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1
E. Osipov. "Foreign Policy of France: Moving Away From Gaullism." International Affairs 62, no. 003 (June 30, 2016): 191–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/iaf.46827291.
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Mitrofanova, O. "The Evolution of France’s Foreign and Domestic Policy (1946-1958)." Problems of World History, no. 10 (February 27, 2020): 166–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-10-10.
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The article is devoted to the study of the evolution of the foreign and domestic policies of France in the post-war period. The position of heads of leading states during the Yalta Conference and its implications for France are studied. The general situation in France in the post-war period and the struggle of various political forces are investigated. The participation of France in the founding of the UN, the status of a permanent member of the UN Security Council and the veto is disclosed. The concept of the military policy of General C. de Gaulle is highlighted, which was a consistent doctrine and was already formed in 1949-1955. The article analyzes the Dunkirk French-British agreement on alliance and mutual assistance of March 4, 1947. The factor of the American presence in France and the policy of US assistance to France are considered. The approaches of French politicians to the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty are analyzed. The collapse of the French colonial empire and the concentration of its foreign policy strategy on the development of purely European structures are investigated.
It is proved that the potential of France, despite its difficult post-war socio-economic situation, prompted the Allies to take into account its position in world space. However, on the other hand, France’s dependence on assistance, in particular, the Marshall Plan, made it impossible to exclude France from participating in the geopolitical confrontation, which gave rise to the Cold War and made clear its choice. It is summarized that the phenomenon of the rapid restoration of France’s potential after the World War ІІ, the successful spread of “gaullism” are very indicative examples of the significant success of French diplomacy and the role of the individual in history, which is capable of achieving unexpected results. Although in the twentieth century. the prestige of the French language as a language of diplomacy was gradually declining, the maneuvering of France in the setting up of a bipolar world provided this country with a particularly unique place in world politics.
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Fard, Rebin. "The New Foreign-Policy Pendulum: Geopolitical Codes of German Foreign Policy in the Post-bipolar World Order." Politics in Central Europe 15, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 383–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2019-0022.
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AbstractThis article deals with the question of how German foreign policy can be characterized from a geopolitical perspective in an era in which the constellation of world politics is undergoing change, as evidenced by the conflict in Ukraine, shift in US foreign policy under President Trump and the on-going Brexit negotiations. In order to identify changes in the geopolitical orientation of German foreign policy and sketch a profile of German foreign policy, the article includes official German government documents. It can be concluded from the study that the geopolitical codes of German foreign policy are of a varying character, and can be characterized into three geopolitical spatial structures: the Atlantic, European and Eurasian regions. In terms of the geopolitical orientation of German foreign policy, the Federal Government develops German strategy in a multipolar world system, in which it aims to turn Europe into a world power. While the continued existence of NATO remains a goal of German foreign policy, the Federal Government, in unison with France, seeks a multipolar world order, in which Germany and France assume leading roles within the European spatial structure, and are liberated from US supremacy in the transatlantic spatial structure.
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Osipov, Evgeny Aleksandrovich. "French “Mirages” in Libya in 1970 as a symbol of “new Arab” policy of France." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 12 (December 2020): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.12.34569.
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The relations with Arab countries have always been an intrinsic component of French foreign policy, predominately in the de Gaulle's Fifth Republic. Namely in the 1960s the General de Gaulle laid the groundwork for the so-called “new Arab” policy of France, intended for consolidation of the country's role in the Middle East and the Mediterranean, as well as for overcoming issues in the relationship with Arab countries caused the colonial past of France. Leaning on the wide range of scientific literature and sources, including the documents from the Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France, the author reviews the circumstances of signing a major contract by France for delivering arms to Libya in 1970, few months after the Libyan Revolution and assumption of power by Muammar Gaddafi. The signed in 1970 Franco-Libyan agreement was congruent with the overall context of “new Arab” policy of Gaullist France, and can be regarded as its symbol. Special attention is given to the factors that prompted French leadership to military cooperation with Libya, although France was aware that it could aggravation relations not only with Israel, but also with the United States. Along with the interests of French military-industrial complex, oil factor, and, prospects for the development of Franco-Libyan cooperation, an important role played rivalry between France, USSR and the countries of socialist camp, the activity of which increased in the third world countries during the 1960s – 1970s. In a way, namely the concerns about the growing influence of Moscow in the Middle East and the Mediterranean accelerated the “new Arab” policy of France.
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Bourmaud, Daniel. "France in Africa: African Politics and French Foreign Policy." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 2 (1995): 58–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502054.
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French policy in Africa is at a crossroads. Forced to consider among choices that appeared entrenched in the past, France now hesitates to implement essential reforms. The reluctance to carve out a new conception of French-African relations is in part tied to the magnitude of the changes which have affected African states south of the Sahara since 1989, but it is also tied to the generalized failure of French aid policies since the Second World War. The result has been a conceptual vacuum in French policy towards Africa, reflected in the oscillation between the old practices, including very controversial ones, and the structural adjustments in which France is little more than an interested observer.
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Chin, Rachel. "History and Foreign Policy: Franco-British Cooperation towards Greek Independence 1828–1830." Britain and the World 14, no. 2 (September 2021): 151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2021.0370.
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On 6 July 1827 the Treaty of London committed France, Britain, and Russia to working together to mediate the question of Greek independence. This was one of the first examples of Franco-British cooperation after the Napoleonic Wars. Although officials on both sides of the Channel publicly celebrated Franco-British cooperation over the Greek affair, behind closed doors policy makers remained suspicious of each other's intentions. This article explores how the memory and experience of the Napoleonic conflict influenced French and British policy making during the Greek independence struggle between 1828 and 1830. It argues that the memories of these conflicts fostered cultures of Franco-British rivalry that were discernible in the highest levels of policy making as well as in parliamentary and press opinion. These misgivings, embedded in notions of natural and historic rivalry, played an important role in mediating how policy makers viewed, judged, responded to, and justified their own and their counterpart's policies and policy motivations.
