S. "Wanting to Have Their Cake and Their Neighbor's Too: Azerbaijani attitudes towards Karabakh and Iranian Azerbaijan." Middle East Journal 58, no. 4 (2004): 576–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/58.4.13.
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Azerbaijan's foreign policy agenda, even prior to independence in 1991, has been largely dominated by two main issues: how to regain the Armenian-occupied region of Nogorno-Karabakh, and what relationship the state should have with the millions of ethnic Azerbaijanis who live in the bordering provinces of Iran. Over the past decade, two schools of thought have emerged, which reflect not only two different approaches to these issues, but also two opposing notions of what constitutes the Azerbaijani nation.
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Alekseev, Nikolai Nikolaevich, and Imrin Mekhmanovich Babirov. "Azerbaijan-Iran relations: transformation of Azerbaijan's foreign policy during presidency of I. G. Aliyev." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 3 (March 2020): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2020.3.33056.
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This article explores the questions related to the current relations between Azerbaijan and Iran, namely vectors of development and milestones over the period from 2000 to 2020. Analysis is conducted on the contradictory positions and most favorable spheres for cooperation. An attempt is made to answer the question, why the promising relations between Baku and Teheran transitioned into a moderately tense state, and what factors influenced this process. Special attention is given to the process of harmonization of relations between the countries at the time of coming to power of the President of Azerbaijan I. G. Aliyev. Based on the acquired results, the authors came to the conclusion that the relations between Azerbaijan and Iran have high potential, first and foremost due to cultural and historical commonality of the nations. At the same time, the conducted research demonstrates profound systemic contradictions that impede achieving potential in development of bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and Iran. Such contradictions may constitute a threat to the regional international relations and often involve other countries (USA, Israel, Turkey, Russia, and Armenia). The novelty this work consists in comprehensive analysis of key events in the history of modern Azerbaijan-Iran bilateral relations, as well as transformation of foreign policy vectors of the countries, namely in the conditions of coming to power of the President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev.
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Rövşən qızı Baxşəliyeva, Aysel. "İssues of assessing the investment climate in Azerbaijan." SCIENTIFIC WORK 15, no. 3 (2021): 94–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/64/94-96.
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Our country, which is constantly developing economically and carrying out political reforms in parallel, thereby achieving a further increase in its international prestige. One of the important factors contributing to the regular strengthening of Azerbaijan's position in the international arena is the growing role of our country in the field of energy security, as well as its active investment policy. At present, our country is becoming one of the most advanced potential investors in the world. The number of foreign countries expecting to invest in Azerbaijan is constantly growing. Azerbaijan, which has great financial resources, has been investing in various foreign countries in recent years, provided that its interests are ensured. Key words: investment activity, economic assessment, dynamic indicators, economic indicators
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Levchenkov, Alexandr S. "BOOK REVIEW: PUBLICATIONS OF THE INSTITUTE OF POST-SOVIET AND INTERREGIONAL STUDIES / ED. BY E.I. PIVOVAR. ISSUE 3: AZERBAIJAN’S STUDIES. M.: RUSSIAN STATE UNIVERSITY FOR THE HUMANITIES, 2020. 283 P." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian studies. History. Political science. International relations, no. 4 (2020): 126–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2020-4-126-133.
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The review is devoted to a unique collective scientific work of Russian and Azerbaijani authors, whose pages reflect important issues of the history and modern political, socio-economic and cultural development of Azerbaijan, Azerbaijani-Russian and Azerbaijani-Iranian relations, and Baku’s foreign policy in the context of integration processes in the post-Soviet space. The publication lists an overlook of six research papers and proceedings of the conferences “Humanitarian cooperation between Russia and Azerbaijan: spiritual and historical traditions and present time” and “Humanitarian dimension of eurasian integration: history and outlooks”, organized by the Institute of post-Soviet and inter-Regional Studies of Russian State University for the Humanities. Following the principles of objectivity and a systematic approach, using a wide range of sources, many of which are first introduced into scientific circulation in Russian historiography, the authors of the reviewed issue identify the key features of the formation and functioning of the modern Azerbaijani state and its foreign policy priorities. This publication develops a new interdisciplinary field of scientific research – Azerbaijani studies, which is located at the intersection of historical, political, economic and cultural studies and offers a wide methodological tools for studying topical issues of history and modernity of the most important regional processes and trends in the framework of the South Caucasus, in the post-Soviet space and on the scale of Greater Eurasia.
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Ibrahimov, R. F. "Azerbaijan: From Small to Regional Power?" Journal of International Analytics 12, no. 2 (2021): 170–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-2-170-181.
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The article gives a general overview of the main factors influencing the formation of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy, as well as analyzes how these factors have changed since Azerbaijan’s independence until 2021. The conclusion is made that the existence of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has been a key factor in the formation of the political and economic system of the country, as well as the consciousness and perception of the world by its citizens. Since independence, Azerbaijan’s main objective has been to change the regional status quo, as well as to regain military and political control over Nagorno-Karabakh. In the theoretical part of the article, the author considers two categories of statehood: small and medium power. The established definition of small and medium power says that the main criteria of their difference lies in the size of the economy, the number of armed forces, as well as in the criterion of the “will” of the peoples to solve extraordinary foreign policy tasks. The author believes that the consolidation of the country’s available capabilities made it possible not only to achieve the goal of territorial integrity, but also to move Azerbaijan from the category of a small to a medium power. Azerbaijan deliberately moved to the rank of a medium power: through the development of regional ties and energy diplomacy, as well as through the isolation of Armenia. As a result, Azerbaijan’s seizure of seven districts and part of Nagorno-Karabakh, including Shusha, was a significant event that allowed the country to fundamentally change the unfavorable status quo that had prevailed for years.
