Relevant bibliographies by topics / Foreign policy of France

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Foreign policy of France'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Foreign policy of France"

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E. Osipov. "Foreign Policy of France: Moving Away From Gaullism." International Affairs 62, no. 003 (June 30, 2016): 191–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/iaf.46827291.

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Mitrofanova, O. "The Evolution of France’s Foreign and Domestic Policy (1946-1958)." Problems of World History, no. 10 (February 27, 2020): 166–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-10-10.

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The article is devoted to the study of the evolution of the foreign and domestic policies of France in the post-war period. The position of heads of leading states during the Yalta Conference and its implications for France are studied. The general situation in France in the post-war period and the struggle of various political forces are investigated. The participation of France in the founding of the UN, the status of a permanent member of the UN Security Council and the veto is disclosed. The concept of the military policy of General C. de Gaulle is highlighted, which was a consistent doctrine and was already formed in 1949-1955. The article analyzes the Dunkirk French-British agreement on alliance and mutual assistance of March 4, 1947. The factor of the American presence in France and the policy of US assistance to France are considered. The approaches of French politicians to the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty are analyzed. The collapse of the French colonial empire and the concentration of its foreign policy strategy on the development of purely European structures are investigated. It is proved that the potential of France, despite its difficult post-war socio-economic situation, prompted the Allies to take into account its position in world space. However, on the other hand, France’s dependence on assistance, in particular, the Marshall Plan, made it impossible to exclude France from participating in the geopolitical confrontation, which gave rise to the Cold War and made clear its choice. It is summarized that the phenomenon of the rapid restoration of France’s potential after the World War ІІ, the successful spread of “gaullism” are very indicative examples of the significant success of French diplomacy and the role of the individual in history, which is capable of achieving unexpected results. Although in the twentieth century. the prestige of the French language as a language of diplomacy was gradually declining, the maneuvering of France in the setting up of a bipolar world provided this country with a particularly unique place in world politics.
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Fard, Rebin. "The New Foreign-Policy Pendulum: Geopolitical Codes of German Foreign Policy in the Post-bipolar World Order." Politics in Central Europe 15, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 383–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2019-0022.

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AbstractThis article deals with the question of how German foreign policy can be characterized from a geopolitical perspective in an era in which the constellation of world politics is undergoing change, as evidenced by the conflict in Ukraine, shift in US foreign policy under President Trump and the on-going Brexit negotiations. In order to identify changes in the geopolitical orientation of German foreign policy and sketch a profile of German foreign policy, the article includes official German government documents. It can be concluded from the study that the geopolitical codes of German foreign policy are of a varying character, and can be characterized into three geopolitical spatial structures: the Atlantic, European and Eurasian regions. In terms of the geopolitical orientation of German foreign policy, the Federal Government develops German strategy in a multipolar world system, in which it aims to turn Europe into a world power. While the continued existence of NATO remains a goal of German foreign policy, the Federal Government, in unison with France, seeks a multipolar world order, in which Germany and France assume leading roles within the European spatial structure, and are liberated from US supremacy in the transatlantic spatial structure.
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Osipov, Evgeny Aleksandrovich. "French “Mirages” in Libya in 1970 as a symbol of “new Arab” policy of France." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 12 (December 2020): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.12.34569.

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The relations with Arab countries have always been an intrinsic component of French foreign policy, predominately in the de Gaulle's Fifth Republic. Namely in the 1960s the General de Gaulle laid the groundwork for the so-called “new Arab” policy of France, intended for consolidation of the country's role in the Middle East and the Mediterranean, as well as for overcoming issues in the relationship with Arab countries caused the colonial past of France. Leaning on the wide range of scientific literature and sources, including the documents from the Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France, the author reviews the circumstances of signing a major contract by France for delivering arms to Libya in 1970, few months after the Libyan Revolution and assumption of power by Muammar Gaddafi. The signed in 1970 Franco-Libyan agreement was congruent with the overall context of “new Arab” policy of Gaullist France, and can be regarded as its symbol. Special attention is given to the factors that prompted French leadership to military cooperation with Libya, although France was aware that it could aggravation relations not only with Israel, but also with the United States. Along with the interests of French military-industrial complex, oil factor, and, prospects for the development of Franco-Libyan cooperation, an important role played rivalry between France, USSR and the countries of socialist camp, the activity of which increased in the third world countries during the 1960s – 1970s. In a way, namely the concerns about the growing influence of Moscow in the Middle East and the Mediterranean accelerated the “new Arab” policy of France.
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Bourmaud, Daniel. "France in Africa: African Politics and French Foreign Policy." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 2 (1995): 58–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502054.

