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Aggestam, Lisbeth. "A European foreign policy? : role conceptions and the politics of identity in Britain, France and Germany /." Stockholm : Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-274.
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Rein, Hampus Carl Gustaf. "French Foreign and Security Policy Roles under François Hollande : A Role Theory Foreign Policy Analysis." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6582.
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This bachelor’s thesis in Political Science, is essentially a study of contemporary French foreign and security policy ‘roles’. Drawing on a doctoral thesis by Lisbeth Aggestam (2004), it investigates French National Role Conceptions, using Foreign Policy Analysis Role Theory. It thoroughly examines the nature of foreign policy-making and, notably, it explores the notions of foreign policy ‘roles’, ‘identity’ and ‘national role conceptions’. The study encompasses over twenty key foreign and security policy centred allocutions delivered by the present French President, François Hollande, between the years 2012-16. Primarily, it aims at answering whether French National Role Conceptions, as conceived of by Aggestam at the turn of the millennium, are still relevant for the understanding of current French foreign and security policy and action. Aggestam’s French national ‘role-set’ therefore serves as the eminent point of reference and comparison throughout the analysis. In a broader sense, the essay also aims at investigating the ideational basis to contemporary French foreign and security policy roles. More narrowly, a special consideration has been accorded the notion of ‘Europe de la défense’ (Europe of defence), a key idea in modern French foreign and security policy. The principal findings of the analysis show that most of the French National Role Conceptions identified by Aggestam, continue to be relevant. On the ideational level, France’s current self-image is arguably even more intimately suffused by the notion of ‘Europe’. On the foreign and security policy area, this is reflected in the continued French aim of constructing ‘Europe de la défense’, which is central to the general understanding of the French role-set. Lastly, the investigation supports the notion that French foreign and security policy roles are nourished by a ‘realistic idealism’, as advanced by Aggestam.
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Styan, David A. "Franco-Iraqi relations and Fifth Republic foreign policy, 1958-1990." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/15/.
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This study analyses the evolution of France's relations with Iraq since 1958. It seeks to understand the motivations behind French government, state and private sector interests in Iraq. This is done in the dual context of France's economic rivalry with other western powers in the Middle East, and the Iraqi state's attempts to follow an independent foreign policy while using its oil revenues to rapidly industrialise and arm itself. The text first charts France's rivalry with Britain in the ex-Ottoman empire and its fears of Anglo-American domination of oil supplies. It then demonstrates that while France's early links with Israel continued under President De Gaulle, by the mid sixties they had been eclipsed by the commercial importance of trade with Arab states. The core text then focuses on France's relationship with Iraq since 1958, the year in which new governments came to power in both states. Despite the 1972 nationalisation of the Iraq Petroleum company, in which France had a 25% stake, French politicians and businessmen nevertheless gained favourable access to oil supplies, greatly increasing their exports of defence and high technology products, including a nuclear reactor, to Iraq during the seventies. The Iran-Iraq war (1980-88) intensified both bilateral trade links and the indebtedness of Iraq to France. By the mid-eighties what become a de-facto alliance generated severe problems for France's middle eastern policies, particularly towards Iran. The central themes of the study are the processes of foreign policy formation in France, and the extent and impact of economic interests underlying policy making. The thesis argues that substantial state ownership in France's oil, defence and aeronautical industries, coupled with the common interests and interpretations of a relatively homogeneous and interconnected corps of businessmen, politicians and civil servants, helps explain the continuity of French policy in the region. This is seen to be true despite the change of government (from Gaullist to Socialist) in France in May 1981.
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Raphala, Mmapitsi Grateful. "A critique of the foreign policy of France towards Africa :case studies of Central African Republic and Ivory Coast, 2007-2014." Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/2010.
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Thesis (M. A. (International Politics)) --University of Limpopo, 2017Many Western and Central African countries were colonised by France from the early 17th century until the early 1960s. However, Africa has continued to be the private hunting ground for France in the post-independence period. This is because France still needs African resources, particularly its oil. In fact, Africa holds a strategic position for French foreign policy. Therefore, when France gave independence to its African colonies, it did not really mean it was completely disengaging from Africa. In essence, a package was imposed on Francophone African countries which tied them to the revitalised African states to preserve French colonial status. Moreover, France‟s heavy involvement in African countries has earned it a perception of being a police officer of the continent. Within this premise, due to protracted conflicts in French African countries, Francophone Africans bank their hope on France to assist in offering just and lasting solutions to the complex challenges facing their countries. This should be understood within the context that France maintained a significant colonial empire in the continent for almost a century and a half. Nevertheless, France attempts to uphold hegemonic foothold in Francophone Africa through political, economic and cultural connections while the security of Africans is threatened. With this in mind, this study critiques the French foreign policy towards Africa and it uses Ivory Coast and Central African Republic as case studies. These two countries are chosen given their recent conflicts and their assistance in critiquing the French position in African complex challenges. This study also adopted the use of document review and interviews to generate data.
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Fremont, Gregory Benjamin Austin. "Britain's role in the formation of the third coalition against France 1802-1805." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315852.
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Ozcurumez, Saime. "Opportunities re-structured, policy actors re-defined : EU immigration policy and Turkish migrant associations in France and Germany." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85195.
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This study investigates the supranational policy engagement of Turkish migrant associations in France and Germany in EU immigration policy process from a comparative perspective. It seeks the answer to the following question: What explains similarities and differences in terms of forms and levels of participation by migrant associations in different national contexts as they engage in the EU immigration policy process? In addressing this question, it analyzes the forms and levels of migrants' supranational engagement by focusing on the combined impact of emerging macro-level political opportunity structures (EU institutional context and EU) and micro-level (collective action problems of nationally organized stakeholders) variables.The study claims that in spite of the newly introduced supranational channels into the EU policy process, the collective organizational experience at the national level locks-in a certain path dependency that holds back the new policy actors (migrant groups) from making full use of EU-level opportunities. Consequently an incompatibility surfaces between the supranational opportunities provided by the EU and the capabilities of national-level stakeholders who intend to use them. Through an examination of two cases, this study claims that there exists a supranational opportunity/national capability rift in terms of stakeholder participation in EU policy processes. Underlying this rift are the problems intrinsic to the design of supranational opportunities which impair their potential to cater to national-level clients. At the same time, while national-level capabilities allow actors to operate in the domestic context (albeit with problems), they are not readily transposed so as to permit reaping supranational benefits.
Accordingly, this study claims that despite the variety and extensiveness of EU efforts, the re-definition of the dynamics of policy involvement and the expansion of the policy space to include multiple stakeholders remain at an incipient stage. The problems and limits of activities at the supranational level continue to originate from constraints associated with the nation state as much, if not more, than the problems of the supranational channels themselves.
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Thomas, Martin. "France in British foreign policy : the search for European settlement, March 1936 - June 1937." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.332885.
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Niemoller, Bernd. "West German foreign policy, France and the question of a political Europe, 1958-1963." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413156.
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Niemöller, Bernd Thomas Albert. "West German foreign policy, France and the question of a political Europe, 1958-1963." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.621534.
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Marks, Martha Staley. "United States policy toward Tunisian nationalism during World War II." PDXScholar, 1985. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3664.
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This thesis has attempted to describe the controversy between Robert Murphy and Hooker Doolittle over American policy toward the North Africans and French during World War II. The research was based primarily on material from State Department documents found in the National Archives supplemented by material from the French archives as well as memoirs, personal interviews, and histories of the period. In order for the reader to understand this particular dispute, the problem was developed in the context of the larger political scene as it evolved in North Africa. The controversy between de Gaulle and Giraud was described since it tended to dominate relations between the United States and France at that time. As a result of the research, it was obvious that Murphy's position prevailed, but not without raising important questions about the long term implications of this position.
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Condren, John. "Louis XIV et le repos de l'Italie : French policy towards the duchies of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, 1659-1689." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8259.
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Between 1659 and 1689, northern Italy was generally at peace, having endured almost three decades of continuous war from the 1620s. The Peace of the Pyrenees of November 1659, between the French and Spanish crowns, seemed to offer the young Louis XIV an opportunity to gradually subvert Spanish influence over the small princely families of the Po valley. The Houses of Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga-Nevers, respective rulers of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, had all been allies of France at various points in the Franco-Spanish War (1635-1659), but had gained scant reward for their willingness to jeopardise their own relationships with the king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, despite the promises of material and diplomatic support which Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin had extended to them. As a consequence, they were reluctant to agree to again participate in alliances with France. This thesis examines how Louis XIV gradually came to lose the friendship of these three ruling families, through his arrogant disregard of their interests and their ambitions, and also by his contempt for their capabilities and usefulness. This disregard was frequently born out of the French monarch's unwillingness to jeopardise or to undermine his own interests in Italy – in particular, the permanent retention of the fortress of Pinerolo, in Piedmont, as a porte onto the Po plain. But although the principi padani comprehended the reasons for Louis's unwillingness to act as a benevolent patron, they resented his all-too-palpable distrust of them; his entrenched belief that they were unreliable; and his obvious love of war. The rulers and élites of the Italian states believed that Louis would undoubtedly seek, at some point in his reign, to attack Spain's possessions in Italy, and dwelt in perpetual dread of that day. This thesis provides the account of French policy towards the small Italian states after 1659 which is still absent from the historiography of Louis XIV's foreign policies.
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Bahcecik, Serif Onur. "France And The Search For Autonomy In European Security." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12605161/index.pdf.