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Mamiedow, Habil. "Intercultural Dialogue in the Foreign Policy of Azerbaijan Republic." Nowa Polityka Wschodnia 2, no. 1 (2012): 217–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012113.
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Aliev, Nariman, Vadim Mikhailovich Vysotskii, and Andrea Dohnalova. "Azerbaijan-Venezuela relations." Мировая политика, no. 2 (February 2021): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.2.35719.
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The object of this collaborative study is the evolution of Azerbaijan-Venezuela relations since the moment of their establishment in 1995 till the present day. The purpose of the article is to define the main stages of development of bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and Venezuela, detect the potential prospects of their development, denote areas of common interest in the global agenda, and study the source base of bilateral relations. Using the case study method, the authors not only analyze the actions of both parties aimed at the development of bilateral relations, but also predict the official strategy of Baku and Caracas of further advancement of the interstate dialogue. The authors arrive at a conclusion that the geopolitical grounds of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy have been influenced by its defeat in the First Karabakh War (1992 - 1994) and the occupation of 20% of its territory by the Armenian armed forces. In subsequent years, all foreign policy maneuvers of official Baku were reduced to one goal: to restore its territorial integrity. That was the reason for Baku’s aspiration to garner the support of other states. In this direction, the most fruitful one was the work of Azerbaijan diplomacy in Latin American countries including Venezuela. Notably, official Baku and Caracas have similar stands on many issues of global and domestic policy. For Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro, close connections with Azerbaijan is an additional proof of his legitimacy in political in-fighting against the opposition. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the fact that it is one of the first attempts to analyze Azerbaijan-Venezuela relations from a comprehensive perspective.  
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Efendiyeva, A. F. "AZERBAIJANI-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS IN THE SPHERE OF ART IN THE ERA OF GLOBALIZATION." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 143 (2020): 25–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2020.143.1.25-33.
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The article discusses the features of the strategy for the dynamic development of relations in the field of art of Azerbaijan and Ukraine. The successes of cooperation in the field of art, the further development of bilateral humanitarian ties, which served as a vivid example of strategic partnership between the republics in the new century, are noted. Bilateral and multilateral events are currently under way. States are trying to demonstrate the ideas of "equality" and "brotherhood" among themselves. Cultural ties between Ukraine and Azerbaijan are being carried out. Cultural ties with the two countries are subordinated primarily to political goals. It should be noted that historically, the Azerbaijani people have had extensive international relations. The rich culture of the Azerbaijani people also attracted various states. The effective development of Ukrainian-Azerbaijani cultural ties in the modern period is a clear demonstration of the construction of the foreign policy of both states in accordance with the requirements of the time. Monitoring the development of humanitarian relations in this aspect has a certain political science relevance. A humanitarian policy in the context of bilateral cooperation of states in the context of globalization requires constant updating of the form and content of relations in this area of international relations. Therefore, both in Azerbaijan and Ukraine, new short-term and long-term projects are constantly being developed, agreements and cooperation agreements are concluded for the further development of relations between the two countries in various fields of the humanitarian sphere.
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Aliyeva, Aygun. "Methodological aspects of cluster policy formation in Azerbaijan." Technium Social Sciences Journal 10 (July 18, 2020): 274–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v10i1.1249.
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Foreign experience demonstrates that countries’ strategies in cluster policy differ depending on national traditions and culture of their strategy engineering process, as well as on the cluster concept. Analysis of information sources shows that technical and methodological framework for cluster policy formulation have not been clearly and unambiguously studied in science.
 The most important methodological document on cluster policy is the European Cluster Memorandum signed by the Member States of the European Union in 2006 [3]. It defined the essence and importance of clusters in innovation development and identified the key provisions of cluster policy.
 One of the essential methodological issues is the role of government in the formation of clusters. The following factors can be associated with the state’s growing influence on clustering processes:
 
 market weakness, increase in the volume and value of public goods;
 an objective priority of public interest in the context of globalization;
 the need to protect the national economy in the international economic relations;
 the need for institutional regulations in the national and global economy.
 
 Foreign experience demonstrates that the numerous cluster initiatives running in major developed countries over the last few years have been brought forward by local or regional governments. In relatively small developed countries and in a number of developing countries, the government plays an essential role in the cluster development initiative, especially when local and regional government agencies cannot partner with the private sector. A number of decisions on clusters have been adopted at national level in countries with centralized decision-making process.
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Magomedov, N. A. "FATALI KHAN’S FOREIGN POLICY ACTIVITY." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 13, no. 2 (2017): 33–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch13233-39.