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French policy in Africa is at a crossroads. Forced to consider among choices that appeared entrenched in the past, France now hesitates to implement essential reforms. The reluctance to carve out a new conception of French-African relations is in part tied to the magnitude of the changes which have affected African states south of the Sahara since 1989, but it is also tied to the generalized failure of French aid policies since the Second World War. The result has been a conceptual vacuum in French policy towards Africa, reflected in the oscillation between the old practices, including very controversial ones, and the structural adjustments in which France is little more than an interested observer.
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Chin, Rachel. "History and Foreign Policy: Franco-British Cooperation towards Greek Independence 1828–1830." Britain and the World 14, no. 2 (September 2021): 151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2021.0370.

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On 6 July 1827 the Treaty of London committed France, Britain, and Russia to working together to mediate the question of Greek independence. This was one of the first examples of Franco-British cooperation after the Napoleonic Wars. Although officials on both sides of the Channel publicly celebrated Franco-British cooperation over the Greek affair, behind closed doors policy makers remained suspicious of each other's intentions. This article explores how the memory and experience of the Napoleonic conflict influenced French and British policy making during the Greek independence struggle between 1828 and 1830. It argues that the memories of these conflicts fostered cultures of Franco-British rivalry that were discernible in the highest levels of policy making as well as in parliamentary and press opinion. These misgivings, embedded in notions of natural and historic rivalry, played an important role in mediating how policy makers viewed, judged, responded to, and justified their own and their counterpart's policies and policy motivations.
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Bourmaud, Daniel. "France in Africa: African Politics and French Foreign Policy." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 2 (1995): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1166509.

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Kornilov, Alexander Alekseevich, and Alexandra Ilyinichna Afonshina. "Gaullism and Neogaullism: Foreign Policy Continuity and Dynamics in France." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 256–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-2-256-263.

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Article describes the main priorities and objectives of foreign policy of Gaullism and neogaullism, trying to underline those elements that remain untouched during the decades and those that have been transformed due to the changes on the international arena. Besides, the authors focus on the notion of “grandeur” that was extensively used by the general de Gaulle, and estimate the direct influence of this concept on the French foreign policy. The main foreign policy priorities of Charles de Gaulle include independent foreign policy, status quo change in the bipolar world and great power status regain. Foreign policy priorities of neogaullists, Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy, haven’t been changed so far, but the ways of achieving goals are different now. Both presidents have been trying to develop the EU integration, even through strengthening the supranational institutions, and develop the integration with NATO (Sarkozy even returned France to the military structures of NATO). France, led by neogaullists, also conducted an active policy in the Mediterranean, cooperating not only with traditional partners (Arab states) but making attempts to restore relations with Israel. Sarkozy launched the idea of the Mediterranean Union that had the aim to strengthen the influence of France in the region, boost cooperation with Mediterranean countries and solve the numerous problems that all of them were facing. But this idea wasn’t realized as it was supposed to. In general, neogaullists follow the main principles of Charles de Gaulle, also responding to the current challenges. It’s worth mentioning that the authors analyze the foreign policy of French presidents holistically from the point of view of neogaullism, trying to evaluate the level of continuity during the decades and conclude whether the provisions of Gaullism are relevant for France in the 21st century.
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Morzheedov, Vladislav Gennad'evich. "The models of German political space in France’s foreign policy of the XIX century." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 6 (June 2021): 56–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.6.35989.