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This thesis depicts the French security and foreign policy regarding European security. The study covers French foreign and security policy in the aftermath of the Second World War, the period of Charles de Gaulle, François Mitterrand and Jacques Chirac. The theme of autonomy in European security is maintained throughout the years under scrutiny. It is argued that the search for autonomy has been a constant goal of the French security and foreign policy. It is also maintained that France has a policy of employing organizations like NATO and European Union as an instrument to advance its own causes, where possible.
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Mbemap, Mamouda. "Governing elite and civil society in Côte d'Ivoire : the construction of foreign policy towards France (1973-1995)." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 1998. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/governing-elite-and-civil-society-in-cote-divoire(ea157aae-6b87-49cb-a134-25b343f157f5).html.
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Langlois, Thomas. "European Security and Foreign Policy in a post-Cold War era. A study of France, Germany and Great Britain." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-4314.
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During the Cold War era, the edifice of the world configuration was built on a bipolar structure. The security of west European countries was not only important in the eyes of the Europeans but also in the American ones. But the end of this era in 1989-91 also put an end to this world structure and brought it into a unipolar one. The US became the world hegemon and Europe started to fear that US security priority would not remain Europe in the awakening of this structure. Therefore, some improvements occurred in terms of EU cooperation security in the framework of the conflict in Kuwait, but the main change happened because of the conflict in Ex-Yugoslavia. Especially Great Britain and France became aware of the need to develop an EU military capability in order to handle autonomous peace-keeping operations, outside of the NATO framework. The EU understood that any action developed by NATO was reliant on the US and without the support of the US the possibility to operate was restrained.
The move towards a more autonomous European security from the cooperation within NATO created a fear of loss of American influence over European politics. However, when the EU stated that NATO would remain the primary organisation to handle European security matters and that the CFSP would only reinforce the European pillar of NATO, the US appeared to support the cementation of this pillar.
France, Germany and Great Britain are contributing actively to the development of this pillar and they have all their reasons to support it. Germany is self-committed to the European integration process and cooperation in order, on one hand, to inhibit the raise of nationalism into Germany and on the other hand, to use it as a mean to play a major role in the international arena. France is a medium size power trying to keep its voice in the world arena. Its presence in the EU is marked by its strong link with Germany to enhance its role internationally. France uses the EU in order to promote its national interests. Great Britain maintains special relations vis-à-vis of the US and has not the desire to commit to any European cooperation that could hurt or threaten this link. But Great Britain changed its attitude towards its foreign and security policy due to its new interpretation of the structure during the Ex-Yugoslavian conflict. Therefore, its policy shifted in the need to develop a closer EU cooperation within the security, even if they stated that NATO still remains the primary organisation to handle European Security. This change is also strategic because Great Britain is motivated to become a EU leader instead of a spoiler.
The EU has to face a number of issues in different areas before it will be able to implement an efficient CFSP. First of all, the military capability gap that has widened the dependence on NATO military assets. Secondly, the difficult decision making process that has to deal with the domestic demands of all MS generated by a reluctance in ceding sovereignty of security matters to a qualified majority vote.
The development of the CFSP has electrified the transatlantic relations creating tensions but nothing that will damage the transatlantic link between the EU and the US. The CFSP will become complementary of NATO and not a competitor at all. The military capabilities and the domestic demands of all EU MS will guarantee this statement. The US will remain an unenthusiastic global actor in a unipolar world, pushing the international agenda in favour of a unilateral approach.
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Chiesi, Lundgren Giuliana, and Felicia Fernelius. "Can France really stop them? : A study grounded on the realist perspective about the French foreign policy towards Syria as the root cause of the Phenomenon of French Foreign Fighters." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Statsvetenskap, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-21369.
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During the Syrian conflict the number of European Foreign Fighters has increased exponentially and has become an ever-growing concern for European policymakers. This phenomenon presents host of major security challenges for European policymakers and governments. Among European countries, France provides the highest number of citizens who have gone to Syria to fight against Assad´s regime. The French authorities have estimated that by mid-2014, over 700 French citizens have left France and travelled to Syria to fight. Historically France has had a relationship with Syria which started with its role as a border-drawing colonial power. Grounded in a framework of realism, that emphasizes nation-states as the primary actor within the international system, the analysis concentrates on the role of France´s foreign policy on the Syria as push factor for terrorism and radicalization. This paper attempts to determinate a specific correlation between the policy that France has been conducting towards Syria between 2000 and 2015, and the phenomenon of French Foreign Fighters. Findings suggest that France´s foreign policy towards Syria is the main root cause of the French Foreign Fighters phenomenon.
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Pichonnier, Christopher. "La France et la Hongrie (1989-2004)." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BOR30018/document.
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Les relations entre la France et la Hongrie ont été, au fil de l’histoire, placées à la fois sous le signe de la complexité et celui de l’ambiguïté, souvent marquées par une certaine distance et parfois empreintes de ressentiments. Au cours de l'époque de l'époque moderne, l'occupation turque, puis la longue association de la Hongrie aux Habsbourgs ont contribué à dresser, entre les deux pays, des barrières, et à freiner le développement de liens plus conséquents. De manière similaire, au cours du XXe siècle, alors que beaucoup de facteurs géographiques, culturels ou humains auraient du conduire la France à nouer avec la Hongrie les mêmes rapports de confiance et d'amitié qu'avec les autres capitales d'Europe centre-orientale, les deux Guerres mondiales – et les périodes révisionnistes et communistes qui les ont suivis en Hongrie –, mais aussi la profonde blessure infligée aux Hongrois par le traité du Trianon, ont constamment rejeté les deux États dans des camps opposés et contribué à créer, dans un pays dont l'intelligentsia était pourtant historiquement prompte à « tourner son regard vers Paris », le mythe d'un « amour sans retour » envers la France. Longtemps considérée comme une zone d'influence germanique exclusive, la Hongrie ne représenta ainsi jamais réellement un partenaire privilégié pour la France à l'est du continent et les relations entre les deux pays demeurèrent très largement irrégulières et dissymétriques. Dans ces conditions, les bouleversements des années 1989-1990, tout en offrant l'occasion de redessiner un nouveau paysage européen tourné vers l'avenir, ont autorisé la possibilité d'un nouveau départ des rapports entre les deux États. En se plaçant dans la lignée des recherches réalisées sur les relations entre la France et la Hongrie au cours du XXe siècle, ce travail offre une première analyse du resserrement global des liens entre les deux États dans un contexte nouveau. En partant du constat que les relations franco-hongroises changent de dimension à partir de 1989 – une transformation qui est exposée et analysée – ce travail cherche à comprendre si cette mutation représente la marque d’une modification de la nature réelle de la politique française en Hongrie, alors même que celle-ci n’avait été jusqu’alors traitée que comme une périphérie globalisée dans le cadre d’une « politique de l’Est » très large, et d'autre part si la période marque la fin des absences de Marianne en Hongrie et de plus de « 300 ans d’amour impossible » entre les deux pays. Au crépuscule de la guerre froide et à l'aube de l'élargissement de l'UE, face à l'ampleur des rattrapages à effectuer et à la pesanteur des stéréotypes à surpasser, les années 1989-2004 marquent-elles la fin des relations ambiguës et asymétriques entre la France et la Hongrie et le commencement d'une nouvelle ère des relations franco-hongroises ? Le travail se décompose en quatre parties : une mise en perspective générale du sujet et une première analyse de l'idée de « nouveau départ », une étude de l'évolution des relations culturelles entre les deux États, un développement sur le renforcement des liens économiques bilatéraux, et enfin une étude des relations entre les deux pays à la lumière de la question de l'élargissement euroatlantiqueThroughout history, relations between France and Hungary have been complex and ambiguous, often characterized by a certain distance and sometimes marked by a genuine resentment. During the early modern period, the Turkish occupation and the long association of Hungary to the Habsburg Empire certainly contributed to building barriers between the two states and thus to slowing down the development of stronger ties. In a similar manner, during the 20th century, even though many factors – geographical, cultural, as well as societal – should have led France to develop a similar relationship of confidence and friendship with Hungary as those it had with other central European capitals, the two World Wars – and the revisionist and communist periods that followed in Hungary – as well as the deep “injury” inflicted on the Hungarians by the Treaty of Trianon have constantly pushed both states into opposing camps. In a country where the intelligentsia was historically quick to “look towards Paris”, these factors and events contributed to creating the myth of an “impossible love” between the two countries. Considered for a very long time as a German zone of influence, Hungary never really represented a favored partner for France in the eastern part of the continent, and the relations between the countries remained largely irregular and asymmetrical. Under these conditions, the major upheavals of the years 1989-1990, while offering an opportunity to redesign a new Europe, also allowed a chance for a new start in French-Hungarian relations. This thesis provides the first analysis of the overall strengthening of French-Hungarian relations in this new historical context. Starting with the observation that French-Hungarian relations undergo a change of dimension from 1989 – a transformation that will be discussed and analyzed – our work tries to understand on the one hand whether this mutation represents a modification of the real nature of French foreign policy towards Hungary, given that the country was mostly treated until then as part of the global periphery; and, on the other hand, whether this period marks the end of an absent France in Hungary. At the twilight of the Cold War and the dawn of the EU's enlargement, does the period from 1989 to 2004 mark the end of an ambiguous and asymmetrical relationship between France and Hungary and the start of a new era for French-Hungarian relations? The thesis is divided into four main parts : the first part provides a general overview of the topic and tests the idea of a “new beginning” of French-Hungarian relations. The second part delivers an analysis of the evolution of cultural relations between the two countries from 1989 to 2004. The third part is dedicated to the strengthening of economic ties between the two states. Finally, the last part studies the evolution of the relations between the two countries throughout the process of the EU and NATO's enlargement
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Fultz, Danielle. "Educational Inequalities for First-Generation Magrebian Muslim Youth in France: A Study of the Policies of Education as a Force of Assimilation." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1409051763.