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Bourmaud, Daniel. "France in Africa: African Politics and French Foreign Policy." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 2 (1995): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1166509.
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Kornilov, Alexander Alekseevich, and Alexandra Ilyinichna Afonshina. "Gaullism and Neogaullism: Foreign Policy Continuity and Dynamics in France." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 256–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-2-256-263.
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Article describes the main priorities and objectives of foreign policy of Gaullism and neogaullism, trying to underline those elements that remain untouched during the decades and those that have been transformed due to the changes on the international arena. Besides, the authors focus on the notion of “grandeur” that was extensively used by the general de Gaulle, and estimate the direct influence of this concept on the French foreign policy. The main foreign policy priorities of Charles de Gaulle include independent foreign policy, status quo change in the bipolar world and great power status regain. Foreign policy priorities of neogaullists, Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy, haven’t been changed so far, but the ways of achieving goals are different now. Both presidents have been trying to develop the EU integration, even through strengthening the supranational institutions, and develop the integration with NATO (Sarkozy even returned France to the military structures of NATO). France, led by neogaullists, also conducted an active policy in the Mediterranean, cooperating not only with traditional partners (Arab states) but making attempts to restore relations with Israel. Sarkozy launched the idea of the Mediterranean Union that had the aim to strengthen the influence of France in the region, boost cooperation with Mediterranean countries and solve the numerous problems that all of them were facing. But this idea wasn’t realized as it was supposed to. In general, neogaullists follow the main principles of Charles de Gaulle, also responding to the current challenges. It’s worth mentioning that the authors analyze the foreign policy of French presidents holistically from the point of view of neogaullism, trying to evaluate the level of continuity during the decades and conclude whether the provisions of Gaullism are relevant for France in the 21st century.
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Morzheedov, Vladislav Gennad'evich. "The models of German political space in France’s foreign policy of the XIX century." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 6 (June 2021): 56–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.6.35989.
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The subject of this research is the relations between Napoleonic France and German states in the early XIX century. The object of this research is the various models of the development of German political space during the Napoleonic Wars. Analysis is conducted on the role of France in transformations that influences the Holy Roman Empire, as well as in the process of creating Confederation of the Rhine. Under the reign of Napoleon Bonaparte, France pursues active foreign policy, competing for hegemony in Europe. The article considers positive and negative consequences of transformations that took place in the German political space, the importance of political modernization for the Confederation of the Rhine member-states, as well as the corresponding territorial and institutional changes. The novelty of this work lies in the original approach towards the problem. An attempt is made to reconsider the known events of the early XIX century from the perspective of evolution of the models of German political space. The research employs chronological, historical-comparative, and historical-systematic methods. It is claimed that without analyzing the impact of foreign policy of Napoleonic France upon the German states, it is impossible to fully understand the trends of further development of Germany, goals and ways of reaching national unity, and peculiarities of Franco-German relations in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The main conclusion lies in recognition of the contradictory nature of transformations that took place in the German states, assessment of the ambiguous role of Napoleonic France in the German integration process, and importance of studying this topic for outlining further historical path of development of the German states towards political unity.
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N. Litvak. "Morals in the Foreign Policy and Diplomacy of Contemporary France." International Affairs 62, no. 005 (October 31, 2016): 137–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/iaf.47559226.
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HOLLIFIELD, JAMES F. "Immigration Policy in France and Germany: Outputs versus Outcomes." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 485, no. 1 (May 1986): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716286485001010.
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This article looks at the successes and failures of immigration policy in France and Germany. Particular attention is given to comparing immigration and foreign-worker policies—outputs—and the results of these policies—outcomes—in each state since the suspension of immigration in the mid-1970s. The analysis of the French and German experiences suggests that the gap between outputs and outcomes results from the inability of the state fully to control the migratory process. Inevitably, many foreign workers will choose to settle in the country in which they work. Stopping the movement of workers into and out of the country and suspending immigration tends to speed up the process of settlement and increase family and seasonal immigration. The principal lesson for other industrial democracies is that suspending immigration and exporting workers is not an effective way to solve employment problems.
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Kempin, Ronja. "Frankreich und die Türkei – Machtpoker ohne Sieger." integration 44, no. 3 (2021): 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2021-3-177.
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In the summer of 2020, Franco-Turkish relations deteriorated dramatically. Since then, Paris has accused Ankara of deliberately influencing the Turkish diaspora in France in order to undermine the values of the French Republic. In terms of foreign policy, France criticizes Turkey for encircling the European Union (EU) and its member states with the consequence of deliberately acting against their interests. Neither the ideological nor the geopolitical power poker of the two states has produced a winner. The Franco-Turkish rivalries offer the EU the opportunity to undertake a comprehensive reorientation of its Turkey policy. The expansion of its conditionality to include domestic political issues is just as important as an improved division of roles and work in its institutions and the geopolitical view of the respective neighbourhood.
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Bourmaud, Daniel. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: A View from Paris, France." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502947.
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The Clinton administration’s foreign policy toward Africa arouses strong reactions in France, most notably within the French policymaking establishment. This sentiment is directly linked to the end of the Cold War and the redistribution of power on the African continent. French policymakers commonly believe that the United States seeks to dominate the African continent. Such a representation could be seen as laughable through its excessive character. It is nonetheless maintained by a disparate group of facts and events that, when combined, lead French policymakers to overestimate U.S. impulses. In fact, U.S. African policies are not immune to the uncertainties and contradictions that pervade overall U.S. foreign policy. As insightfully noted by French Minister of Foreign Affairs Hubert Védrine, U.S. foreign policy toward Africa conveys the aspirations of a “hyper-power” that, although lacking a worthy international opponent truly capable of challenging its power, remains incapable of implementing a viable African strategy—in essence conjuring up the much-acclaimed image in Gulliver’s Travels of the giant Gulliver finding himself hamstrung by hundreds of ropes tied by six-inch Lilliputians. An analysis of this policy also indirectly reveals the doubts inherent in France’s own African policy due to the inability of its leaders to accept the constraints of a transformed international system.