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The subject of this research is the relations between Napoleonic France and German states in the early XIX century. The object of this research is the various models of the development of German political space during the Napoleonic Wars. Analysis is conducted on the role of France in transformations that influences the Holy Roman Empire, as well as in the process of creating Confederation of the Rhine. Under the reign of Napoleon Bonaparte, France pursues active foreign policy, competing for hegemony in Europe. The article considers positive and negative consequences of transformations that took place in the German political space, the importance of political modernization for the Confederation of the Rhine member-states, as well as the corresponding territorial and institutional changes. The novelty of this work lies in the original approach towards the problem. An attempt is made to reconsider the known events of the early XIX century from the perspective of evolution of the models of German political space. The research employs chronological, historical-comparative, and historical-systematic methods. It is claimed that without analyzing the impact of foreign policy of Napoleonic France upon the German states, it is impossible to fully understand the trends of further development of Germany, goals and ways of reaching national unity, and peculiarities of Franco-German relations in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The main conclusion lies in recognition of the contradictory nature of transformations that took place in the German states, assessment of the ambiguous role of Napoleonic France in the German integration process, and importance of studying this topic for outlining further historical path of development of the German states towards political unity.
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N. Litvak. "Morals in the Foreign Policy and Diplomacy of Contemporary France." International Affairs 62, no. 005 (October 31, 2016): 137–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/iaf.47559226.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Foreign policy of France"

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Aggestam, Lisbeth. "A European foreign policy? : role conceptions and the politics of identity in Britain, France and Germany /." Stockholm : Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-274.

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Rein, Hampus Carl Gustaf. "French Foreign and Security Policy Roles under François Hollande : A Role Theory Foreign Policy Analysis." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6582.

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This bachelor’s thesis in Political Science, is essentially a study of contemporary French foreign and security policy ‘roles’. Drawing on a doctoral thesis by Lisbeth Aggestam (2004), it investigates French National Role Conceptions, using Foreign Policy Analysis Role Theory. It thoroughly examines the nature of foreign policy-making and, notably, it explores the notions of foreign policy ‘roles’, ‘identity’ and ‘national role conceptions’. The study encompasses over twenty key foreign and security policy centred allocutions delivered by the present French President, François Hollande, between the years 2012-16. Primarily, it aims at answering whether French National Role Conceptions, as conceived of by Aggestam at the turn of the millennium, are still relevant for the understanding of current French foreign and security policy and action. Aggestam’s French national ‘role-set’ therefore serves as the eminent point of reference and comparison throughout the analysis. In a broader sense, the essay also aims at investigating the ideational basis to contemporary French foreign and security policy roles. More narrowly, a special consideration has been accorded the notion of ‘Europe de la défense’ (Europe of defence), a key idea in modern French foreign and security policy. The principal findings of the analysis show that most of the French National Role Conceptions identified by Aggestam, continue to be relevant. On the ideational level, France’s current self-image is arguably even more intimately suffused by the notion of ‘Europe’. On the foreign and security policy area, this is reflected in the continued French aim of constructing ‘Europe de la défense’, which is central to the general understanding of the French role-set. Lastly, the investigation supports the notion that French foreign and security policy roles are nourished by a ‘realistic idealism’, as advanced by Aggestam.
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Styan, David A. "Franco-Iraqi relations and Fifth Republic foreign policy, 1958-1990." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/15/.

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This study analyses the evolution of France's relations with Iraq since 1958. It seeks to understand the motivations behind French government, state and private sector interests in Iraq. This is done in the dual context of France's economic rivalry with other western powers in the Middle East, and the Iraqi state's attempts to follow an independent foreign policy while using its oil revenues to rapidly industrialise and arm itself. The text first charts France's rivalry with Britain in the ex-Ottoman empire and its fears of Anglo-American domination of oil supplies. It then demonstrates that while France's early links with Israel continued under President De Gaulle, by the mid sixties they had been eclipsed by the commercial importance of trade with Arab states. The core text then focuses on France's relationship with Iraq since 1958, the year in which new governments came to power in both states. Despite the 1972 nationalisation of the Iraq Petroleum company, in which France had a 25% stake, French politicians and businessmen nevertheless gained favourable access to oil supplies, greatly increasing their exports of defence and high technology products, including a nuclear reactor, to Iraq during the seventies. The Iran-Iraq war (1980-88) intensified both bilateral trade links and the indebtedness of Iraq to France. By the mid-eighties what become a de-facto alliance generated severe problems for France's middle eastern policies, particularly towards Iran. The central themes of the study are the processes of foreign policy formation in France, and the extent and impact of economic interests underlying policy making. The thesis argues that substantial state ownership in France's oil, defence and aeronautical industries, coupled with the common interests and interpretations of a relatively homogeneous and interconnected corps of businessmen, politicians and civil servants, helps explain the continuity of French policy in the region. This is seen to be true despite the change of government (from Gaullist to Socialist) in France in May 1981.
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Raphala, Mmapitsi Grateful. "A critique of the foreign policy of France towards Africa :case studies of Central African Republic and Ivory Coast, 2007-2014." Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/2010.