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The article is devoted to the study of main directions of foreign policy of Fatali Khan, the khan of Derbent and Quba, in the 80s of the 18thcentury. The study has shown that Fatali Khan conducted rather an active foreign policy. He had the closest contacts with the Russian Empire. Fatali Khan many times addressed a request to the Imperial Court to get Russian citizenship, sent his ambassadors to discuss and solve various problems including normalization of trading relations with Russia. In his letters, the Khan asked for trade privileges for Derbent merchants, on his part he gave Russian merchants the right for duty-free trade in the Derbent-Quba khanate and other territories under his influence. The author of the article analyzes FataliKhan’s policy on expanding the territory of his possession on account of other Dagestan and Azerbaijan lands, and his allied relations with ShamkhalTarkovsky.The Khan’s relationswith other Dagestan rulers were not easy as they stood against his policy of expanding the borders of the Derbent-Quba khanate. Another direction of the foreign policy of the Khan of Derbent and Qubawas his relationship with the Georgian prince Alexander, whose actions were directed not only against the Kingdom of Kakheti and Kartli, but also against the Russian authorities. Therefore, Fatali Khan refused to support the Georgian prince.
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Areshev, Andrei. "Turkey’s Activity in the Caucasus." Russia in Global Affairs 18, no. 4 (2020): 56–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31278/1810-6374-2020-18-4-56-60.
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Turkey’s foreign policy activity is probably designed to create an additional platform for foreign policy bargaining with Moscow on issues of interest to Ankara, and not by any means only in the South Caucasus. Along with bilateral interaction with Azerbaijan and with the countries of Central Asia, political, economic and humanitarian cooperation within the framework of the “Turkic Council” is being strengthened.
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Wiktor-Mach, Dobrosława. "Stereotypy w konflikcie między Armenią i Azerbejdżanem o Górski Karabach, w kontekście polityki zagranicznej UE." Przegląd Europejski, no. 3-2016 (December 11, 2016): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.3.16.7.
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The European Neighbourhood Policy cannot ignore complex conflicts in the East. The effectiveness of the project depends on the understanding of international relations between EU’s neighbours, including mutual stereotypes and prejudices. The papers presents the topic of a classic example of “frozen conflict” in the South Caucasus between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the Nagorno Karabakh, which has lasted for over 20 years. The dynamics of regional relations is being reinforced by stereotypes present in public life, mostly in media, political discourse and in educational programs. The article presents the context of the conflict, and an analysis of prevailing ethnic stereotypes (the neighbour as a forger of history, as an eternal enemy with authoritarian tendencies). Then, social attitudes related to those images of one another are analysed. The final part describes examples of activities directed towards establishing direct relationships between Armenians and Azerbaijanis, aiming at the change of stereotypes.
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Mustafayeva, Nurlana. "Azerbaijan-Turkey literary relations." Laplage em Revista 7, Extra-E (2021): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-e1157p.24-31.
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Article compares the literary relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey during the Soviet and independence periods. Research shows that during the Soviet era, limited literary relations under the leadership of Moscow were subordinated to the unified foreign policy goals of the USSR. The Soviet Union, among other means, sought to spread communist ideology in Turkey through literary ties, to weaken NATO’s southern wing from within, and to reduce Western influence. The closed society and the “iron curtain” of the USSR did not allow the free exchange of cultural and literary treasures. After the restoration of the state independence of the Republic of Azerbaijan on October 18, 1991 and the collapse of the USSR, literary relations were free from ideological stereotypes and all restrictions. The signing of bilateral documents between Azerbaijan and Turkey has laid the legal basis for cooperation in the field of culture, including literature.
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Sərxan oğlu Quluzadə, Alxan. "Directions for attracting foreign investment in the non-oil sector of Azerbaijan." SCIENTIFIC WORK 67, no. 06 (2021): 91–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/67/91-96.
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The purpose of attracting foreign investment in the non-oil sector is to reduce and gradually eliminate dependence on oil revenues. However, foreign investment does not go to production, but to non-profit areas such as construction and warehousing. Azerbaijan offers tax rates and customs duties to foreign investors. However, gaps in the legislative and legal system do not escape the attention of foreign investors. Foreign investors make investment decisions after assessing the economic and political situation in the country. Reforms in the economy and the legal system in recent years will be the basis for increasing foreign investment in the non-oil sector. One of the government's goals in the Strategic Roadmap for National Economic Development until 2025 was to "increase the share of foreign investment in the non-oil sector in GDP to 4 percent." Investments by Turkish companies in the non-oil sector of our country have long outpaced investments in other countries, except for a few years. In particular, investments in Azerbaijan's non-oil sector came from Russia, the United States, the United Kingdom, the United Arab Emirates, France and Germany. However, the volume of investments from Russian and Swiss companies has recently increased. Countries with developed infrastructure attract investors faster. Investors consider such countries as countries with a favorable investment climate. Therefore, it is necessary to form a developed infrastructure in our country and eliminate the shortcomings in the industry. Many factories are unable to operate at full capacity and bring the product to the final product stage due to lack of raw materials, auxiliary equipment and materials. Key words: foreign direct investment, non-oil sector, investment environment, protection of foreign investments, investment policy
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Nasibova, A. S. "From A. Mutalibov to G. Aliyev: Formation of Foreign Policy of Independent Azerbaijan." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 19, no. 1 (2019): 81–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2019-19-1-81-86.
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mammadov., Agil. "ANALYSIS OF THE FOREIGN POLICY OF AZERBAIJAN IN THE PERSPECTIVE OF INTERDEPENDENCE THEORY." International Journal of Advanced Research 4, no. 7 (2016): 47–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/1142.