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Paquin, Jonathan, and Philippe Beauregard. "Shedding Light on Canada's Foreign Policy Alignment." Canadian Journal of Political Science 46, no. 3 (May 23, 2013): 617–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423913000449.
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Abstract. The purpose of this article is to explore the issue of alignment in Canadian foreign policy. The main research question is whether Canada's responses to foreign crises aligned with those of its allies, and if so, which allies and why. The study proceeds in two steps. First, it tests four major theoretical perspectives that could explain Canada's behaviour: continentalism, transatlantism, the Anglosphere argument and unilateralism. By performing a computer-generated content analysis, the article assesses these propositions by focusing on and comparing Canada's official declarations to those of the United States, France and Britain to six foreign crises that occurred between 2004 and 2011. Second, the analysis identifies whether there is a difference between the Harper and Martin governments' responses to foreign crises. The research provides quantitative and qualitative evidence suggesting that Canada's foreign policy alignment primarily tends toward a transatlantic orientation. It also shows that the Harper government was less in line with Washington than was the previous Liberal government of Paul Martin, which challenges the conventional wisdom of Canadian foreign policy.Résumé. Cet article explore l'enjeu de l'alignement en politique étrangère canadienne et pose la question de recherche suivante : est-ce qu'à l'égard des crises étrangère le Canada s'aligne sur les positions de ses alliés et, si oui, lesquels et pourquoi? Tout d'abord, l'article présente quatre perspectives théoriques susceptibles d'expliquer le comportement du Canada : le continentalisme, le transatlantisme, la thèse de l'anglosphère et celle de l'unilatéralisme. En ayant recours à une analyse de contenu assistée par ordinateur, cet article teste la validité de ces propositions en comparant les déclarations officielles du Canada à celles des États-Unis, de la France et de l'Angleterre à l'égard de six crises survenues entre 2004 et 2011. Ensuite, l'analyse cherche à identifier s'il y a une différence entre les réponses des gouvernements Harper et Martin à l'égard de ces crises. L'étude fournit des données empiriques de type qualitatif et quantitatif qui suggèrent que le Canada a eu une orientation transatlantique lors de la gestion de ces crises internationales. Elle montre également que le gouvernement Harper est moins aligné sur les positions de Washington que ne le fut le précédent gouvernement libéral, ce qui ébranle certaines idées communément admises en politique étrangère canadienne.
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Merle, Marcel. "Les élections législatives de mars 1978 et la politique extérieure de la France." Études internationales 9, no. 4 (April 12, 2005): 467–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/700890ar.
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The international aspect of electoral consultations is too often neglected by researchers. In the specific case of France, observation shows that international stakes have already played an important role in other circumstances (notably in 1973). In 1978, the confrontation opposing the majority in power and the leftist opposition was played out, in part, on international problems. The defeat of the left has certainly multiple causes ; but the rupture which weakened the opposition occurred, initially, because of questions of foreign policy ; as for the incumbent majority, it found in the continuity of foreign policy its best arguments with public opinion. Just as foreign policy was able to contribute, in a certain way, to electoral results, the latter could have a certain influence on the course of French foreign policy. This case study suggests the need for further comparative research in order to draw up a typology of electoral consultations, according to whether or not they involve an external stake, but also to define more precisely the ambiguous concept of foreign policy — which may not be reduced, as the French electoral campaign of 1978 proves, to problems of alliances and defense only.
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Chikhachev, A. Yu. "Foreign Policy of Modern France: Features of Emmanuel Macron’s Diplomatic Style." Vestnik Povolzhskogo instituta upravleniya 18, no. 3 (2018): 46–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1682-2358-2018-3-46-52.
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Kolupaeva, Ekaterina Vladislavovna, and Liliya Rifhatovna Galimzyanova. "French Policy in the Sphere of Tourism." Journal of Politics and Law 12, no. 5 (August 31, 2019): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n5p71.
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In this paper we present the current situation of France in the field of tourism and describe the main state organizations that carry on business in the sphere of tourism development in the French Republic. We also give examples of the main events delivered by these institutions for the sustainable development of the tourism industry in France. Today in France there are several state structural units that are full of vitality in this direction. Of these, the following departments and organizations were considered: Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Development; Ministry of Commerce and Finance; Interagency Committee on Tourism, Tourism Promotion Council, Atout France, etc.
Thanks to the active work carried out at the state level, France today holds one of the leading positions among the countries to be most frequently visited by tourists. Moreover, the results of this smart policy are the annual income from the development of the tourism industry in France, which, in turn, significantly affects the economic welfare of the country.
Thus, a carefully thought-out state policy in the field of tourism has a favorable effect on the socio-economic condition of the country as a whole.
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Martin, Guy. "Continuity and Change in Franco-African Relations." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1995): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020826.
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While noticeable signs of change in relations between France and her former colonies in Africa began to appear in the post-cold war era, particularly since 1990, elements of continuity include their enduring historical and cultural ties; their informal, intimate, and secretive politico-diplomatic relations, typified by the bi-annual franco-African summit meetings; and the fact that when all is said and done, the contintent remains of great economic importance to France. As for the gradual process of democratisation which has swept throughout francophone Africa in recent years, there is evidence that this has been selectively supported by France according to criteria pertaining more to her core foreign-policy interests in Africa than to ideological, legalistic, or humanitarian considerations.
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Grishel, Alexei. "Evolution of de Gaulle’s foreign policy concept in activity of Nicolas Sarkozy." European Historical Studies, no. 5 (2016): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.05.64-77.
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The article touches upon an important issue of the evolution of de Gaulle’s foreign policy concept during the presidency of N.Sarkozy. Positions of C.de Gaulle and N.Sarkozy on foreign policy have been examined and compared. Theauthor concludes that N.Sarkozy, as head of France, followed the principles of C.de Gaulle in his foreign-policy activities. However, the global economic crisis, thegrowing French people’s discontent with immigrants, the problem of further development of the EU has led to the necessity of acting intuitively, given the impossibility of using the de Gaulle’s principles and ideas under the new circumstances.