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Herolf, Gunilla. "France, Germany and the United Kingdom : cooperation in times of turbulence /." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Department of Political Science, Stockholm University [Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Stockholms universitet], 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-227.
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Kirat, Hussein Ben M'hammed. "Franco-Moroccan relations 1946 to 1988." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.391371.
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Savage, Gary John. "The French Revolution and the secret du roi : diplomatic tradition, foreign policy and political culture in later eighteenth-century France (1756-1792)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.613683.
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Fedorka, Drew. "Legitimizing the "republican monarch" a reexamination of French foreign policy in the Atlantic Alliance, 1958-1960." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/548.
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This thesis focuses on the role foreign policy played in legitimizing the early French Fifth Republic from 1958 to 1960. I argue that President Charles de Gaulle employed foreign policy in the service of gaining public support for his new government and the new republic. Many historians have argued previously that his foreign policy of grandeur, as it came to be called, was used to recast international politics and France's role in them. My work diverges from these previous interpretations by arguing that Gaullist foreign policy served, in many instances, overarching domestic goals, not French international interests. I see foreign policy as inseparable from the broader domestic ambition to craft a persuasive narrative of renewal and national unity under Gaullist stewardship. In the process, my study puts de Gaulle's foreign policy into the context of his larger aspiration to precipitate constitutional reform and, thereafter, ensure popular support. De Gaulle exploited opportunities to use foreign policy in order to shape public opinion, both domestically and internationally. These efforts, as my research reflects, helped foster public support for the new regime and, by portraying national renewal, further discredited the preceding Fourth Republic.B.A.
Bachelors
Arts and Humanities
History
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Matzner, Sissela Hannah. "Politics of intervention : political parties' national roles conceptions in foreign policy narratives on military intervention in ongoing conflict - France, Germany and Libya 2011." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/33279.
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This doctoral thesis asks what ideational factors underlie parties' national role conceptions in narratives on violent conflict and crises abroad. It explores French and German parties' national role statements in the case of the 2011 military intervention in Libya. The thesis lies at the intersection of Foreign Policy Analysis research focused on domestic foreign policy actors, International Relations studies on ideas in international relations and Party Politics scholarship looking at international issues in party campaigns and competition. It develops a theoretical framework using role theory and combines it with scholarship on international norms and ideologies. It contributes to role research on domestic role contestation and role socialisation. It adds a study of parties' national roles to this scholarship. It also advances the conceptual development of the role theory approach through an exploration of the responsibility concept within national roles. The main finding of the thesis is that parties often agree on the national role but sometimes interpret the same role differently. Moreover, sometimes parties can propose alternative national roles. The theoretical framework permits to trace variation in role interpretation to foreign policy traditions, international norms and ideologies. The central argument is that parties do not necessarily agree on the national role and its interpretation even when confronted with the same situation and events. It suggests that variation in national role interpretation can matter because parties contest the national role and, thereby, may point to role conflicts and dilemmas that may have an effect on future role selection and performance.
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GEMMAL, MARIA ELISABETH CARRILHO SANTORO. "SPANISH FOREIGN POLICY: DISTINCT INTERPRETATIONS ABOUT THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN FRANCO´S SPAIN AND CUBA UNDER FIDEL CASTRO." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2004. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=5991@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROA história política da Espanha franquista caracterizou-se por paradoxos e por contradições. A sua Política Externa foi um dos maiores e talvez o mais notável desses paradoxos, pois aponta para compromissos que contradiziam a ideologia do regime e a sua política interna. Esse foi o caso das relações que a Espanha manteve com Cuba após a revolução liderada por Fidel Castro. Este trabalho objetiva explicar as razões dessa relação especial contrapondo duas variáveis, sendo a primeira de caráter cultural e identitário, e a segunda, de natureza econômica. Procura, por fim, demonstrar que a explicação mais adequada é aquela que conjuga as duas variáveis.
The political history of Franco`s Spain was characterized by paradoxes and contradictions. Its Foreign Policy was one of the major and perhaps the most remarkable of these paradoxes, because it points out to commitments which contradict the ideology of Franco s regime and its internal politics. This was the case of the relationship between Franco s Spain and Cuba under Fidel Castro. This work seeks to explain this special relationship opposing two variables, one from cultural and identity nature, and the other from economic kind. Finally, it tries to demonstrate that the most appropriate explanation is the one that combines both variables.
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Zanifi, Karima. "Les politiques de communication extérieure de la France de 2003 à 2009." Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020003.
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Dans un monde globalisé où compétitivité et concurrence façonnent en partie la scène politique etéconomique internationale, la construction d’une image voire d’une identité via la communication extérieuredevient un outil de puissance. Ces implications se retrouvent de la même manière dans les relations entre unÉtat, la France, et les opinions publiques nationales et étrangères.Cette thèse de doctorat complète le questionnement de la place de la France dans le monde.L’étude de la production de la communication extérieure par l’État, personnifiant la Nation, prend formedans un contexte géopolitique mouvant, caractérisé par une évolution technologique et médiatiquedifficilement prévisible. Elle propose une synthèse de la communication extérieure marquée par les structuresde la Ve République et par la politique étrangère menée par le Ministère des Affaires étrangères et impulséepar le chef de l’État. Les freins psychologiques, le refus de la communication comme outil de visibilité et depouvoir ainsi que les problématiques intérieures pèsent sur l’élaboration de politiques pensées et crédibles.Cette recherche interroge également la légitimité de l’échelle de la communication extérieure de la Francelorsque l’attractivité économique se dispute au niveau régional et que la compétition politique se livre à unniveau supra – national.Ce travail fait état de l’existant afin de proposer la correction de travers nationaux qui compliquent lespolitiques de communication supposées porter la voix de la France dans le mondeIn a globalized world partly shaped by competition between nations, building a strong identity andimage is becoming an increasing tool of power.Producing such a good image and appearance is similarly important when it comes to relationshipsbetween states as to relationships between France and its own public opinion or foreign publicopinion. That’s where foreign communication and public diplomacy counts.This PhD thesis aims at providing another point of view and an answer to the French questioningabout France’s place in the world nowadays.Mainly managed by the French foreign office, foreign communication policies represent the will ofthe government and express its directions more than a French identity.The characteristics of the French tradition of diplomacy and international relations are marked by thespecificity of the Vth Republic. The governments’ foreign policies between 2003 and 2009 follow thenew strategy of France as a member of the international community building and preserving peace.Ambitions for France as an independent and important nation have to find a foundation in its actionsas well as a translation in the medias.The skills and means devoted to the foreign communicationpolicies appear to miss some points.We looked at the current situation to reveal the lacks and strengths of the process. Our work alsointend to suggest ways of imagining, building and managing operational policies and campaignsthroughout the world this next years.Psychological pressures from domestical tradition of rejecting communication refrains the population in itsself-representation and so far the country from entering the cognitive war this new century brought in
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Pakarinen, Kira. "A Forever Superior French Self in its former pré carré africain? : A post-structuralist foreign policy analysis of Emmanuel Macron's legitimation discourse around Operation Barkhane in Mali." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-45618.
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Notwithstanding the promises of an end to the Françafrique era, France remains the desired external security actor in francophone Africa. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the discursive legitimation strategies of Emmanuel Macron on France’s military activism in Mali, inquiring ‘How did the French President Emmanuel Macron discursively legitimize France’s military presence in Mali before the announcement of the end of Operation Barkhane?’. The aim is further to explore the construction of the French Self and the Malian Other in the legitimation discourse, asking ‘How did Macron construct a French ‘Self’ and a Malian ‘Other’ in his discourse as legitimate reasons for maintaining the intervention?’. By applying an interpretivist, post-structuralist discourse analysis to official statements published between 2017 and 2021, the thesis concludes that Macron’s discursive legitimation strategies remain approximately similar, yet the greater emphasis on rhetorical themes of equal partnership, non-interference in internal affairs, democracy and an ever-increasing multilateralism have taken place in the face of Paris’ damaged legitimacy. Focusing on the construction of the Self and the Other affirms that Macron constructs the MalianOther as significantly different from the French Self even though the country is seen as capable of transformation and cooperation, requiring the compliance of Western advice.
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Von, Bülow Mathilde Ulrike. "The foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany, Franco-German relations, and the Algerian war, 1954-62." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.614111.
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Coujard, Virgile. "La politique étrangère de la France dans les crises internationales, du Golfe à l’Irak : Jeu gouvernemental, jeu diplomatique, système international." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010268.