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V. B., Shahin, Jamila G. M., Fargana G. M., and Nazim Hajiyev. "The Impact of Oil Prices on Economic Activity: The Case of Azerbaijan." Journal of Politics and Law 14, no. 2 (2020): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v14n2p39.
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The strategic purpose of the economic policy of Azerbaijan is to ensure sustainable growth. The external factors including oil prices in the world market and investments have a significant influence on economic activity in Azerbaijan. The relationship between oil prices and gross domestic product has been scrutinized and the sensitivity of macroeconomic indicators to oil prices has been investigated. The dependence of investment activity, including foreign investments on oil prices has been determined. In the research, econometric models have been constructed in the purpose of studying the impact of oil prices on key macroeconomic indicators from the qualitative and quantitative point of view. At the same time, a comparative analysis of oil reserves of Azerbaijan with other oil countries has been conducted. According to the results, the government should determine new and sustainable growth pillars based on risks emerged from oil price, improve economic policy and accelerate the transition to innovative high-tech models of economic development.
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İsmayıl oğlu Cəfərov, Elvin. "Tourism potential and development directions of Azerbaijan." SCIENTIFIC WORK 65, no. 04 (2021): 346–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/65/346-349.
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Tourism accelerates the development of road and hotel infrastructure, has a strong impact on the protection of folk art and national cultures in the regions and villages. Today, we can proudly say that our state is carrying out a number of important activities to accelerate the development of tourism, to bring the country's domestic tourism potential to the world market, as well as to attract foreign tourists to our beautiful corners. Purposeful state policy implemented in this direction in order to accelerate the development of tourism in our country, the steps taken cause a greater influx of tourists to Azerbaijan from around the world than in previous years. Key words: tourism, tourism potential, tourism development directions
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Shahin Alizadeh, Jala. "Directions for improving foreign exchange rates in the Republic of Azerbaijan." SCIENTIFIC WORK 61, no. 12 (2020): 139–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/61/139-142.
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The main purpose of the study is to study the trends in the improvement of exchange rates in the country. The research will be carried out by several methods, the first of which is the method of analysis. The second method is a comparative method. The methodological basis of the research is the systematic and historical approaches of local and foreign authors mentioned in the scientific literature, as well as in legislative documents. The limitation of the study is that the national literature on the subject is relatively small. The practical significance of the study is the study of the mechanism for selecting monetary policy in the Republic of Azerbaijan and assessing its impact on the exchange rate regime. Key words: macroeconomics, currency intervention, Central Bank, exchange rate
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BEŞİKÇİ, Seçil ÖRAZ. "TÜRK DIŞ POLİTİKASINDA DAVUTOĞLU DÖNEMİ VE STRATEJİK DERİNLİK DOKTRİNİ: GÜNEY KAFKASYA ÜLKELERI ÖRNEĞİ." “Küresel siyaset: Türkiye’den bakış”, Spring,2021 (April 30, 2021): 160–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.30546/2616-4418.bitd.2021.160.
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The Justice and Development Party (JDP) and its new cadre have entered into Turkish political life by the general elections held in 2002. Prof. Dr. Ahmet Davutoğlu, one of the members of the new cadre, has been considered as the architect of foreign policy discourse and practices pursued under JDP rule between 2002-2016. Davutoğlu has become both the theoretician and the practitioner of foreign policy strategies, which has been built on his “Strategic Depth Doctrine”. Davutoğlu has aimed to reach a new foreign policy strategy by the new principles such as “multidimensional foreign policy”, “rhythmic diplomacy”, “zero problems with neighbors”, “maximum international cooperation”, “proactive foreign policy” and “order instituting actor”. In these contexts, the aim of the paper is twofold. The irst one is to ind out whether Davutoğlu’s new foreign policy principles have been implemented in the foreign policy-making processes of the South Caucasus states of Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia and, if yes, the second one is to deine the policy relections over Turkey’s foreign relations with these states. For this aim, three speciic cases, which are critical to these states, have been selected: the Russian-Georgian War (2008), the Armenian Opening, and the Nagorno-Karabakh Conlict. The method of discourse analysis has been utilized and Davutoğlu’s books, articles, interviews, and speeches have been reviewed.
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Rasizade, Alec. "Azerbaijan in transition to the “New Age of Democracy’”☆." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 36, no. 3 (2003): 345–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(03)00043-6.
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After the demise of the USSR, Azerbaijan has been relegated to the category of a third world nation. The short-lived euphoria of independence has been replaced by the somber realization that the so-called “transition period” from communism to capitalism could extend well beyond most people’s lifetimes. The principal outcome of the first decade of Azeri independence is that the country has moved backward rather than forward since the beginning of “free market” reforms. In their studies and analyses of contemporary Azerbaijan, Western scholars and foreign policy establishment tend to neglect the forces of social discontent. Azerbaijan is a country of brutal and potentially explosive social divisions. For any visitor spending a few weeks in Baku, it is this contrast in lifestyles between the Aliev’s elite and ordinary Azeris that seems to be the major characteristic of Azerbaijan, contrary to the prevalent comments in Western media about the alleged Caspian oil wealth and export pipelines. The US government assumes that the abstract Azerbaijan in its energy assessments and strategic designs has reached a certain level of stability, democracy and economic sufficiency. But the process of introducing democracy into Azerbaijan may turn out to be more formidable than mere free elections. If Washington would pressure the post-Aliev government for change in the “new age of democracy”, it might run into certain intrinsic oddities, which could freeze the effort.