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Ignatiev, P., and P. Bovsunivskyi. "EGYPT’S FOREIGN POLICY UNDER ABDEL FATTAH EL-SISI." ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, no. 134 (2018): 4–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2018.134.0.4-15.
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The article covers revolutionary changes in Egyptian foreign policy after the rise to power of Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. The authors note that the new President introduced a multidimensional policy, taking steps away from traditional dependence on the United States of America. To this end Egypt diversified suppliers for armed forces with the assistance of France and the Russian Federation, simultaneously expanding economic ties with China and the EU countries. The focus on the GCC monarchies that provide significant financial assistance to the regime also remains the important component of the Egyptian foreign policy. The article states that the aggravation of water shortages forces Egypt to conduct more active relations with African states, primarily with the Nile basin countries, but those attempts are “too little, too late”. The authors conclude that after exhausting all diplomatic means, Egypt can apply military force to protect its own water security against Ethiopia, but such policy will lead to direct clash with the United States of America and deterioration of Egyptian influence in Africa.
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Bonakdarian, Mansour. "Iranian Constitutional Exiles and British Foreign-Policy Dissenters, 1908–9." International Journal of Middle East Studies 27, no. 2 (May 1995): 175–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800061870.
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In recent Middle Eastern history, the experience of political exile has become a prevalent theme, as large numbers of Palestinians, Kurds, Iranians, and Afghans, among others, have sought refuge in various countries. Although the earlier numbers would pale in comparison with the present size of the Middle Eastern diaspora scattered around the globe, it was in the 19th century that the first noticeable groups of exiles from the Middle East began taking sanctuary in European countries, among other locations. Perhaps the best known of these exile communities were the Young Ottomans in France in the late 19th century.
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Zinchenko, Irina. "The Problem of Implementing the Francophone Policy in the Field of Education in the Countries of Asia and Africa (1958-1969)." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 2 (February 2020): 86–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.2.30953.
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The article discusses the issues related to the implementation of the Francophone policy in African and Asian countries. The author examines France's methods of cooperating with its former colonies; which countries received more attention; why specifically education played an important role in the implementation of the Francophone policy, and how did the financial support for this field change during the presidency of Charles de Gaulle. In the presented work, the policy of Francophonie is understood as the totality of France’s actions towards creating privileged political and economic ties with foreign states through the means of the French language and culture.In accordance with the latest methodological developments, foreign cultural policy is viewed as a group of measures developed and implemented by a state on an external level in order to promote national culture and language. The perception of the problems of foreign cultural policy was significantly influenced by the concept of "soft power" elaborated by political scientist J. Naya. This study applied several research methods: the system analysis method and the comparative analysis method. Topics related to the political implementation of Francophonie are little studied in Russian historiography. The article uses documents from the archives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs previously unfamiliar to the general public. The implementation of the Francophone policy in the countries of Asia and Africa in 1958-1969 resulted in the extensive cultural, economic and political cooperation between France and its former colonies. Despite the numerous successes in implementing the Francophone policy, by 1969, the government of the Fifth Republic had failed to restore the French cultural influence on the territories that had gained independence from France in a non-peaceful way.
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Dudas, Tomas, and Rastislav Rajnoha. "Chinese high-tech foreign direct investments in the EU – trends and policy responses." Problems and Perspectives in Management 18, no. 2 (June 25, 2020): 316–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.18(2).2020.26.
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This paper aims to examine the trends of Chinese high-tech acquisitions in the EU countries, describe the policies that these acquisitions prompted on the level of member states and the EU, and analyze the effects of these policy responses. The results of the research review clearly show an increasing number of takeovers of European companies in the high-tech sectors, especially in the big member states such as Germany, France, or the UK. This created a backlash from the European policymakers that led to an introduction of tighter screening regimes in many EU member states and the creation of a common EU framework for FDI screening and its strategic management. At this point, it is hard to evaluate the complete effect of this new framework, but it must be concluded that 82 percent of the Chinese strategic acquisitions made in 2018 would fall under at least one criterion of the new EU framework. The findings of this paper provide sound recommendations for the EU countries and their public authorities targeting to control Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) and limit the acquisition of local companies in sensitive industries. On the other hand, the coming recession may put at least a temporary halt on Chinese acquisitions of the European companies. Acknowledgment This paper is the partial result of the GAAA – Grantová agentura Akademické alliance grant project No. GA/6/2019 – Strategic Performance Management of Companies and Multinational Corporations in the Context of Globalization and Sustainability.
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Zueva, K. "Current French–US Partnership." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 11 (2015): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-47-55.
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The article examines US–France relations, in particular within the NATO framework, as well as positions of France in the Alliance, its participation in NATO operations and its desire to play a more active role in this organization. The pilot of American interests in the Asian-Pacific region and events in Ukraine revive aspirations of Europeans for more active building of the “European defense”. The France-Britain military collaboration is developing intensively. However, France considers the formation of the “European army” as a question of a very long-term perspective. The article also examines the stance of France on the free trade zone between the EU and the U.S. The Atlantic solidarity is one of the most important directions in the French foreign policy. In power, Francois Hollande continues his predecessor's policy in this sphere. Nowadays, France demonstrates the accordance with the US almost in all international issues from Syria to Ukraine. France has shown its dependence on the US policy in such questions as “Mistrals” delivery to Russia and the attitude to the Ukrainian crisis. The scandal around the American ANB spying after French political and business elite did not destroy this dependence. The participation of France in NATO is the most important format of transatlantic relations. The French expert association and opposition forces constantly criticize the transatlantic direction of Hollande's foreign policy. The greater and greater part of French elite stands for the returning of an independent voice of France in international affairs. The great anxiety in French society is provoked by the U.S. pulling into the crusade against Russia. However, in the present situation, French leaders are not going to spoil relations with their transatlantic partner, because they believe that only together with the U.S. they can counter contemporary challenges of the modern world.
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Semenenko, I., and I. Grishin. "World. Challenges of Global Crisis. France." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2013): 70–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-11-70-83.