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Cette thèse a pour objet la politique étrangère de la France dans la crise du Golfe (1990-1991) et la crise irakienne (2002-2003). Afin d'expliquer les variations du comportement français la participation à la guerre du Golfe, l'opposition à la guerre d'Irak, trois approches, trois niveaux d'analyse, sont mobilisés. Le jeu gouvernemental met au jour la construction interne de la politique étrangère, retraçant les marchandages au sommet de l'État et révélant les biais par lesquels le champ politique national et les administrations influent sur la politique menée. Le jeu diplomatique, en restituant la complexité des processus d'interaction et de négociation interétatiques, montre comment les enjeux et objectifs tactiques se construisent dans les crises, sont sensibles à la configuration du jeu et aux prises de positions des autres diplomaties. L'analyse structurale souligne le poids de la structure du système international- son état comme sa tendance - et de la position d'un État en son sein sur la politique étrangère. Dévoiler les mécanismes par lesquels ces pressions structurelles agissent nécessite de mettre en relation la structure du système, l'ordre international, les perceptions des dirigeants et les comportements des États. C'est au final un mode d'articulation des niveaux d'analyse et des facteurs de détermination de la politique étrangère en temps de crise internationale qui est proposé - un mode qui puisse éclairer l'interpénétration, les combinaisons et interactions entre ces trois niveauxAnalyzing the differing French policy during the Gulf and Iraq wars - military participation to the former, diplomatic opposition to the latter, requires a multi-level approach to foreign policy. Graham Allison's governmental game paradigm shows that foreign policy is the resultant of bargainings among central players. It is also capable of revealing the ways in which domestic and bureaucratic polities interfere in the decision-making process. The diplomatic game approach put forward in this work focuses on the interstate interactions. It underlines how much foreign policy stakes and goals are defined and constructed in the process of diplomatic negociation, influenced by other diplomacies' stances. Waltzian structural theory concentrates on the systemic determinants of foreign policy. A State's position within the system, and the structure of the system - its current state as well as its trend - strongly determine and shape foreign policy. Connecting and articulating structure of the system, international order, decision-makers' perceptions and States' behavior appears to be a fruitful way to understand the mechanisms through which structural constraints and incentives act and impact on foreign policy. Afterall, this research attempts to combine infra-state, inter-state and systemic levels of analysis in a novel way, in order to explain the complexity of foreign policy in international cri sis
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Martin-Paneda, Pablo. "D’un incommode voisin. Les remodelages de l’appareil diplomatique français face à la réintégration de l’Espagne en Occident, 25 février 1957- 5 février 1979." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040082.
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La politique espagnole de la France de 1957 à 1979 est abordée autour de trois périodes aux temporalités marquées. Trois étapes, trois étages : observation (1957-1963), marchandages commerciaux (1963-1970), engagements politiques et prise de risques (1970-1979). Face aux mutations du franquisme puis de la démocratie, Paris se repositionne sans cesse. La diplomatie espagnole s’avère très incisive : l’Espagne est un voisin instable et pugnace. Néanmoins, le Quai d’Orsay perçoit un atout pour la quête de grandeur gaullienne. Pays de haute croissance économique, l’Espagne reste un débouché propice aux exportations françaises. Pays méditerranéen, l’Espagne est susceptible de modifier le centre de gravité de l’Europe communautaire au profit d’une France dont le rôle de carrefour serait renforcé. Pays latin, l’Espagne est un relais des ambitions françaises en Amérique du Sud. Pays en développement, l’Espagne apporte un appui aux élans tiers-mondistes de la politique française. Sous l’angle bilatéral, cette thèse recentrer et d’actualiser des travaux qui balisent l’étude. Par ailleurs, il ne serait pas judicieux d’ignorer les griefs ou les attentes des Espagnols à l’égard de la France. Dans le domaine multilatéral : parrainage européen fourni par la France ; tactique espagnole de surenchères attisées entre Washington, Bonn, et Paris ; désirs d’une coopération méditerranéenne articulée autour de Madrid, Rome et Paris. Aussi cette recherche s’insère-t-elle dans trois champs historiographiques : l’histoire des relations franco-espagnoles, l’histoire politique de l’Espagne, l’histoire des représentations parmi les élites françaisesFrance's Spanish policy from 1957 to 1979 is approached through three very distinct periods. Three steps, three levels : observation (1957-1963), trading negociations (1963-1970 ), political commitments and daring relationships (1970-1979). Confronted with the evolutions of Franco's dictature and then democracy, the French government is constantly adapting. The Spanish foreign policy turns out to be sharp: Spain is a restless and pugnacious neighbour. Yet the French Foreign Affairs Department considers this situation as an opportunity to enhance the prestige of de Gaulle's policy. With a high economic potential, Spain offers many opportunities for French exports. As a Mediterranean country, Spain is likely to change the centre of gravity of the European Community in favour of France, whose role of platform would be reinforced. As a Latin country, Spain represents a link between an ambitious France and South America. As a developing country, Spain provides a support for the French attempt to deal with the Third World. From both perspectives - Spanish and French - this PhD gathers and updates previous works which were used to build this study. Besides, one should not ignore Spanish grievances or expectations regarding France. From a larger perspective : France provides a European partnership, Spain tries to outbid between Washington, Bonn and Paris, while a Mediterranean cooperation structured around Madrid, Rome and Paris is highly wished for. This study is carried out into the frame of three different historiographic schools: the history of Franco-Spanish relationships, the political history of Spain and the history of representations among French elites
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De, Rougé Guillaume Louis. "Le Fil d'Ariane : La France et la Défense européenne dans l'après-guerre froide [1991-2001]." Thesis, Paris 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA030068.
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Cette étude consiste en une analyse historique et stratégique de la politique de la France à l’égard de la défense européenne dans l’après-Guerre froide, du Traité de Maastricht à la Déclaration « d’opérationnalité » de la Politique Européenne de Sécurité et de Défense, couvrant la période la plus récente dans un bref épilogue. Reposant sur des sources primaires, incluant des archives présidentielles et des témoignages oraux, cette étude vise à contribuer à la connaissance de la politique étrangère et de défense française ainsi qu’à la genèse et à la première phase de mise en oeuvre de la défense européenne. Cette étude porte un regard nouveau sur les motivations et les stratégies adoptées par la France dans le cadre des enjeux de sécurité euro-atlantiques sur une période cruciale qui commence à faire l’objet de recherches historiques approfondiesThis study consists in a historical and strategic analysis of French policy with regard to European defence in the post-Cold War era, from the Maastricht Treaty until the 2001 Laeken Declaration of ESDP « operationality », covering the most recent period in a brief coda. Relying on first-hand sources, including presidential archives and oral history, this study aims at contributing to the knowledge of French foreign and defence policy as well as European defence’s genesis and early implementation process. This study sheds new light on France’s motives and strategies in the realm of Euro-Atlantic security in a crucial period which only begins to be the subject of deeper historical research
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Krýchová, Lucie. "Neformální aspekty zahraniční politiky Francie vůči Africe po získání nezávislosti." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-76048.
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This thesis analyses French foreign policy towards former colonies in Sub-Saharan Africa since 1960. Particular emphasis is given to informal relations, predominating in this policy. Although the countries gained independence, they remained under French influence and control for another three decades. France achieved this through skillful combination of formal and informal instruments, which are described in the thesis. Furthermore, the work deals with factors that predetermined the development of the new African policy and examines its goals and changes of instruments stemming from changes of international and domestic context. The thesis concludes with a case study specifically illustrating the development of relations between France and Gabon.
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Pokrupová, Michaela. "Neokolonialismus Francie ve 20. a 21. století: intervence v Africe." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193718.
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The diploma thesis is focused on French neocolonialism towards its former African colonies. French neocolonialism is analysed from 1960 so called Year of Africa until nowadays. There are two case studies concerning recent French military interventions in Mali and Central Africa. The objective of this diploma thesis is to analyse French foreign approach towards the defined territory on the bases of specialized bibliography and primary resources, and to answer the question asked by the author of this diploma thesis in the Introduction of this piece and to reach the evaluation. The diploma thesis is structured into three parts. In the Introduction, there is a short summary of the topic and there is also the hypothesis stating that the French foreign policy towards its former African colonies shows characteristics of neocolonialism. The first chapter defines the basic terms such as colonialism, decolonisation and foreign policy. There is also a detailed description of terms necolonialism and postcolonialism. The second chapter analyses French actions in sub-Saharan Africa from 1960 till nowadays from the political, economic, cultural and military point of view. A special part of this chapter is a period from 1990 till our days. The third chapter is made of two case studies: military interventions in Mali and Central Africa that shows the neocolonial approach appearing in the French foreign policy towards sub-Saharan Africa. A part of this chapter is also a synthesis of both interventions. The conclusion of diploma thesis sums up all the knowledge gained thanks to the studying of specialized bibliography and it confirms the hypothesis set in the Introduction of this work.
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Mcelhinney, Norah. "Teacher educator commitment to early Modern Foreign Language (MFL) teaching and learning in the education systems of England, France and Scotland." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018BORD0367/document.
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Cette thèse examine comment se manifeste l’engagement des formateurs d’enseignants en langues vivantes étrangères (LVE) qui interviennent dans la formation initiale des enseignants du primaire au regard des défis et des obstacles que ces derniers rencontrent. L’étude qualitative est située dans trois systèmes éducatifs différents de l’Union européenne : l’Angleterre, la France et l’Écosse. L’alignement idéologique des décideurs politiques européens avec l’agenda néolibéral remet explicitement en question l’engagement, les standards professionnels et les valeurs communes à la profession de formateurs d’enseignants. Cette orientation est préoccupante pour ces personnels qui ont un rôle crucial à jouer dans le système éducatif comme facilitateurs d’apprentissage des futurs enseignants du primaire et du secondaire. La focalisation se centre sur les formateurs d’enseignants en LVE, puisque les langues sont perçues comme ayant un rôle important à jouer dans un monde centré sur l’économie de marché. Les résultats des entretiens semi-structurés montrent que tous les participants manifestent un réel dévouement qui se décline en motivation, continuation et engagement. Cependant, les résultats montrent aussi que la mise en oeuvre des politiques concernant l’enseignement des LVE ne prend pas toujours en compte les enseignements apportés par la recherche. Par conséquent, dans les systèmes éducatifs qui ne donnent pas à ces professionnels la possibilité de peser collectivement et d’avoir une influence sur les politiques nationales d’enseignement des langues, l’engagement dont ces professionnels font la démonstration n’a qu’un impact limité sur la qualité et sur l’offre de formation précoce en langue étrangèreThis thesis examines how Modern Foreign Language (MFL) teacher educators working in higher education (HE) demonstrate their commitment to primary foreign language learning and teaching in the education systems of England, France and Scotland. European Union (EU) policymakers influenced by the neoliberal agenda challenge the commitment, professional standards and values of the teacher educator profession in the EU. This represents a serious concern given the crucial role these professionals play in primary and secondary teacher education. This study focuses on primary MFL teacher educators because languages are perceived to play a key role in a market orientated economy. Qualitative data drawn from semi-structured interviews suggest that all the participants demonstrate strong commitment in terms of motivation, continuation and engagement towards early foreign language learning at primary school, despite the challenges and obstacles they face as a profession. However, findings also highlight that language policy implementation does not always take into account research in the domain. Consequently, in those education systems which do not provide collective empowerment to MFL teachers in terms of national language education policy influence, MFL teacher commitment does not have a significant impact on the provision of early foreign language teaching and learning
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Haize, Daniel. "L'action culturelle et de coopération de la France à l'étranger : un réseau, des hommes." Thesis, Montpellier 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010MON10065.