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Thesis (M. A. (International Politics)) --University of Limpopo, 2017
Many Western and Central African countries were colonised by France from the early 17th century until the early 1960s. However, Africa has continued to be the private hunting ground for France in the post-independence period. This is because France still needs African resources, particularly its oil. In fact, Africa holds a strategic position for French foreign policy. Therefore, when France gave independence to its African colonies, it did not really mean it was completely disengaging from Africa. In essence, a package was imposed on Francophone African countries which tied them to the revitalised African states to preserve French colonial status. Moreover, France‟s heavy involvement in African countries has earned it a perception of being a police officer of the continent. Within this premise, due to protracted conflicts in French African countries, Francophone Africans bank their hope on France to assist in offering just and lasting solutions to the complex challenges facing their countries. This should be understood within the context that France maintained a significant colonial empire in the continent for almost a century and a half. Nevertheless, France attempts to uphold hegemonic foothold in Francophone Africa through political, economic and cultural connections while the security of Africans is threatened. With this in mind, this study critiques the French foreign policy towards Africa and it uses Ivory Coast and Central African Republic as case studies. These two countries are chosen given their recent conflicts and their assistance in critiquing the French position in African complex challenges. This study also adopted the use of document review and interviews to generate data.
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Fremont, Gregory Benjamin Austin. "Britain's role in the formation of the third coalition against France 1802-1805." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315852.

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Ozcurumez, Saime. "Opportunities re-structured, policy actors re-defined : EU immigration policy and Turkish migrant associations in France and Germany." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85195.

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This study investigates the supranational policy engagement of Turkish migrant associations in France and Germany in EU immigration policy process from a comparative perspective. It seeks the answer to the following question: What explains similarities and differences in terms of forms and levels of participation by migrant associations in different national contexts as they engage in the EU immigration policy process? In addressing this question, it analyzes the forms and levels of migrants' supranational engagement by focusing on the combined impact of emerging macro-level political opportunity structures (EU institutional context and EU) and micro-level (collective action problems of nationally organized stakeholders) variables.
The study claims that in spite of the newly introduced supranational channels into the EU policy process, the collective organizational experience at the national level locks-in a certain path dependency that holds back the new policy actors (migrant groups) from making full use of EU-level opportunities. Consequently an incompatibility surfaces between the supranational opportunities provided by the EU and the capabilities of national-level stakeholders who intend to use them. Through an examination of two cases, this study claims that there exists a supranational opportunity/national capability rift in terms of stakeholder participation in EU policy processes. Underlying this rift are the problems intrinsic to the design of supranational opportunities which impair their potential to cater to national-level clients. At the same time, while national-level capabilities allow actors to operate in the domestic context (albeit with problems), they are not readily transposed so as to permit reaping supranational benefits.
Accordingly, this study claims that despite the variety and extensiveness of EU efforts, the re-definition of the dynamics of policy involvement and the expansion of the policy space to include multiple stakeholders remain at an incipient stage. The problems and limits of activities at the supranational level continue to originate from constraints associated with the nation state as much, if not more, than the problems of the supranational channels themselves.
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Thomas, Martin. "France in British foreign policy : the search for European settlement, March 1936 - June 1937." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.332885.

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Niemoller, Bernd. "West German foreign policy, France and the question of a political Europe, 1958-1963." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413156.

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Niemöller, Bernd Thomas Albert. "West German foreign policy, France and the question of a political Europe, 1958-1963." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.621534.

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Marks, Martha Staley. "United States policy toward Tunisian nationalism during World War II." PDXScholar, 1985. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3664.