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Mammadova, Jamala I. "Feasibility of CLIL Implementation in the Education System of Azerbaijan: Attitude towards CLIL and the English Language in Higher Educational Institutions." International Journal of English Linguistics 6, no. 5 (2016): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v6n5p188.
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<p>This article examines the feasibility of introducing Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL) in the education system of Azerbaijan, and determining the most preferred target language for this matter. Azerbaijan is a country with traditions of multilingualism. There are certain challenges within the society in terms of ensuring communication among different linguistic groups, which necessitate examining appropriate language policy and acquisition solutions. CLIL, which enables individuals to learn more than two languages at relatively high level, seems to be a promising approach for overcoming the linguistic communication problems in Azerbaijan, and enabling to take socio-economic and cognitive advantages of multilingualism.</p><p>Whereas the question of feasibility of certain language acquisition approach in a specific country requires studying several dimensions such as public attitude, economic aspects and legal framework, the focus of the empirical research of this article is directed to learning the attitude to CLIL, which is a relatively under researched field. In the research part, it is sought to answer questions whether CLIL is supported among students in Azerbaijan, and which foreign language is preferred most. Moreover, it was sought to examine the relationship among the variables of gender, social class, existing language skills, as well as attitudes to CLIL and target language preference.</p><p>It was found that CLIL is supported by participants, and English is the most preferred foreign language. It indicates that multilingual societies like Azerbaijan are supportive of language acquisition choices that help preserve and develop multilingualism. Moreover, it was found that attitude to language acquisition method and the language itself differ due to income level and existing language skills.</p>
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Kaser, Michael. "V. The Economic and Social Impact of Systemic Transition in Central Asia and Azerbaijan." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, no. 3 (2003): 459–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322986352.
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AbstractThe economies of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan differ from the other states that quit the Soviet Union in 1991 by their inheritance of poor productivity growth and high demographic pressure for job creation. Moreover, since their incorporation into the Russian Empire during the nineteenth century, their production has been geared to primary goods - cotton and hydrocarbons - that in the 1930s Stalin's policy towards autarky was directed to Soviet domestic consumption. The six countries hence gained independence, but with high export dependency on markets that all suffered severe demand recessions. The corresponding production decline in the six states was modified during the 1990s by diversifying the direction of trade and was not as deep as indicated by the official GDP data by reason of the substantial growth of unmeasured production. That 'shadow economy' goes untaxed and all six states show government revenue inadequate for the social expenditure required to maintain the stock of human capital inherited from Soviet planning priorities and to reverse the widening of income differentials, as well as for capital formation to employ the expanding labor force. Some improvement has resulted from emigration and foreign investment by Kazakhstan, and from foreign investment by Azerbaijan. But that inflow has enhanced those states' dependence on hydrocarbons and the danger of a "Dutch disease." In all six states, authoritarian and corruption-prone governance inhibit foreign investment, though in two, Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, state funds have been established so that eventual income from fixed assets replace that from depleting hydrocarbon deposits.
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Fedorovskaya, I. "Iran Crisis: Challenges for Azerbaijan’s Foreign Policy." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 3 (2019): 121–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2019-3-121-129.
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Kim, Young Jin. "Azerbaijan's Foreign Policy: Determining Factors and Dilemma." Journal of international area studies 11, no. 2 (2007): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18327/jias.2007.07.11.2.57.
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Sonnleitner, Dominik. "Russia’s backyard – unresolved conflicts in the Caucasus." Politics in Central Europe 12, no. 1 (2016): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pce-2016-0005.
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Abstract The Caucasus played a prominent role in the Russian foreign policy for a long time, which has not changed since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Beginning with four general hypothesis about Russia’s interests in its “near abroad” the essays gives an insights in the current status and developments in the relations between Russia and its southern neighbors Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan. A special focus is on the frozen conflicts in South Ossetia and Naghorno-Karabakh and Russia’s role in these conflicts.
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Sikharulidze, A. Т. "Georgia Beyond “Radical Europeanness”: Undiscovered Directions of Foreign Policy." Journal of International Analytics 11, no. 2 (2020): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2020-11-2-91-108.
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Georgia’s turn to the West signifi cantly aff ected its geopolitical and foreign policies. The author shares the view expressed by Georgian scholars that the country’s continued commitment to the Western vector is a direct consequence of ideas expressed by political elites (constructivist theory) and their self-identifi cation as “European,” coupled with Western-style liberal democracy as a social order preference (liberal theory). Georgia’s political elites are driven by the concept of “Europeanness” and thus focus primarily on the state’s aspirations to be integrated into the “Western world,” which is pushing the state towards European and North-Atlantic integration. Georgian elites believe that institutional reunifi cation with “European family” under the NATO defence shield will not only deter Moscow but will fi nally put an end to Moscow’s attempts to bring the post-soviet state under its control. Moreover, due to the tensions between the generalized West and Russian Federation, the Kremlin’s aspirations to stop what it perceives as a geopolitical expansion of the West to the east, Georgia’s approach has become even more radical. The paper argues that the concept of “Europeanness” has been transformed into “radical Europeanness,” meaning that the political elites maintain economic cooperation with non-Western countries, but there is no proactive foreign policy beyond that, even with its most important strategic partners, namely Armenia, Azerbaijan and Turkey. In spite Tbilisi enjoys trade relations with these countries, the existing level of political and military cooperation between them conceals signifi cant bilateral challenges. Additionally, this approach is perfectly refl ected in Georgia’s relations with China, when the country’s political elites pushed for free trade, without attention to the political and geopolitical aspects of economic cooperation. Thus, Georgia – China relations are also the part of research interest in this paper, as the free trade regime between the two countries is subject to serious scrutiny after the Donald Trump administration made it clear that Washington would not welcome Chinese economic and geopolitical expansion in Georgia.