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Les études réalisées sur la politique culturelle extérieure de la France, le soft power, appréhendent, pour l'essentiel, le sujet dans une perspective "d'en haut", en se concentrant sur la politique de l'Etat. L'analyse de la gouvernance de la politique culturelle extérieure de la France par le prisme du terrain, objet de cette recherche, montre que son centre de gravité est constitué par ses acteurs (le "réseau" à l'étranger ainsi que les hommes qui y exercent) plus que par l'administration centrale du ministère des Affaires étrangères. La politique culturelle extérieure est une politique publique dont il convient d'apprécier la substance à partir des initiatives locales au moins autant qu'au travers des discours et normes : elle peut être ainsi considérée comme la mise en scène de l'action culturelle conçue et menée par les agents du réseau culturel à l'étranger. Cette recherche s'est appuyée sur une analyse documentaire maniant à la fois la littérature grise (rapports internes, parlementaires, etc.), la presse écrite, la réalisation d'une enquête originale auprès des postes diplomatiques, ainsi que sur le bilan d'une expérience personnelleStudies on French foreign cultural policy, the so-called "soft power", almost always treat the issue from a "top-down" viewpoint focusing on the State policy. The analysis of the governance of French foreign cultural policy through the prism of the field ("bottom-up analysis"), which is the purpose of this research, shows that its center is based on its actors (the "network" abroad and the men who work within it) rather than being formulated by the central Department of the Foreign Office. Foreign cultural policy is a public policy which substance should therefore be valued from local initiatives as well as from speeches and rules: it may then be seen as the setting of cultural activities designed and conducted by the agents of the cultural network abroad. This research is based on a documentary analysis which includes the “grey literature” (internal and parliamentary reports, etc), the press, a specific survey within diplomatic posts and the results of a personal experience
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Gray, Rachael J. "U.S. foreign relations after the cold war : a unilateral approach, an isolationist strategy, a hegemonic goal." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2009. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1264.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Cope, P. J. "Franco-Soviet summits as an instrument of French foreign policy during the presidencies of Georges Pompidou and Valery Giscard d'Estaing." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371936.
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Popescu, Ştefan. "L'Albanie dans la politique étrangère de la France (1919-juin 1940)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010642/document.
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Entre 1919-1939/40, la France était prise dans un jeu délicat à l'égard de l'Albanie : elle reconnaissait la primauté des intérêts politiques et économiques italiens en Albanie mais, en même temps, la France était consciente que tout cela risquait de mettre en péril l'indépendance albanaise. L'intérêt de la France en Albanie était le maintien de l'indépendance de ce pays afin qu'il ne devient une arrière base de l'Italie contre la Yougoslavie. II y avait aussi un autre intérêt français, une volonté de «présence» en Albanie qui était générée par le statut de la France de grande puissance. C'est en vertu de cet aspect que la France entend être « présente » en Albanie par deux institutions visibles, un lycée et une mission archéologique, qui compensent assez bien le développement limité des relations politiques et économiques. De ce fait, malgré la proximité géographique et l'intensité des échanges politiques et économiques, l'Italie n'arrive pas s'imposer en Albanie comme puissance culturelle dominante. Dans l'entre-deux-guerres, la France et l'Albanie se redécouvrent réciproquement. C'est dans cet intervalle qu'on assiste à l'établissement des premières relations institutionnelles bilatérales et c'est à cette époque qu'on signe les premiers documents juridiques bilatéraux. C'est entre les deux guerres que se constitue une communauté d'albanais en France et que les premiers groupes organisés de touristes français arrivent en Albanie, que se nouent les premières relations économiques bilatéralesBetween 1919-1939/40, France was caught in a tricky game towards Albania: it recognized the primacy of the Italian political and economic interests in Albania but, at the same time, France was aware that ail this might endanger the Albanian independence. The interest of France in Albania was the maintenance of the independence of this country to prevent it becoming a rear base of the Italy against Yugoslavia. There was also another French interest, a willingness of "présence" in Albania, generated by the France's great power status. It was under this aspect that France intends to be "présente" in Albania by two visible institutions, a high school and an archaeological mission, that offset for pretty much the limited development of political and economic relations. Thus, despite the geographical proximity and the intensity of the political and economic exchanges, Italy can't win in Albania as a dominant cultural power. .In the interwar period, France and Albania rediscover each other. It is in this interval that we are witnessing the establishment of the first bilateral institutional relations and it was at this lime that we sign the first bilateral treaties. lt is between the two wars that born a community of Albanians in France and the first organized groups of French tourists arrive in Albania, that bind the first bilateral economic relations
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Ellis, Catherine Glenn. "Un mandat, deux politiques : Les effets de l’inégalité de la politique mandataire française en Syrie et au Liban." Scholar Commons, 2004. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/1024.
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In the early years of the twentieth century, the Ottoman Empire began to crumble due to external wars and internal rebellions dating from about 1908. Due to European influence at the end of the First World War, the Ottoman Empire lost much of its territory in 1919, including Palestine and Syria, comprised of modern-day Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, and Iraq. The European powers incited rebellion among the Middle Eastern peoples to the end of aiding their cause in the portions of the war fought in the Middle East. In return, they promised the Arabs independent nations; in the Treaty of Versailles, the regions were indeed freed from Ottoman rule. The European Allies, however, considered it their responsibility to guide these fledgling independent states; aided by the conclusions of the secretive Sykes-Picot Agreement, as well as preexisting assumptions of the inadequacies of the newly-formed nations to effectively self-rule, the League of Nations decided to create a mandatory system, dividing the regions between Britain and France.
Syria and Lebanon fell under French control, and despite the outward appearance of good intentions on the part of the French and British, they were quite imperious in their role as mandatory powers. The Europeans, under the guidance of Sir Mark Sykes of Britain and Georges Picot of France, carved the region into nations that did little to reflect the ethnic and cultural divisions of the region. Dissenters from the Arab world were quickly dealt with, as in the case of Faysal, who argued for the unity and independence of Syria and Lebanon; he eventually lost and was forced to leave Syria, but became the first king of Iraq under British mandate. Popular opinion in Europe tended towards the idea of Arab nations being less civilized, and many nations were more concerned with the status of Germany than with developing an unprejudiced policy towards the Arab nations. Thus those in control of the mandate quickly fell back on old assumptions and past experiences with the region. In this way, inequalities developed that would prove to have a profound impact on regional politics.
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Vittot, Aurélie. "La politique française d'intervention extérieure de 2007 à 2017 : sociologie d'un overachievement." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018IEPP0041.
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Cette thèse s’articule en trois parties. La première vise à comprendre les facteurs contribuant à la continuité de la politique française d’intervention extérieure. Elle met l’accent sur la notion de puissance moyenne, la culture française des droits de l’homme et le lien particulier qui unit Paris à l’Afrique. La seconde partie détaille l’évolution des normes internationales et de la pratique onusienne et cherche à apprécier le rôle joué par le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies dans la mise en place de la politique étrangère française. Cette partie intègre une dimension comparative puisqu’elle évoque successivement les politiques américaine, européenne, russe et celles des pays émergents en matière d’intervention extérieure. Ceci permet d’appréhender les spécificités françaises, tant en termes institutionnels qu’en termes de capacités de projection des forces. La dernière partie s’intéresse aux différents terrains d’intervention de l’armée française et permet de qualifier l’action de l’Hexagone de politique d’intervention à géographie variable. Sur le continent africain, les opérations sont généralement conduites unilatéralement, les troupes africaines prenant ensuite progressivement le relai. Au Moyen-Orient, les interventions militaires françaises s’inscrivent au sein de coalitions internationales menées par les Etats-Unis. L’opération Harmattan en Libye fait l’objet d’un chapitre à part. Elle a été initiée par la France et le Royaume-Uni mais conduite dans le cadre de l’OTAN. Cette thèse de doctorat analyse donc une décennie d’engagement de l’armée française à l’étranger et permet de décrypter l’actualité en matière de gestion de crise et de conflictualitéThis thesis is divided into three main parts. The first one underlines the different factors which contribute to the continuity of French politics of military intervention, stressing the notion of middle power, French culture of human rights and the very special link which still unites nowadays Paris to the African continent. The second part examines the evolution of international norms and UN practice and tries to appreciate the part of the Security Council in the establishment of the French foreign policy. This section includes a comparative dimension as it deals with American, European, Russian and emerging countries politics in terms of military interventions. That focus enables to grasp French specific features, both institutional and in terms of military capacities. The last part of this work aims at analyzing the different military fields of the French army during the last decade. In Africa, military operations are often led unilaterally, African troops then taking over gradually. In the Middle East, French military interventions are mostly part of international coalitions led by the United States. "Opération Harmattan" in Libya is addressed in a proper section as it is in between the classical military interventions in Africa and the one we use to observe in the Middle East. Initiated by France and the UK but conducted under NATO leadership, this intervention constitutes a paradigm shift in French, European and Transatlantic security. This thesis thus analyzes a decade of French military engagement and enables to interpret the current events regarding crisis management and conflicts
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Manaliyo, Jean-Claude. "Tourism and multilingualism in Cape Town: language practices and policy." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2009. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_8152_1283326267.