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This thesis has attempted to describe the controversy between Robert Murphy and Hooker Doolittle over American policy toward the North Africans and French during World War II. The research was based primarily on material from State Department documents found in the National Archives supplemented by material from the French archives as well as memoirs, personal interviews, and histories of the period. In order for the reader to understand this particular dispute, the problem was developed in the context of the larger political scene as it evolved in North Africa. The controversy between de Gaulle and Giraud was described since it tended to dominate relations between the United States and France at that time. As a result of the research, it was obvious that Murphy's position prevailed, but not without raising important questions about the long term implications of this position.
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Books on the topic "Foreign policy of France"

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Woodhouse, Roger. British policy towards France, 1945-51. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995.

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Krotz, Ulrich. History and Foreign Policy in France and Germany. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230353954.

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Foreign policy and discourse analysis: France, Britain, and Europe. London: Routledge/LSE, 1997.

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Foreign students and government policy: Britain, France and Germany. Washington, D.C: American Council on Education, 1985.

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Economic crisis and French foreign policy, 1930-1936. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1989.

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Harbulot, Christian. La France doit dire non. Paris: Plon, 1999.

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Anglo-American policy towards the free French. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995.

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La France au défi. Paris: Fayard, 2014.

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Bitsch, Marie-Thérèse. La Belgique entre la France et l'Allemagne, 1905-1914. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1994.

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The Europeanization of French foreign policy: France and the EU in East Asia. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.

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Book chapters on the topic "Foreign policy of France"

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Venning, Timothy. "England, France and Dunkirk, 1657–8." In Cromwellian Foreign Policy, 137–52. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230376830_10.

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Venning, Timothy. "1656 — England Delays an Offensive Alliance with France." In Cromwellian Foreign Policy, 113–24. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230376830_8.

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Guyomarch, Alain, Howard Machin, and Ella Ritchie. "Common Foreign and Security Policy." In France in the European Union, 104–28. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26584-8_5.

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Venning, Timothy. "The Verge of a Breach with France: July 1654–March 1655." In Cromwellian Foreign Policy, 55–70. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230376830_4.

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Potter, David. "French Foreign Policy, 1460–1560." In A History of France, 1460–1560, 251–83. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23848-4_9.

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Gross, Eva. "France: Exporting National Preferences." In The Europeanization of National Foreign Policy, 91–121. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230233850_4.

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Richter, Friederike, and Martial Foucault. "French Foreign Policy: Make France Great Again?" In Foreign Policy Change in Europe Since 1991, 127–53. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-68218-7_6.

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Salem, Ahmed Ali. "Tunisia’s foreign policy towards France before and after an undemanding “revolution”." In African Foreign Policies, 159–79. New York: Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429328237-10.

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Wong, Reuben. "France in East Asia: the Europeanisation of French Foreign Policy." In France on the World Stage, 57–76. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230582934_4.

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Krotz, Ulrich. "Historical Construction, International Relations Theory, and Foreign Policy." In History and Foreign Policy in France and Germany, 24–40. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230353954_3.

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Conference papers on the topic "Foreign policy of France"

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Densmaa, Oyuntsetseg, Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa, Norovsuren Nanzad, and Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar. "MONGOLIA’S “THIRD NEIGHBOR POLICY”." In Proceedings of the XXV International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25012021/7365.

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Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.
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Marusynets, Marianna, and Kyryl Kotun. "Strategies for Adult Education Development in the European Educational Space and International Organizations’ Activities." In ATEE 2020 - Winter Conference. Teacher Education for Promoting Well-Being in School. LUMEN Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/atee2020/18.