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The publication presents the results of the recent theoretical seminar of IMEMO Center of comparative socio-economic and socio-political studies. The topic relates to the trends and prospects of socio-political transformations in the leading nations of the world under the conditions of current crisis. In particular, the participants of the seminar discuss the status of the French socio-political model, crisis hardships, new balance of political forces, features of foreign policy, France’s Syrian dilemma.
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Ménudier, Henri. "Les élections françaises de 1981 et la politique étrangères." Études internationales 13, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 53–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701314ar.
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In the two electoral campaigns held in France in the spring of 1981, parties and their candidates gave only limited importance to foreign policy. They showed some interest during the presidential campaign but very little during the legislative elections. This relative silence can be explained by the fact that the French are in rather wide-spread agreement as to the over-all orientation of foreign policy as defined in the 1960s by General de Gaulle and as adapted subsequently by his successors. Clearly, economic and social questions dominated the electoral discussions. Valery Giscard d'Estaing defended his seven-year record; his opponents in the outgoing majority and on the left sharply contested it. Without abandoning a critical position, François Mitterand tried to reassure the French by showing them that his coming to power would not upset the foundations of foreign policy and that changes would be more important in other areas. A thematic study of arguments used during the electoral campaign shows that Valery Giscard d'Estaing's opponents forcefully reproached his overall conception of foreign policy defined by "globalism" and his attitute toward the USSR following the invasion of Afghanistan. The meeting between the French president and Leonid Brejnev in Warsaw was at the heart of the polemic. Even if weak arguments were used in other areas of foreign policy, international problems did in the end play a significant role in challenging the credibility of the outgoing president. Foreign policy became a tool used for electoral purposes. The electoral campaign was characterized as well by the involvement of pressure groups, notably Jewish organizations discontent with French policy toward the Middle East and by the active support of the Socialist International in favor of François Mitterand. On the whole, the electoral campaign emphasized continuity more than change. It is useful to be aware of these positions in order to understand France s foreign activities under its socialist regime.
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Rahbek-Clemmensen, Jon, and Olivier Schmitt. "The Impact of Institutions on Foreign Policy Think Tanks in France and Denmark." International Spectator 52, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 100–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2017.1268443.
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Oppermann, Kai, and Henrike Viehrig. "The Public Salience of Foreign and Security Policy in Britain, Germany and France." West European Politics 32, no. 5 (August 12, 2009): 925–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380903064804.
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Risse-Kappen, Thomas. "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies." World Politics 43, no. 4 (July 1991): 479–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010534.
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The paper discusses the role of public opinion in the foreign policy-making process of liberal democracies. Contrary to prevailing assumptions, public opinion matters. However, the impact of public opinion is determined not so much by the specific issues involved or by the particular pattern of public attitudes as by the domestic structure and the coalition-building processes among the elites in the respective country. The paper analyzes the public impact on the foreign policy-making process in four liberal democracies with distinct domestic structures: the United States, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, and Japan. Under the same international conditions and despite similar patterns of public attitudes, variances in foreign policy outcomes nevertheless occur; these have to be explained by differences in political institutions, policy networks, and societal structures. Thus, the four countries responded differently to Soviet policies during the 1980s despite more or less comparable trends in mass public opinion.
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Nesterova, T. P. "France and Attempt to Resolve the Italo-Ethiopian Conflict in Late 1935: the Hoare–Laval Plan." Nauchnyi dialog 1, no. 8 (August 31, 2020): 398–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-8-398-411.
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The article is devoted to the policy of France towards Italy and Ethiopia at the initial stage of the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935—1936. It is shown that in the autumn of 1935, the French government took a position aimed at a peaceful settlement of the Italian-Ethiopian conflict at the expense of Ethiopia, since relations with Italy were much more important for France than relations with Ethiopia, and “real policy” required France to reach an agreement primarily with Italy. It is noted that a similar position was taken by the United Kingdom. It is indicated that this resulted in the formation of a plan for the settlement of the conflict, put forward in December 1935 by the head of the French government, Pierre Laval, and the British foreign Minister, Samuel Hoare. It is proved that the Hoare–Laval plan was an early form of the policy of “appeasement of the aggressor,” which became the leading direction of French and British foreign policy during the collapse of the Versailles system of international relations in 1938—1939. The research is based on publications of Soviet, French, Italian and Canadian diplomatic documents, League of Nations documents, memoirs of political figures of that era, as well as unpublished documents from the Archive of Publicistic Activity (Germany).
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Martin, Guy. "The Historical, Economic, and Political Bases of France's African Policy." Journal of Modern African Studies 23, no. 2 (June 1985): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00000148.
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A Quarter of a century has elapsed since France granted independence to her former colonies in West and Central Africa. Yet to this day, France continues to wield considerable power and influence in these countries politically, economically, socially, and culturally, thanks to a tightly-knit network of formal and informal relations. France's African policy has been remarkably constant and stable through the various successive governments of the Fifth Republic. How can this persistent situation of dominance/dependency and this continuity in foreign policy be accounted for? More specifically, the present study tries to analyse the main characteristics and essential mechanisms of France/s post-colonial policy in Africa, all too often shrouded under a veil of secrecy, albeit premised on a number of historical factors for its ideological foundation. On this basis, a variety of economic and political interests have been developed which constitute the main elements of this policy and its principal explanatory variables. Eventually, it is concluded that a neo-colonial strategy has been adopted in order to preserve a status quo that is clearly favourable to the conservative interests of the western world in general, and to France in particular.
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Tsivatyi, V. "The European Model of Diplomacy and National Features of the Foreign Service of Spain, Italy and France Concerning the Early Time of Modern Period (XVI-XVIII centuries)." Problems of World History, no. 4 (June 8, 2017): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-4.
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The basic directions of foreign policy and diplomacy features of formation models in France, Italy and Spain in the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII century) are analyzed in the article. Particular attention is given to institutional development, achievements, problems and prospects of French, Italian and Spanish diplomatic services in the context of European development of the studying period. Attention is paid to the peculiarities of national diplomacy and foreign policy of Spain, Italy and France, which have centuries-old historical traditions and stages of institutional development. In the history of the diplomatic services of these States and institutional development in the history of their external relations diplomacy has always been regarded as part of the political culture, as one of the most important means of protecting the state’s interests in the process of state building and socio-cultural development of societies.