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Language diversity continues to create a language barrier to international tourism. Tourists from non-English speaking countries face a language barrier in South Africa and this affects their experiences in the country. Measuring and understanding something of this challenge is the purpose of this study. The focus is on how the tourism industry in Cape Town uses languages to sell and promote the city internationally. The study investigates procedures, strategies, and policies adopted by the tourism industry in Cape Town to cater for tourists from across the world. In addition, the study also investigates how tourists from non-English speaking countries adapt linguistically to cope with their stay in Cape Town. The study targeted both tourism organisations and international tourists who use tourist facilities in most popular tourist areas in Cape Town. Both primary and secondary data were collected. Convenience sampling was used to select both tourism service providers and tourists. To enhance validity, reliability, and accuracy, various tools have been deployed to collect the data. Primary data were collected from both tourism service providers and international tourists using questionnaires, interviews, photographs and observations. Secondary data collection involved observations of public signage as well as analysis of electronic and printed promotional materials such as brochures, guidebooks, menus, newspapers and websites. Collected data were captured in spread sheets to enable descriptive analysis of tourists&rsquo
languages and of language use in tourism organisations in different of forms of niche tourism in Cape Town. Survey results reveal that a little more than half of all surveyed tourism organisations in Cape Town sell and promote their products using only South African languages including English whilst a minority sell and promote their products using English coupled with foreign languages. The majority of multilingual staff in those surveyed tourism organisations who have adopted multilingualism are working part-time or employed temporarily. In addition, results also indicate that English dominates other languages in public signs and printed and electronic promotional publications used by surveyed tourism organisations in Cape Town. Foreign languages are used most in tour operations and travel agencies sector whilst South African languages dominate in accommodation and restaurants sectors. On the other hand the research shows that a big proportion of foreign tourists in Cape Town were able to speak English and other foreign languages. The research shows that the majority of tourists from non-English speaking countries are more interested in learning foreign languages compared with their counterparts from English speaking countries. Only less than a quarter of all surveyed tourists from non-English speaking countries in Cape Town are monolingual in their home languages. These tourists struggle to communicate with service providers in Cape Town. Translators and gestures were used by non-English speaking tourists as a way of breaking down communication barriers in Cape Town. Contrarily, a big proportion (two thirds) of all surveyed tourists from English speaking countries in Cape Town does speak only English. Foreign tourists in Cape Town speak tourism service providers&rsquo
language rather than tourism service providers speaking tourists&rsquo
languages. The majority of tourism service providers in Cape Town are reluctant to learn foreign languages and to employ multilingual staff. This means that most tourism organisations sell and market their product in English only. Other South African languages such as Afrikaans and Xhosa are used frequently in informal communication in the tourism industry in Cape Town. Seemingly, Afrikaans dominates Xhosa in all forms of tourism except in township tourism where the majority of service providers are Xhosa-speakers. To market and promote Cape Town internationally, the tourism industry in Cape Town should employ multilingual staff who can communicate in tourists&rsquo
native languages. Multilingualism should be practised in all tourism sectors rather than in one or few sectors because all tourism sectors compliment each other in meeting customer&rsquo
s satisfaction. Failure in one tourism sector may affect other tourism sectors&rsquo
performance.
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Fink, Rachael. "France and the Soviet Union: Intervention in Africa Post-Colonialism." Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1617892018822665.
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Jing, Liyan. "L'institutionnalisation de la politique culturelle extérieure en Chine et en France : les rôles de l'Institut Confucius et de l'Alliance Française." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2019. https://publication-theses.unistra.fr/restreint/theses_doctorat/2019/JING_Liyan_2019_ED519.pdf.
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Cette thèse cherche à expliquer une politique : comment l’État chinois et l’État français mobilisent des institutions pour développer leur action publique culturelle extérieure dans un contexte de mondialisation. Portant sur une comparaison entre la Chine et la France, elle examine l’institutionnalisation des politiques culturelles chinoises et françaises selon un cadre analytique croisant trois approches théoriques (le néo-institutionnalisme historique, la sociologie de l’action publique et l’analyse du transfert de politique publique). Partant d’abord d’un regard socio-historique et néo-institutionnaliste, elle montre comment ont émergé des institutions et des modes d’intervention spécifique dans les deux pays à travers les siècles. Elle situe ensuite la dynamique des institutions culturelles (chinoises comme françaises) dans le contexte des transformations contemporaines de l’État et de l’action publique. Pour cela, elle analyse le rapport de l’État à la culture et à ces institutions, en mobilisant les catégories d’analyse d’une sociologie de l’État en recomposition. Après avoir montré comment les institutions culturelles s’ancrent à la fois dans une tradition historique et une dépendance au sentier, la thèse montre que les changements des modes d’intervention culturelle de l’État à l’échelle nationale impact aussi sur les modalités d’exportation de sa politique culturelle à l’échelle internationale. La théorie du transfert de politique publique permet alors de comprendre, en traitant les institutions culturelles comme des vecteurs de ce transfert institutionnel, la diffusion internationale des politiques culturelles via le rôle de l’Institut Confucius et de l’Alliance Française. La thèse démontre ainsi que les développements d’une politique culturelle extérieure doit être saisi comme un processus dynamique de co-construction entre l’État et ses institutions, à travers l’interaction d’une pluralité d’acteurs, soumis toutefois à une forme de gouvernement centralisé dans les deux pays. Cependant, les mécanismes de régulation de la politique culturelle, malgré des similitudes, diffèrent, non seulement en termes de trajectoires historiques, mais aussi de visions irréductibles de la politique culturelle, comme de stratégies d’internationalisation différente dans un contexte de mondialisationThis dissertation aims to explain a policy : how the Chinese and French States employ institutions to develop their foreign cultural policy in the context of globalization. Based on a comparison between China and France, this study has examined the institutionalization of their foreign cultural policy with an analytical framework which integrates three approaches (historical neo-institutionalism, public sociology, and analysis of policy transfer). Firstly, it illustrates how the institutions and specific mode of interference have emerged in China and in France during several centuries by using a socio-historical and neo-institutionalism perspective. It then locates the dynamics of cultural institutions of two countries in the context of contemporary transformations of the State and of the public policy. Therefore, it focuses on the relationship of State to culture and to these institutions, by employing the analytical categories of reengineering State sociology. When it has showed how the cultural institutions take their roots in an historical tradition as well as in a path dependence, this study illustrates that the internal change of the State cultural interventions also impact upon the modalities of international exportation of cultural policy. The theory of policy transfer can help to understand the international diffusion of cultural policy through the role of Confucius Institute and French Alliance, when those cultural institutions are considered as the driver of institutional transfer. Thus, this dissertation demonstrates that the development of a foreign cultural policy should be understand as a dynamic process of co-construction between the State and its institutions, through the interactions of a large range of actors who are subjected to a form of centralized government in the two countries. However, despite their similarities, the mechanisms for regulating cultural policy are different not only in terms of historical trajectories, but also in irreducible visions of cultural policy, as well as according to the different internationalization strategies in a context of globalization
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Dupetit, Magali. "Les usages de l'environnement en politique étrangère : le cas de la coopération franco-chinoise (1997-2013)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0045.
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En 1997, la France signe un accord de coopération dans le domaine de l’environnement avec la Chine. Cet accord entraîne le développement de plusieurs programmes et projets d’assistance technique dans ce domaine. Coordonnées par l’Agence De l’Environnement et de la Maîtrise de l’Energie et par l’Agence Française de Développement, ces actions révèlent les modes de traitement relatifs à l’environnement dans le cadre de la politique chinoise de la France. La thèse montre alors que l’insertion de l’environnement dans cette politique n’entraîne pas automatiquement des innovations mais davantage des dynamiques d’agrégation des pratiques entre plusieurs registres d’action publique (politique environnementale, politique d’aide au développement, politique chinoise de la France). En 2013, ces pratiques entrent dans une phase de routinisation qui marque la fin de la période de construction de la coopérationIn 1997, France and China signed a bilateral agreement on environmental cooperation. This agreement led to many technical assistance programs and projects managed by Agence De l’Environnement et de la Maîtrise de l’Energie and by Agence Française de Développement in China. The thesis presents this introduction of environment in French chinese policy and analyse the phenomenon as a dynamic of agregation and adaptation of practices from different sources of public policies (environmental policy, development policy and French chinese policy). In 2013, those practices become part of a routine and show the end of the construction period of environmental cooperation between France and China
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Bouillon, Pierre-Hubert. "Entre partenaires et adversaires, une ouverture asymétrique et stratégique : la France face à la Roumanie et à la Hongrie (1968-1977)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010690.