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Nowadays, the development of adult education as an important lifelong learning component is conditioned not only by the dynamics of social, scientific and technological progress, changes in the scope and nature of work, increasing leisure time, and opportunities for its rational use but also by the social role of both society and personality. Non-formal youth and adult education is becoming important in the context of ensuring the sustainable and balanced development of society. For the past two decades, adult education as a component of lifelong learning has been a defining goal of education policy in developed countries at the national and international levels. Adult education is considered a social indicator of the state policy human dimension, one of the ways to achieve socio-economic well-being, and a tool for promoting the ideas of the information and knowledge society. The problem of ensuring access to lifelong learning is becoming a priority, and its solution is possible only taking into account the achievements of foreign countries, including European ones, which are reviewed in the article (Austria, Poland, Liechtenstein, France, Spain, Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Ukraine). The article outlines the European countries` experience in the field of adult education and describes a network of lifelong learning institutions; it is identified strategic directions for the development of continuing education.
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Yurttançıkmaz, Ziya Çağlar, Selahattin Sarı, Çağatay Karaköy, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "The Foreign Trade of Uzbekistan Economy and Its Competitiveness Power." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c10.02136.

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Uzbekistan, one of the highest population density and historically most influential countries in the Central Asian countries, has gained political independence in 1991. Among the transition economies during the post-independence period, it is noteworthy that Uzbekistan was the reformist country at the outset, however the most striking feature is the stagnation of reforms in the ongoing time frame. In this context, incorporation into the world economy, there has been a rapid growth in foreign trade with border countries, in particularly Russia, China and Turkey. In the study, Uzbekistan's foreign trade was examined for the period of 1995-2016, and with using Balassa index, which goods groups were superior and which were weaker were researched. In the analysis according to SITC Rev.3, Uzbekistan's competitive power against its natural resource rich neighbors like Russia and Kazakhstan is weaker outside a few sectors; whereas the need for natural resources such as Turkey and China were found to be high across the high country of the competitiveness. This indicates that a competitive power based on natural resources has developed in the country's economy. In other words, it is observed that Uzbekistan has remained its competitive power based on natural resources in general and has also made a breakthrough in various processed goods and chemical sectors recent years. It can be said that this last development will contribute to the development of the emphasis on supporting policy implementations.
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Dharmaputra, Radityo, Agastya Wardhana, and M. Anugrah Pratama. "Strategic Culture and Foreign Policy: Assessing Indonesian Foreign Policy under Yudhoyono (2004-2014)." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010272400090020.

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Triwahyuni, Dewi. "American Foreign Policy in Cyberspace." In Proceedings of the International Conference on Business, Economic, Social Science, and Humanities – Humanities and Social Sciences Track (ICOBEST-HSS 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200108.010.

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Ekaputra, Satryatama, and Citra Hennida. "National Attributes on Foreign Policy: India Act East Policy." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010280505750580.

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Mulatu, Abay Mulatu. "ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY AND FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT." In 35th International Academic Conference, Barcelona. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/iac.2018.935.033.

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Carter, Michael, Mark R. Grabau, and Michael Kram. "Using simulation to influence foreign policy." In the 31st conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/324898.325084.

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Barov, Sergey. "CHINA`S FOREIGN POLICY IN EAST ASIA." In 5th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018/1.2/s01.003.

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"Erdogan’s Concerns and Turkish Foreign Policy Priorities." In 2020 International Conference on Social Science and Education Research. Scholar Publishing Group, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.38007/proceedings.0001740.

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Reports on the topic "Foreign policy of France"

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Bandyopadhyay, Subhayu, Todd Sandler, and Javed Younas. Foreign Aid as Counterterrorism Policy. Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.20955/wp.2009.021.

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Lloyd, Richmond M., and William B. Ruger. American Foreign Policy: Regional Perspectives. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada530818.

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mason, j. d. Report of Official Foreign Travel to France May 8-27, 1998. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), June 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/4290.

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J.D. Mason. Report of official foreign travel to France, June 7--20, 2000. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), July 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/758860.

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Hoffman, F. O. (Radiological incidents, Tours, France, June 18--June 24, 1988): Foreign trip report. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), July 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/6074721.

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Gawande, Kishore, Pravin Krishna, and Michael Robbins. Foreign Lobbies and US Trade Policy. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w10205.

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Crawford, W. S. Anti-Americanism and U.S. Foreign Policy. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada415088.

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Kaplan, Lawrence. Foreign Policy Continuity: War Finds Us. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada515803.

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Young, Claud R., and Jr. Strengthening Foreign Policy Through Public Diplomacy. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada424213.

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Grant, James M. United States Foreign Policy Toward Nicaragua. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada220627.

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