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Kryukova, Elena. "Victorious powers and Spain in the post-war world order." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-16-19.
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The article deals with the foreign policy and domestic policy of Spain in the first years after the end of the Second World War. The author analyzes the relationships between the Francoist Spain and the USA, England, France and the USSR during the difficult period of entry of the country into the new system of the international relations.
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Ukhorskaya, Anastasia I., Elizaveta Yu Kirilina, and Kira E. Kozhukhova. "Antinomies of the strategic cultures of the West and the East (On the example of Germany, France, and China)." Izvestia of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Sociology. Politology 21, no. 1 (February 24, 2021): 110–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2021-21-1-110-117.
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Strategic culture, as a phenomenon and a concept, was not taken seriously for a long time. Today, western researchers understand that strategic culture has a direct impact on political decision-making process in foreign policy. The study of the strategic culture of France, Germany, and China can help to optimize the Russian policy on the world stage.
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Kossenko, S. I. "THE GENESIS AND EVOLUTION OF THE FRANCE’S CULTURAL DIPLOMACY THROUGH CENTURIES." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-29-37.
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The historical roots and the development of external cultural action of France are considered in the article as an attribute of the so called “diplomacy of influence” or “smart power”. The traditionally important place of culture in the French foreign policy is underlined as a part of its strategy aimed at increasing its global influence. The worth of both the history and the culture of France- homeland of the Enlightenment, freethinking and Declaration of Human Rights- keeps, no doubts, a honourable place not only in the European but in the world storehouse of spiritual values. However, if the splendour and attractiveness of the French culture succeeded to tide over the reverses of times, it happened first of all owing to a streamlined cultural policy pursued through ages by ruling circles of this country –from luminous monarchs to modern presidents. In that sense the cultural policy as a target oriented action by the State aimed at the preservation and protection of national cultural particularity is a purely French “invention”, a phenomena which takes its roots in the depths of the national history and maintains its continuity through centuries. Up to now, France remains unique among the developed countries with its thoroughly elaborated and diligently carried on cultural policy leaned on a strong organisational machinery. The facts taken from many latest foreign publications illustrate the narration.
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Ignatchenko, I. V. "France in the Vienna System of International Relations (the First Half of The 19th Century)." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-9-14.
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Abstract: The Vienna system of international relations established at the Congress of Vienna in 1814-1815, was a real challenge for the French political elite during all subsequent decades. France was a defeated party and was thus morally humiliated. The objective for all French governments after 1815 was to improve the position of France in this new system of international relations, including due to the destabilization and breaking of the Vienna system. In the years of the Restoration in France (1814-1830) a major foreign policy action of the government of Louis XVIII was the intervention in Spain in 1823, which refers to the Spanish revolution of 1820-1823. The French government, reflecting the interests of the European reaction, had hoped to raise these military prestige of France, and consequently to raise the question of the revision of the treatises of Vienna of 1815. Despite the success of the intervention, she has not brought the big political dividends in France. After the July revolution 1830 in France, the foreign policy of France intensified. Leading French politicians defined quite clearly exclusive spheres of influence of France, and in 1832 the French troops invaded Central Italy, capturing the city of Ancona. In 1840, during the second Oriental crisis, the French government has opposed themselves to the rest of Europe for the first time since the Napoleonic wars. Ultimately, the strategic position of France in the middle East was weakened. But the exacerbation of international conflict contributed to the strengthening of the French army and Navy. Further successes of the French diplomacy will be linked to the period of the Second Empire in France, in particular, with the Crimean war, that raised has raised status of France, and the decision of the Italian question in the second half of the 60-ies of the XIX century.
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Azzi, Stephen Corrado. "The Historiography of fascist foreign policy." Historical Journal 36, no. 1 (March 1993): 187–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00016174.
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ABSTRACTThis article analyses how, in the last half-century, scholars have differed over the nature of Italian foreign policy under the fascist regime. It examines the debate between orthodox and revisionist historians over Mussolini's foreign policy in general, and also over three specific areas of Italian policy in the interwar years: Franco-Italian relations, Italian participation in the Spanish Civil War, and the alliance with nazi Germany. The author concludes that much of the debate has arisen because of conceptual befuddlement; writers have been primarily concerned with questions of coherence and continuity, and not with understanding Italian foreign relations. Historians have also disagreed over whether Mussolini had a ‘programme’, but a closer look shows that many of them were engaging in a semantic debate, and did not differ over the nature of fascist policy.
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Chikhachev, Aleksey. "French Arms Export Policy: Features and Prospects." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (February 2019): 196–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.1.17.
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Introduction. As part of French foreign policy, arms trade is currently considered to be a specific way to promote national influence in the world and support defense industry at home. This approach has been already exercised for several decades, but the last presidency was an entirely new and interesting point in this respect because in 2015 and 2016 French arms trade attained the highest income rates. Methods. The key notion of this article is French ‘strategic autonomy’ which remains a pivotal point of any diplomatic activity of France since Charles de Gaulle’s presidency. Arms export perfectly corresponds to this point because it helps to maintain French autonomy in economic and political ways. To prove it, several methods were provided such as functional method, comparative analysis and SWOT-analysis. Analysis. This article aims to identify the specifics of contemporary French arms export policy. In this regard, the text is divided in three parts. The first one defines military export as a part of ‘strategic autonomy’ concept. To explain the recent growth, the second part explores a new governmental approach to arms trade. The third part brings together the issues and prospects of French military export expected for Emmanuel Macron’s term. Results. The main conclusion is that the new president seems to conduct the same policy as his predecessor. The government has reaffirmed its main principles in the field and renewed a political support for arms contracts. Military cooperation with foreign countries still officially depends on the idea of ‘strategic autonomy’ of France and its defense industry.