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La France, durant la détente, mena une politique étrangère qui mit à profit les déviations internes de la Hongrie et internationales de la Roumanie par rapport à l'URSS. La politique française poursuivit des objectifs à la fois bilatéraux et multilatéraux : elle inscrivit son action dans un cadre hérité du passé, mais aussi dans un processus mouvant, celui d'Helsinki. Cette époque s'avéra une transition d'un point de vue aussi bien international que national : de la crise tchécoslovaque en 1968 au regain de tensions dans la seconde moitié des années 1970, les vecteurs d'influence de la France dans l'ancienne Europe centrale et oriental évoluèrent et s'enrichirent. Un partenariat difficile fut mis en place avec la Roumanie, qui avait entretenu de liens politiques étroits avec la France avant sa satellisation par l'URSS. Quant à la Hongrie, un dialogue naquit avec elle. Les limites des relations culturelles et militaires furent à l'inverse patentes. Ces deux démocraties populaires furent en effet perçues en France à travers tout un spectre de représentations, qui allait de l'adversaire militaire et idéologique au partenaire diplomatique pouvant converger avec l'Ouest. A contrario, les rapports économiques acquirent une signification croissante et furent encadrés par l'État. Ils répondirent à la volonté politique de développer les industries de haute-technologie en France, de s'opposer l'hégémonie des États-Unis en la matière, et de mettre à profit l'asymétrie de développement entre l'Est et l'Ouest pour saper la domination de l'URSS sur son glacis. En dépit de divergences au sein de l'État l'ouverture française fut ainsi menée de manière globalement cohérenteFrance, during the "détente", led a foreign policy which took advantage of Hungary's and Romania' peculiarities compared to the USSR, Bucharest as for the international and Budapest as for the domestic policies. The French aims were both bilateral and multilateral. The French policy was developed in framework inherited from the past, but in a more fast-changing framework too, the Helsinki process. The period appeared to be a transition from the international and national points of view: from the Czechoslovak crisis in 1968 to the new tensions du ring the second half of the 1970s, the French way to influence former Central European countries changed and was enhanced. A difficult partnership was set up with Romania which country France had politically influenced before 1945, and a dialog created with Hungary. However concerning cultural and military relations, limitations were obvious. Indeed, these two people's democracies were seen in France through a whole spectrum of representations, from a military and ideological adversary to a diplomatic partner which was maybe able to converge with the West. On the contrary, economic relation became more and more important and were strongly supported by the government. Those relations were linked to a political determination to develop high-technology industries in France, to resist the United State hegemony in those fields and to undermine the Soviet rule on its empire by taking advantage of the asymmetrical level of development between the East and the West. Therefore, in spite of differences am on the state's administrations, the way the French relations were opened up to the East proved to be mostly consistent
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Bruce, Benjamin. "Governing islam abroad : the Turkish and Moroccan Muslim fields in France and Germany." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015IEPP0001.
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Au cours des cinquante dernières années, les communautés turques et marocaines sont devenues les deux groupes diasporiques les plus importants en Europe occidentale, notamment en Allemagne et en France. Les États d’origine de ces populations ont développé de nombreuses politiques envers leurs ressortissants à l’étranger, parmi lesquelles l’islam occupe un lieu privilégié. Depuis des décennies, les instances étatiques officielles chargées de la gouvernance du religieux en Turquie et au Maroc, à savoir la Présidence des Affaires Religieuses (Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı) et le Ministère des Habous et des Affaires Islamiques (MHAI), soutiennent des groupes musulmans en France et en Allemagne par le biais de divers moyens, allant de l’envoi d’imams à des financements de mosquées.Comment et pourquoi la Turquie et le Maroc réussissent-ils à gouverner l’islam au-delà de leurs frontières nationales, et quelles en sont les conséquences pour le développement des champs religieux musulmans de France et d’Allemagne ? Cette étude conclut qu’à la différence de la France et de l’Allemagne, la Turquie et le Maroc conçoivent la gouvernance du religieux comme un domaine distinct de la politique publique, et ce même à l’étranger. Grâce à la coopération diplomatique et à la convergence d’intérêts interétatiques, ces deux États ont étendu leur rayonnement dans le champ religieux transnational. Ceci se manifeste par le soutien d’un modèle d’autorité religieuse légale-rationnelle et une forme d’islam national, afin de renforcer la position des instances de gouvernance du religieux des États d’origine ainsi que les frontières ethno-nationales dans les champs religieux musulmans à l’étrangerOver the last fifty years, Turks and Moroccans have come to form the two largest diaspora groups in Western Europe, with the largest numbers in Germany and France respectively. The states of origin of these populations have developed a wide variety of policies aimed at their citizens abroad, amongst which Islam has figured prominently. For decades, the official institutions of state religious governance in Turkey and Morocco, the Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı) and the Ministry of Habous and Islamic Affairs, have actively engaged in providing support to Muslim groups in France and Germany, from sending imams to directly financing mosques and the associations that run them. This doctoral thesis seeks to respond to the following questions: how and why are Turkey and Morocco able to govern Islam outside of their national boundaries, and what are the consequences for the development of Muslim fields in France and Germany? Based on over one hundred interviews carried out with diplomats, state religious officials, and non-state religious actors in all four countries, this study argues that in contrast to France and Germany, the Turkish and Moroccan states consider religious governance as a distinct domain of public policy. Thanks to diplomatic cooperation and converging interstate interests, both home states have been able to expand their religious activities within transnational Muslim fields. In particular, Turkey and Morocco seek to promote a legal-rational model of religious authority and a national form of Islam, ultimately reinforcing both the position of home state religious institutions and ethno-national boundaries in religious fields abroad
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Mattos, Fernando Preusser de. "O Brasil no debate estratégico franco-alemão : uma análise do discurso dos principais think tank da Alemanha e da França a respeito da inserção internacional do Brasil (2003-2014)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/139360.
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As iniciativas de política externa, de defesa e de segurança que compõem a inserção internacional do Brasil no período 2003-2014 repercutiram nas relações do país com as grandes potências, suscitando uma intensa produção discursiva que busca traduzir o significado da recente inserção internacional do país e informar estratégias que possam dar conta das demandas de um novo relacionamento com o Brasil. Nesse contexto, há um conjunto de instituições de importância crescente, cujas práticas, representações e discursos precedem, informam e pretendem influenciar os processos de definição de agenda, formulação de política e tomada de decisão no âmbito das políticas externa, de defesa e de segurança, sobretudo das grandes potências: os think tanks, instituições dedicadas à produção e à articulação de conhecimentos voltados a políticas públicas de âmbito doméstico e internacional. Assim, o problema de pesquisa que orienta o trabalho refere-se ao seguinte questionamento: como os principais think tanks que buscam influenciar as formulações estratégicas para as políticas externa, de defesa e de segurança na Alemanha e na França têm representado a inserção internacional recente do Brasil e o papel desempenhado pelo país no seu entorno estratégico? O objetivo geral da dissertação é, portanto, fornecer uma análise do discurso acerca da inserção internacional recente do Brasil (2003-2014) veiculado por publicações selecionadas dos quatro principais think tanks da Alemanha e da França. O trabalho lança mão da fundamentação teórico-metodológica da análise de discurso pósestruturalista e busca sustentar a tese de que é possível depreender da análise das publicações selecionadas um conjunto de discursos básicos que estruturam as principais representações desses atores sobre a recente inserção internacional do Brasil, dentre os quais se destacam o discurso da inovação diplomática, do ineditismo e do soft power socioeconômico dos governos Lula; o discurso do reformismo moderado, que associa as identidades de “parceiro responsável” e “líder pragmático” ao Brasil, em contraposição ao “radicalismo” e ao “populismo” da Venezuela; e o discurso da pretensão de projeção global de poder.Brazil’s foreign, defense and security policies between 2003-2014 affected its relations with the great powers, raising a variety of discourses that seek to translate the country’s recent international insertion and inform strategies that may cope with the demands of a new relationship with Brazil. In this context, there is a set of increasingly important institutions whose practices, representations and discourses precede, inform and seek to influence agenda setting, as well as policy and decision making processes in the fields of foreign, defense and security policies, especially of great powers: think tanks, institutions whose activities are mainly focused on producing and engaging knowledge on domestic and international public policies. The research problem orienting this monograph is, thus, the following: how do the most important foreign, defense and security policy think tanks in Germany and France represent Brazil’s recent international insertion and the role it plays in its regional surrounding area? The main aim of this project is, therefore, to offer an analysis of the discourse on Brazil’s recent international insertion (2003-2014) produced and disseminated by four of the most important think tanks in Germany and France. The monograph adopts post-structuralist discourse analysis as its theoretical and methodological foundation and lays out the argument that the analysis of selected think tanks’ publications reveals a set of basic discourses structuring key-representations of identity attributed to Brazil. Among them, three basic discourses are highlighted throughout the discussion: Lula’s diplomatic innovation and socioeconomic soft power discourse; the moderate reformism discourse, which links the identities of a “responsible partner” and “pragmatic leader” to Brazil in opposition to the “radicalism” and “populism” attributed to Venezuela; last but not least, the discourse on Brazil’s alleged claim to global power projection.
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Angelo, Ariane d'. "Discrète ténacité : l'entreprise de communication politique des gouvernements ouest-allemands à l'étranger à l'exemple de la France (1958-1969)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040177.