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Emre Sucu, Ali, O. I. Iskandarov, R. B. Mahmudov, and D. N. Chernov. "Does Turkey have a Central Asian Project?" MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, no. 3 (2021): 82–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-3-78-82-96.
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Central Asia's importance in Turkish foreign policy has begun to rise since the beginning of the 2010s. Turkey determines its regional policy in the conception of the Turkic world, including Azerbaijan. With this regard, Turkey pays particular attention to the institutionalization of bilateral relations with the regional states. The most successful measure in that direction is the establishment of the Turkic Council. This integration project marks significant progress for the institutionalization of Turkey's Central Asian policy. Turkey is one of the non-regional actors affecting the Central Asian balance of power. However, it has limited influence on regional security and military affairs, which Russia dominates. Turkey is only a secondary non-regional actor in Central Asia. Therefore, it primarily structures its Central Asian policy using common historical and cultural elements. In this study, we investigate whether Turkey has a long-term project in Central Asia. For this purpose, we explore the restrictions of Turkish policy in Central Asia. After that, we compare Turkey's importance for the foreign policies of Central Asian states. Additionally, we evaluate Turkey's interest in non-Western organizations such as the Eurasian Economic Union and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to transform Turkish foreign policy priorities in recent years. Finally, we show that Turkey has a policy toward Central Asia but not a fully-fledged project for the region.
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Mirzazade, Lilia Fridunovna. "Factor of trade and economic partnership in foreign policy stability of bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and Russia." Politicus 2 (2018): 110–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24195/2414-9616-2018-2-110-114.
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Niyazova, G. Y. "EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMMES OF BRITISH ORGANIZATIONS IN AZERBAIJAN AS AN ELEMENT OF THE UNITED KINGDOM FOREIGN LANGUAGE POLICY." Krasnoyarsk Science, no. 6 (October 10, 2014): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2070-7568-2014-6-17.
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Laçİner, Sedat, and Turgut Demİrtepe. "Nationalism as an Instrument in a Socialist Foreign Policy: The Southern Azerbaijan Problem in Soviet-Iranian Relations." Review of International Affairs 3, no. 3 (2004): 443–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1475355042000250548.
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Aslan-Mamedly, Aishan Alyf kyzy. "ESTABLISHMENT AND ACTIVITIES OF THE CSTO IN THE PRISM OF FOREIGN POLICY OF THE REPUBLIC OF AZERBAIJAN." Scientific Journal "Regional Studies", no. 25 (2021): 77–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/2663-6170/2021.25.14.
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Baghirova, Irada. "Academic Historiography in Azerbaijan at the Crossroads of Time (1989-1991)." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 1 (2021): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i1.1.
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The scientific development in the USSR has come a long way. Despite all the obstacles posed during its formation and development, it has reached a reasonably high level by the mid-1980s. This achievement was mainly in the natural and technical sciences. The progress was determined by the USSR’s desire to keep the palm in space exploration, nuclear physics, petrochemistry, and other sciences of strategic importance for the country’s development. In these areas, contacts were established with world scientific centers and exchange of scientific achievements took place. As a result, Soviet scientists became winners of prestigious international awards, including the Nobel Prizes. As for the humanities and especially the social sciences, the dominance of Marxist-Leninist ideology and the corresponding interpretation of historical events significantly affected the development of Soviet sciences and reaching the world level quality. Until the mid-1990s, political history as an area of science of history, practically, did not exist. The “History of the CPSU” and the “History of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan” virtually monopolized the multifaceted nature of political themes, reducing it to the apologetics of the party history. Everything changed with the beginning of ‘Perestroika’ and ‘Glasnost’ (the officially announced publicity policy). As a result, the previously unknown pages of the past of the country and national republics became public. Almost every day, there were sensational publications of various authors published by popular magazines and newspapers, which also printed previously classified documents from historical archives. Traditional historical researchers and academicians were in shock. It was not easy for historians to abandon the 70-year-old account of history tied to ideological dogmas; the crisis associated with the loss of orientation was overcome with great difficulty and mainly by young historians. In the late 1980s, foreign historians, who studied the history of Azerbaijan, began visiting the country. Until that time, their existence was known only to a narrow circle of historians, who worked with foreign literature in specialized repositories of local and central libraries. For the first time, Azerbaijani historians left the USSR in 1990, when a conference was held at the University of London on the history of the South Caucasus. The event was attended by historians from Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia, as well as the so-called Sovietologists - scientists from Great Britain, the USA, and France. It is symbolic that in the same year in Moscow the last all-Union conference on political history was held. The event was attended by scientists from the Soviet republics, which declared independence the following year.
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Rizvan Manafov, Namaz. "Orientalist scientist - Mahammad Sadig bay Aghabayzada." SCIENTIFIC WORK 59, no. 10 (2020): 14–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/59/14-17.