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Menshakova, Daria. "Nuclear status of France as a tool for implementation its foreign policy interests in the international arena." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 10, no. 27 (2020): 135–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-27-135-141.
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The article reveals the significance of the usage of France’s nuclear status as a tool for the realisation of its foreign policy interests in the International Arena, especially in the context of necessity to ensure its security. A well-formulated and scientifically grounded, clear and reasonably transparent strategy for Foreign Policy ensures state security and is an inalienable attribute of a civilised, contemporary International Actor. One of the most critical aspects of France’s Defence strategy is based on its nuclear status. Therefore, it is essential to understand its role and function in the formulation of the foreign policy strategy. In particular, the concept of «nuclear diplomacy» is explored on the example of the French Republic. This concept describes the possibility of using nuclear status in various fields of foreign policy to achieve the interests of the state in the world arena. The survey describes political, economic and security aspects of the disposition of nuclear diplomacy in foreign policy. Also, the historical experience of exercising the nuclear status as a tool has been analysed. Relying on the analysis made it has been found that the practice of using nuclear status as a tool for conducting international dialogue has its several advantages, the main of which is the efficient protection of the national interests of the state. The author emphasises the fact that the wise usage of all nuclear status benefits, in the present conditions of growing instability and turbulence in international relations is a vital requirement for the development of France, especially as for nuclear-weapon state and a significant actor in the international arena. It has been argued that the nuclear status is inextricably associated not only with the formation of a state security strategy but also with the development of the image and geopolitical component of security, aimed at providing the necessary conditions for the realisation of French national interests in the International Arena, as one of the most effective methods of guaranteeing security and independence in the modern world. The modern world is the world of pervasive transformations and breakthroughs connected with the degeneration of traditional and modern structures. Although today the world is interconnected and united more than ever before, it is necessary to respect and estimate the idea of boundaries, sovereignty, and independence of a state, the right of a state to lead its policy. So, the best guarantee of directing separate political line it is wise using of one of the most effective and impressive tools, in a Foreign Policy too, that is nuclear status.
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Hewitson, M. "Germany and France before the First World War: a reassessment of Wilhelmine foreign policy." English Historical Review 115, no. 462 (June 2000): 570–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/115.462.570.
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Hewitson, M. "Germany and France before the First World War: a reassessment of Wilhelmine foreign policy." English Historical Review 115, no. 462 (June 1, 2000): 570–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/115.462.570.
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Balossi-Restelli, Ludovica Marchi. "Italian foreign and security policy in a state of reliability crisis?" Modern Italy 18, no. 3 (August 2013): 255–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2013.801667.
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This article focuses on Italian foreign and security policy (IFSP). It looks at three examples of the country's policy-making which reveal its poor results as a security provider, namely: Italy's tardy reaction to the violence in Libya in 2011, its prompt reaction to the Lebanon crisis in 2006, and its efforts to be included in the diplomatic directorate, the P5 + 1, approaching relations with Iran in 2009. The article considers whether government action has bolstered the reliability of IFSP and also discusses the country's FSP in terms of its basic differences from that of its partners in the European Union, France, Britain and Germany, envisaging how Italy could react to build more credibility. Italy's policy is observed through a three-pronged analytical framework enriched by concepts of the logic of expected consequences. The article concludes that IFSP is predictable, but it must still reveal that it is reliable, and explains why this is the case.
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Khorosheva, Aleksandra. "Grand Duchy of Luxembourg and Unification of Germany in 1871." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016148-1.
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Based on published sources, as well as documents from the Archive of the Foreign policy of the Russian Empire, introduced into scientific use for the first time, the article relates the place of Grand Duchy of Luxembourg during the Unification of Germany. The author analyses the attitude of European states — Prussia, France, Belgium and especially the attention of Russia — toward Luxembourg during the crises of 1867 and after the neutralization of Grand Duchy. Studying German policy over the XIX century in regard to Luxembourg, the author comes to the conclusion that economic dependence from Germany determined future foreign orientation of Grand Duchy.
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Pachocka, Marta. "Zagadnienie mocarstwowości Francji w dobie V Republiki (do 2007 roku)." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (December 5, 2012): 233–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2012.1.9.
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During World War II and the postwar years, France’s international position has been weakened. The seizure of power by Charles de Gaulle in 1958 contributed to a stabilization of the political situation in the country and to a redefinition of French foreign policy. The article analyzes the international position of France from the end of World War II until 2007, when Nicolas Sarkozy won the presidential election. Thus, the article covers the period of the existence of two French republics: the Fourth Republic in the years 1946–1958 and the Fifth Republic, which remains Hexagone’s contemporary political system since 1958. The article consists of three parts. In the first part the external and internal conditions of the birth of the Fifth Republic are presented, with particular emphasis on the role of its creator – Ch. de Gaulle. The second part discusses the importance of France in Europe aft er 1945, emphasizing its contribution to the process of European integration and to the development of relations with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the USSR/Russian Federation and the Mediterranean countries. Then, the third part of my article stresses the position of France in the system of international relations after World War II, analyzing it on the example of Franco-American and Franco-NATO relations, the French policy towards the Arab and African countries, and finally, on the example of the Republic’s multilateral diplomacy. I conclude that in the examined period 1945–2007 France is an example of the former global superpower, which builds and strengthens its international position as a regional power with global interests.
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LOBELL, STEVEN E. "Britain's paradox: cooperation or punishment prior to World War I." Review of International Studies 27, no. 2 (April 2001): 169–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500001698.
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In the three decades prior to World War I, Britain's paradox was whether to cooperate with or punish an emerging Germany, Japan, France, Russia, and the United States. Based on the need for economy, successive Chancellors of the Exchequer pressed for cooperating with the contenders. Members of the services and Conservatives pushed to punish these contenders, countering that Britain could afford the rising naval expenditure needed to implement such a programme. The existing literature emphasizes the role of geopolitics, domestic constraints, and individual idiosyncrasies to explain Britain's foreign policy adjustment. I argue that the nature of the foreign commercial policy of the contenders guided Britain's response. Due to the special affinity among commercially liberal states, Britain cooperated with America and Japan, ceding regional governance to both aspiring regional hegemons. Britain did, however, punish non-liberal France, Germany, and Russia by implementing new naval construction programmes and concentrating freed-up military resources until these countries capitulated in their naval challenge.