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La présente étude est consacrée au développement spécifique du secteur ouest-allemand de la communication d'État à l'étranger, dans le contexte des initiatives menées en France entre 1958 et 1969. L'élaboration d'une doctrine de l'information conforme à la doxa démocratique de la République fédérale d'Allemagne constitue le point de référence d'une analyse où affleurent les analogies avec la République de Weimar et les continuités dans le domaine du personnel et de l'appareil institutionnel. L'accession de la communication politique à l'étranger, domaine distinct de la diplomatie culturelle, au rang d'instrument indispensable de la politique extérieure est préalablement examinée à l'aune des efforts accomplis par le chancelier Konrad Adenauer pour conquérir une marge de manoeuvre internationale dans les premières années d'existence de la République fédérale ; l'ultimatum soviétique sur Berlin, en novembre 1958, est mis en évidence comme l'élément déclencheur de l'assentiment donné par le Parlement fédéral à la mise en oeuvre de mesures renforcées dans le domaine de l'information politique à l'étranger. La concurrence avec la RDA et l'importance de la distanciation avec la notion de propagande s'établissent comme deux critères d'analyse de l'action menée en France par la diplomatie ouest-allemande en coordination avec l'Office de presse et d'information du gouvernement fédéral. À rebours de la thèse de la « retenue », souvent utilisée pour désigner l'attitude officielle ouest-allemande à l'étranger, les procédés révèlent plutôt une action tenace, le plus souvent attentive à rester discrète, et dont les présupposés contredisent les tentatives de faire table rase du passéThis dissertation explores the specific way in which West German governments have developed strategies in international public relations and it discusses more particularly their implementation in France between 1958 and 1969. A cornerstone of this study is the creation by the Federal Republic of Germany of an official information doctrine that was intended to reflect the democratic orthodoxy of the newly created state. Its analysis not only reveals the many continuities between the Weimar Republic and post-war West Germany, but it also points out the permanence of political staff and institutional structures. The rise of international public relations as an essential tool in the country’s foreign policy is first examined in the light of Chancellor Konrad Adenauer’s efforts to make the FRG regain international leeway in its early first few years. Secondly, this study demonstrates that the Soviets’ Berlin ultimatum in November 1958 led the West German Parliament to agree with the reinforcement of the country’s international public relations policy. Competition with the German Democratic Republic as well as the West German governments’ need to stay well away from propaganda are the two criteria which inform the analysis of the action carried out in France by West German diplomatic services in cooperation with the Federal Press and Information Office. Whereas West Germany’s official attitude overseas has frequently been described as “non-assertive”, this dissertation contends that it should more justly be reassessed as a form of relentless, albeit it carefully discreet, action. The way it operated went against the official claim that West Germany was doing away with its past
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Doppler-Speranza, François. "Civils et militaires : les aspects culturels de la présence américaine en France, 1944-1967." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAC028.
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Notre thèse se donne pour objectif d’examiner la projection culturelle de la présence militaire américaine en France entre 1944 et 1967. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, alors que le monde bascule dans la Guerre froide, nul ne sait déterminer l’issue de la confrontation politique et idéologique qui se déroule entre les États-Unis et l’Union Soviétique. En 1949, la France fait partie des pays fondateurs de l’Organisation du traité de l’Atlantique nord (OTAN). Sa participation à l’organisation internationale entraîne le « grand retour » des soldats américains, les GI, sur le territoire français. Celui-ci s’accompagne d’une politique culturelle inédite, qui se traduit par de nombreuses actions menées tant au niveau institutionnel que sur le terrain des bases militaires. Comment et pourquoi les autorités diplomatiques et militaires s’appliquent-elles à développer une stratégie de promotion de la présence militaire américaine en France ? Quelles formes prennent les campagnes de publicité organisées par les services d’information américains en France (USIS-France), pour développer les rapports entre civiles et militaires ? Quelle image les Français et les Américains se font-ils de cette présence militaire en territoire étranger ? À la lumière d’études journalistiques, archivistiques et de terrain, nous montrons que Washington s’emploie à conduire une politique culturelle « parabelliciste » très maîtrisée. Cette notion, adaptée de la pensée de l’intellectuel français Jacques Ayencourt en 1946, caractérise avec à-propos la politique culturelle américaine conduite de l’arrivée des premiers GI en 1944 jusqu’au départ des derniers bataillons en 1967Our thesis aims to examine the promotion of the American military presence in France from 1944 to 1967. After World War II, as the world was slowly drifting into the Cold War, the outcome of the political and ideological confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union was still uncertain. In 1949, France took part in the foundation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Its participation in NATO led to the return of US soldiers, the GIs, to French territory. Their return was accompanied by an unprecedented cultural policy, implemented both at the institutional level and in the day-to-day lives of French citizens. How and why did the diplomatic circles and the military establishment feel the need to develop a strategy to promote the US military presence in France? How were the advertisement campaigns conceived by the US information services in France (USIS-France) in order to develop a relationship between civilians and the military? What image did the French and the Americans have of this military presence on French soil? Based on journalistic, archival and field studies, our work shows that Washington’s cultural policy was “parabellicist,” aiming deliberately to keep both the French and the Americans on a war footing. This notion, derived from Jacques Ayencourt’s work in 1946, appropriately characterizes American cultural policy conduct from the arrival of the first GIs in 1944 until the last battalions departed in 1967
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Siegel, Heather Annette. "Les Ambitions de Sarkozy et Le Leadership Francais dans L'Intervention en Libye de 2011." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/401.
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En mars 2011, la communauté internationale s'est réunie pour soutenir les ambitions démocratiques des manifestants libyens et pour s'opposer vigoureusement à la violence perpétrée par Kadhafi contre son peuple. Nicolas Sarkzoy, président de la République française, a joué un rôle clé dans les négociations qui ont entraîné la mise en place d'une zone d'exclusion aérienne et le lancement d'une opération militaire pour protéger les populations civiles en Libye. Cette thèse examine les ambitions de Sarkozy et le leadership diplomatique qu'il a démontré entre le déclenchement des révoltes en Libye et le prise en charge de l'opération militaire par l'Otan. Elle analyse d'abord les grands thèmes qui influencent la politique étrangère française traditionnelle puis la politique étrangère menée par Sarkozy depuis le début de sa présidence pour mieux comprendre la vision que la France a de sa place dans le système international. Après avoir identifié les objectifs de la politique étrangère française en général et de la politique étrangère de Sarkozy, cette thèse explique les objectifs que Sarkozy voulait réaliser à travers ses actions diplomatiques vis-à-vis du conflit libyen ainsi que les moyens dont il s'est servi pour les réaliser. Elle trouve que les actions de Sarkozy représentent une tentative de réaffirmer la réputation de la France en tant que grande puissance diplomatique.
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Sitzenstuhl, Charles. "Jacques Chirac, Nicolas Sarkozy et l'adhésion de la Turquie à l'Union européenne : pour une approche psychologique de la décision." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0026.
Full textAbstract:
La thèse analyse la politique de la France vis-à-vis de l’adhésion de la Turquie à l’Union européenne entre 1995 et 2012 en se concentrant sur l’influence des personnalités des présidents Jacques Chirac et Nicolas Sarkozy sur cette politique. Cette recherche de psychologie politique s’inspire de la théorie sociocognitive de la personnalité d’Albert Bandura. Après des développements appelant à une meilleure prise en compte des décideurs individuels en science politique, la thèse montre que la politique française vis-à-vis de l’adhésion turque se distingue par un processus de décision centralisé autour de la personne du président de la République. Le soutien de la France à l’adhésion turque entre 1995 et 2007, à rebours de l’opinion publique, s’explique par la personnalité de Jacques Chirac : son système de croyance, sa détermination, son indépendance d’esprit. L’élection de Nicolas Sarkozy en 2007 est une rupture dans la position française envers la Turquie. En raison d’un calcul de politique intérieure qui correspond à son système de croyance, le nouveau président prend la décision de ne plus soutenir l’adhésion turque, bien que la France ne mette pas de veto à la poursuite des négociations entre l’UE et la Turquie. Malgré ce compromis initial, Paris et Ankara connaissent une sévère détérioration de leurs relations bilatérales entre 2007 et 2012 en raison de la personnalité de Nicolas Sarkozy. Ce dernier mène une politique de rejet de la Turquie sur plusieurs dossiers (Union pour la Méditerranée, Saison de la Turquie en France, intervention en Libye). Aussi, son tempérament désinhibé irrite les autorités turquesThe thesis analyzes the policy of France towards Turkey’s accession to the European Union between 1995 and 2012 by concentrating on the influence of Presidents Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy’s personalities on this policy. This political psychology research is inspired by Albert Bandura’s social cognitive theory of personality. After developments calling for a better consideration of the individual decision-makers in political science, the thesis shows that French policy towards Turkish accession distinguishes itself through a centralized decision-making process around the President of the Republic. The support of France for Turkish accession between 1995 and 2007, against the public opinion, is explained by the personality of Jacques Chirac: his belief system, his determination, and his independence of mind. The election of Nicolas Sarkozy in 2007 is a rupture in the French position towards Turkey. Because of a domestic politics calculation corresponding to his belief system, the new President decides not to support Turkish accession anymore, even though France does not veto the pursuit of negotiations between the European Union and Turkey. In spite of this initial compromise, Paris-Ankara relations are severely damaged between 2007 and 2012, a situation that can be explained by the personality of Nicolas Sarkozy. The latter has a policy of rejection of Turkey on several topics (the Union for the Mediterranean, the Season of Turkey in France, the intervention in Libya). What is more, his uninhibited temperament irritates the Turkish authorities
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Hamizi, Maamar. "La crise algérienne dans les stratégies des puissances occidentales : France - Etats-Unis." Paris 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA030089.
Full textAbstract:
A l’ère de la globalisation où les interdépendances sont fortes, une crise nationale apparaît comme une affaire internationale, ce qui entraîne l’implication d’Etats tiers qui deviennent ainsi, par leurs politiques étrangères, des éléments déterminants dans l’évolution et l’issu de cette crise. Pour illustrer cela, nous nous intéressons à la crise algérienne dans les stratégies des puissances occidentales, à travers l’analyse de la politique algérienne de la France et des Etats-Unis dans les domaines politique, économique, et sécuritaireIn the epoch of the globalization where interrelationship is strong, a national crisis appears as an international affair, what draws away the involvement of third States which become so, by their foreign policies of the decisive elements in evolution and existent of this crisis. To illustrate it, we are interested in Algerian crisis in strategies of western potency, across the analysis of the Algerian policies of France and the United States in political, economic and security domains