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Collapse of Azerbaijan Democratic Republic meant to lose valuable personalities, outstanding intelligents’ leaving the country, condemned to live expatriation life. One of the outstanding intelligents is Mahammad Sadig bay Aghabayzada who had worked as deputy minister of Internal Affairs (October 23, 1918 – December 23, 1919) in APR. M.S.Aghabayzada who was born in Goychay county in Baku province on March 15, 1865, finished Baku realni school in 1883, Mikhaylov Topchular school in Petersburg in 1886. He entered education department on Oriental languages of Russia ministry of foreign affairs in 1896 and finished with excellent marks. During the period of char Russia M.S.Aghabayzada, who served in Turkustan was known as outstanding general, as well as orientalist scientist. His manual on grammar of Turkman language written in Russian language was published in Ashgabad in 1904. General-major Mahammad Sadig bay Aghabayzada was appointed as deputy minister of Internal Affairs after establishment of first democratic republic in muslim East on May 28, 1918. M.Aghabayzada tried unwearyingly for activity and development of Azerbaijani national independent police. He prepared reform conception in police of the Republic of Azerbaijan. Mahammad Sadig bay left Istanbul and went to France, lived in Paris and Nice. M.S.Aghabayzada passed oppressive life in France, he stayed unemployed for long time. In 1926 professor of Lvov University in Poland Zigmund Smogorjevski invited M.Aghabayzada to Lvov University to give lecture on turkish and persian languages. Mahammad Sadig bay Aghabayzada taught turkish, arabian, persian languages from 1927 till the end of his life here. He wrote manuals on grammar of turkish, arabic and persian languages in Poland language. He founded Oriental languages studying in Lvov University. Key words: Azerbaijan Democratic Republik, orientalist scientist, general-mayor, deputy minister, Lvov University
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Simão, Licínia. "The problematic role of EU democracy promotion in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 45, no. 1-2 (2012): 193–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.03.001.
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This article looks at the interdependences between the democratisation processes in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh and the management of the Karabakh conflict, focussing on the EU’s democracy promotion policies. The article argues that the EU’s normative foreign policy in the South Caucasus has been limited by the permanence of the protracted conflicts, in two interrelated ways. First, by not addressing the conflicts the EU focused on long-term goals but failed to provide short-term incentives towards peace. Second, by allowing only a limited involvement in the protracted conflicts, especially inside Karabakh, the EU was perceived as a reluctant partner, undermining its normative credentials.
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Ipek, Pinar. "Azerbaijan's Foreign policy and Challenges for Energy Security." Middle East Journal 63, no. 2 (2009): 227–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/63.2.13.
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Ambartsumyan, Karine. "Policy of Postponed Sovetization: Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic and Georgia in 1920–1921." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (May 2021): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.2.9.
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Introduction. The author presents a brief description of the situation in the South Caucasus after the establishment of the Soviet power in Azerbaijan. A brief characteristic of the international context influencing decisionmaking in relation to Georgia and Armenia is given. The author makes a short review of historiography. Methods and materials. A list of historical sources is presented. The materials of the Archive of foreign policy of the Russian Federation and the Russian state archive of social and political history, private documents and the description of Menshevik Georgia in 1920 by Soviet scientist and publicist N.L. Meshcheryakov are the base of the research. Analysis. Based on these sources, the author explores the Soviet-Georgian relations, which are considered as interstate, since Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic legally accepted the independence of the Georgian state. A comparison of the positions of the representatives of the Caucasus Bureau and the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs revealed the difference in approaches to politics in Georgia. Moscow was against forced Sovietization and considered the Georgian Republic as a temporary buffer between Russia, on the one hand, and the forces of the Entente and Kemalist Turkey, on the other. The main directions of the Soviet-Georgian interaction were analyzed. The author, giving examples from documents, proves that Georgia was used as a center for strengthening control over Azerbaijan, consolidating success in the North Caucasus and pursuing a policy of reintegrating the South Caucasus into the Russian statehood. One of the clauses of the SovietGeorgian treaty signed in May 1920 was the creation of an associated commission. The article considers the features of its work and shows its inefficiency using the documents. Results. The author draws the conclusion that achieving independence in a wide international context was impossible for Georgia at that date. The RSFSR policy during 1920–1921 can be called the course of postponed Sovietization. It became an independent stage in the reintegration of the South Caucasus.
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Ayten Mekhraliyeva, Ayten Mekhraliyeva. "ANALYSIS AND ASSESSMENT OF AZERBAIJAN'S EXPORT POTENTIAL IN THE CONTEXT OF ENTREPRENEURIAL ACTIVITIES." Caucasus-Economic and Social Analysis Journal of Southern Caucasus 43, no. 04 (2021): 18–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/cescajsc4304202118.