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Bajrektarevic, Anis. "Future of the global south: some critical foreign policy considerations." AEI Insights: An International journal of Asia-Europe relations 6, no. 1 (January 30, 2020): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37353/aei-insights.vol6.issue1.2.
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Economic downturn, recession of plans and initiatives, systematically ignored calls for a fiscal and monetary justice for all, €-crisis, Brexit and irredentism in the UK, Spain, Belgium, France, Denmark and Italy, lasting instability in the Euro-Med theatre (debt crisis of the Europe’s south – countries scrutinized and ridiculed under the nickname PIGS, coupled with the failed states all over the MENA), terrorism, historic low with Russia along with a historic trans-Atlantic blow with Trump, influx of predominantly Muslim refugees from Levant in numbers and configurations unprecedented since the WWII exoduses, consequential growth of far-right parties who – by peddling reductive messages and comparisons – are exploiting fears of otherness, that are now amplified with already urging labour and social justice concerns, generational unemployment and socio-cultural anxieties, in ricochet of the Sino-US trade wars, while rifting in a dilemma to either let Bolivarism or support Monroeism. The very fundaments of Europe are shaking. Strikingly, there is a very little public debate enhanced in Europe about it. What is even more worrying is the fact that any self-assessing questioning of Europe’s involvement and past policies in the Middle East, and Europe’s East is off-agenda. Immaculacy of Brussels and the Atlantic-Central Europe-led EU is unquestionable. Corresponding with realities or complying with a dogma?
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Lymar, Margaryta. "European integration in the foreign policy of Dwight Eisenhower." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 7 (2019): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.27-36.
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The article deals with European integration processes through the prism of the President Eisenhower foreign policy. The transatlantic relations are explored considering the geopolitical transformations in Europe. It is noted that after the end of World War II, Europe needed assistance on the path to economic recovery. Eisenhower initially as Commander in Chief of NATO forces in Europe, and later as the U.S. President, directed his foreign policy efforts to unite the states of Western Europe in their post-war renovating and confronting the communist threat. For that reason, Eisenhower deserved recognition by the leading European governments and became a major American figure, which symbolized the reliable transatlantic ally. Eisenhower’s interest in a united Europe was explained by the need for the United States in a strong single European partner that would help to strengthening the U.S. positions in the international arena. The United States expected to control the European integration processes through NATO instruments and mediated disputes between the leading European powers. Germany’s accession to the Alliance was determined as one of the key issues, the solution of which became the diplomatic victory of President Eisenhower. The U.S. government was building its European policy based on the need to integrate the Western states into a unified power, and therefore endorsed the prospect of creating a European Economic Community (EEC). It was intended that the union would include Italy, France, Germany and the Benelux members, and form a basis for the development of free trade and the deeper political and economic integration of the regional countries. It is concluded that, under the Eisenhower’s presidency, Europe was at the top of priority list of the U.S. foreign policy that significantly influenced the evolution of the European integration process in the future.
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Billings, B. Anthony, and William H. Volz. "U.S. Tax Policy Towards Foreign Operations Hamper International Competitiveness Of U.S. Multinationals." Journal of Applied Business Research (JABR) 10, no. 2 (September 23, 2011): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jabr.v10i2.5940.
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<span>This article compares U.S. taxation of foreign source income along with domestic tax incentives with that of other major industrialized nations such as the U.K., Canada, Germany, France, and Japan. The paper point out that U.S. tax policy towards the profitability and expansion of foreign operations ignores the economic realities of the 1990s. In addition, revenue-raising concerns of the U.S. tax policy appear to override international competitiveness considerations. The article calls on U.S. tax policymakers to (1) find ways to establish U.S. business presence in the emerging markets of Europe and the Pacific Rim; (2) reverse the declining trend in the U.S. share of exports of technology intensive products; (3) find ways to meaningfully lower the cost of capital to U.S. businesses; and (4) find practical solutions for both the budget and trade deficit.</span>
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Muminov, Nozim, Jakhongir Tursunov, Zilola Urozalieva, and Marufjon Nematjonov. "Foreign direct investment and its impact on macroeconomic variables, investment policy in france: Implementing investment framework of France in Uzbekistan." ACADEMICIA: AN INTERNATIONAL MULTIDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH JOURNAL 11, no. 1 (2021): 1212–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2249-7137.2021.00195.6.
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Puspitarini, Renny Candradewi, and Sofiatul Afkarin. "Kajian Kepribadian Presiden Perancis Emmanuel Macron Menggunakan Level Analisis Individu." POLITEA 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/politea.v1i1.4323.
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<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><strong>Individual Level Analysis of France President Emmanuel Macron.</strong><strong> </strong>This paper is the result of an individual level analysis study conducted to explain qualitatively the personality, motivation and beliefs of French President Emmanuel Macron. This study employs qualitative data consisting of event data collected from various news sources with exclusionof exclusive interviews and state speeches and studied since Emmanuel Macron was inaugurated as President of France on May 17, 2017. Explanations regarding personality, motivation and beliefs assist to compile the rationality built on the record of educational background, family background, personality also helps to identify the relationship between leadership styles, motivation for decisions and actions that reflect the direction of French foreign policy. While beliefs are recognized through statements and answers given by for questions raised by journalists or foreign journalists in certain situations. This paper using a framework of individual analysis studies by Valerie Hudson, Jerrold Post and Margaret Hermann, it is concluded that Emmanuelle Macron is classified as a type of leader who is inconsistent with the characteristics of expansionist ambitions, high information complexity, good level of diplomatic knowledge or training and always had a consideration to invite other countries to establish harmonious and strategic relations with France.</p><p class="07KatakunciKeywords">Keywords: individual level analysis, leadership type, conciliatory leadership type, foreign policy analysis</p>