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Entrepreneurship is one of the most important factors in the formation and development of a market economy, supporting the domestic market. It can solve social problems along with the solution of an important socio-political task - the formation of the middle class, the strengthening of democracy and social institutions, small business. In modern conditions, the intensification of state regulation and the promotion of the development of entrepreneurship, the organizational forms of interaction of government agencies with private entrepreneurship are changing. During this work, there are significant changes in the goals, mechanisms, management apparatus in the combination of state and market regulatory mechanisms, which is necessary to talk about the importance of the analysis of the structure of activities. In order to accelerate the pace of economic development in Azerbaijan, to apply the improved features of the market economy, the importance of free entrepreneurship, especially innovative entrepreneurship in accordance with the requirements of the time, is very high. Because innovative entrepreneurship allows to increase low production capacity and product quality. The goals and objectives of the research are to study the specifics of the activities of small and medium-sized businesses in Azerbaijan, to identify their origin, principles of operation, and their specific features. It is also the subject of research to determine the main directions of export activities of business entities and their impact on foreign economic activity, the volume of import-export operations and trade turnover of the country. Keywords: entrepreneurship activity, Azerbaijan’s export policy, economic development, SME, market economy,
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Parvana Telman, Mustafazade. "The national interest concept analysing in the concept of the foreign policy of Azerbaijan in the Caspian region." Politicus 5-6 (2018): 103–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.24195/2414-9616-2018-5-6-103-107.
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Salamzade, A. A., та R. H. Abdullayeva. "Мультикультурализм - действенная модель культурной политики Азербайджана". Nasledie Vekov, № 3(19) (30 вересня 2019): 62–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.36343/sb.2019.19.3.005.
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В статье мультикультурализм рассматривается как традиционное явление в истории Азербайджана, обусловленное этническим и конфессиональным разнообразием в регионе, толерантным отношением к представителям иных культур. Подчеркивается, что в период независимости Азербайджана мультикультурализм был поднят на уровень государственной культурной политики. В выступлениях и деятельности Президента Азербайджанской Республики Ильхама Алиева он представлен как действенный фактор не только внутренней, но и внешней политики страны. Для продвижения политики мультикультурализма в 2008 г. был запущен так называемый Бакинский процесс . Одновременно Баку стал местом проведения множества международных мероприятий самого высокого уровня. Интересным явлением последнего десятилетия является совпадение оценок феномена мультикультурализма экспертами Азербайджана и России.The basis of any cultural policy is always a certain idea. Sometimes a national idea is used in this capacity. Some ideas are supranational, some are built on a geographical basis rather than on a national one. At the turn of the 21st century, many countries of the world widely discuss the ideas of multiculturalism and the ways of their implementation at the level of public policy. In the article, multiculturalism is considered as a traditional phenomenon in the history of Azerbaijan, due to the ethnic and religious diversity in the region and a tolerant attitude towards representatives of other cultures. It is emphasized that during the period of independence of Azerbaijan, multiculturalism was raised to the level of a state cultural policy. During the years of independence, many mosques have been erected in Azerbaijan, Orthodox churches are being restored and reconstructed, a synagogue and even a Catholic church are being built. In addition, one of the temples of the Albanian Apostolic Church is being restored. The traditions of tolerance are still reflected in the development of not only modern architecture, but also culture and society as a whole. In the speeches and activities of President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev, multiculturalism is presented as an effective factor in both domestic and foreign policies of the country. In 2008, to launch the policy of multiculturalism, he launched the socalled Baku Process. At the same time, Baku is becoming a venue for many international events of the highest level. Over the past decade, the Baku Humanitarian Forum, the Forum on Intercultural Dialogue, the Eurovision 2012 music contest, the international festival Mugham World have been held here. In 2009 Baku was declared the capital of Islamic culture in 2015 it hosted the first European Games in 2016 the VII Global Forum of the UN Alliance of Civilizations and many other humanitarian, cultural and sports events. In the Decree of the President of the country, 2016 was declared the year of multiculturalism in Azerbaijan, and 2017 the year of Islamic solidarity. All this made it possible for President Aliyev to declare that Azerbaijan has once again established itself as the humanitarian center of the world. An interesting phenomenon of the past decade is the coincidence of assessments of the phenomenon of multiculturalism by experts from Azerbaijan and Russia. This unanimity is seen as particularly promising at the regional level and, above all, in the south of Russia, with its ethnic and religious diversity.
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Valiyev, Anar, and Narmina Mamishova. "Azerbaijan’s foreign policy towards Russia since independence: compromise achieved." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 19, no. 2 (2019): 269–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2019.1578053.
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Levchenkov, Alexandr S. "THE CONCEPT OF THE BALTIC-BLACK SEA ARC AND UKRAINIAN FOREIGN POLICY (1990 - EARLY 2000)." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian studies. History. Political science. International relations, no. 4 (2020): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2020-4-89-108.
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The article analyzes the influence of the concepts of the Intermarium and the Baltic-Black Sea Arc on the formation of Ukraine’s foreign policy in 1990 – early 2000. The use of these concepts in American, European and Ukrainian geopolitical thought, which historically included the idea of opposing Russian influence in the region, contributed to the increase in tension and was aimed at further disintegration of the Western flank of the post-Soviet space. The article proves that the design of the Euro-Atlantic vector of Ukraine’s foreign policy was already active under the first two Ukrainian presidents – Leonid Kravchuk (1991–1994) and Leonid Kuchma (1994–2005). One of the concrete attempts to implement the idea of forming a common political, economic, transport and logistics space of the Black Sea-Caspian region with a promising expansion of the cooperation zone to the whole of Eastern Europe and the Eastern Baltic during the presidency of Leonid Kuchma was the foundation and launch of a new regional organization, Organization for Democracy and Economic Development, better known as GUAM (composed by the initial letters of names of member states – Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Moldova; when Uzbekistan was also a member of Organization for Democracy and Economic Development, the name of the organization was GUUAM), which is an alternative to Eurasian projects with the participation of Russia.