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1
Wiel, Jérôme aan De. The Irish factor, 1899-1919: Ireland's strategic and diplomatic importance for foreign powers. Irish Academic Press, 2008.
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2
Baybakova, Larisa. In search of a modern concept of US foreign policy of the late XIX-early XX century. INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1071748.
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The monograph of the Russian American historian is devoted to a number of conceptual problems of US foreign policy in the period of early globalization (late XIX-early XX century). The significance of the socio-economic factor is reinterpreted from the standpoint of modern theory and methodology; the role of the ideology used by the political elite to justify American expansion is traced. New interpretations of the causes and consequences of the Spanish-American war of 1898 are given: for the first time, the place of the "yellow" press in inciting anti-Spanish sentiment among ordinary Americans is shown in detail as one of the first manifestations of successful manipulation of public opinion; the level of combat capability of the American army, which achieved victory over a weaker enemy, but was unprepared to conduct an armed struggle for achieving geopolitical interests with leading European powers, is critically assessed. The archival material, first introduced into scientific circulation, traces the mediation activities of President Roosevelt As the first successful experience in the peaceful settlement of regional conflicts, and also shows the search by top officials for a new world order under the auspices of the United States, with an emphasis on the use of the principles of international arbitration. It is addressed to researchers, teachers, and students interested in the history of the United States.
3
United States. President (1993-2001 : Clinton). Blocking government of Haiti property and prohibiting transactions with Haiti: Message from the President of the United States transmitting a copy of an executive order taking additional steps with respect to the actions and policies of the de facto regime in Haiti and the national emergency described and declared in executive order no. 12775, pursuant to 50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq., and 1601 et seq., and 22 U.S.C. 287c. U.S. G.P.O., 1993.
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4
1946-, Clinton Bill, and United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs., eds. Blocking government of Haiti property and prohibiting transactions with Haiti: Message from the President of the United States transmitting a copy of an executive order taking additional steps with respect to the actions and policies of the de facto regime in Haiti and the national emergency described and declared in executive order no. 12775, pursuant to 50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq., and 1601 et seq., and 22 U.S.C. 287c. U.S. G.P.O., 1993.
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5
United States. President (1993-2001 : Clinton). Blocking government of Haiti property and prohibiting transactions with Haiti: Message from the President of the United States transmitting a copy of an executive order taking additional steps with respect to the actions and policies of the de facto regime in Haiti and the national emergency described and declared in executive order no. 12775, pursuant to 50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq., and 1601 et seq., and 22 U.S.C. 287c. U.S. G.P.O., 1993.
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6
Ovsyannikova, Ol'ga. The transformation of the modern world order in the context of the Ukrainian crisis. INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2076752.
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The monograph examines the main directions of transformation of the modern world order. The main factors determining the development of these processes, problems and prospects of the formation of a new world order at the beginning of the third decade of the XXI century are determined. Based on the analysis of various modern global political processes, the transformation of the role of the world's leading actors is justified, taking into account the emergence and establishment of new centers of power. A special place is occupied by the analysis of foreign policy concepts and strategic planning documents of the world's leading actors, which determine their interests, goals, as well as the expected nature of activities in the process of transformation of the modern world order.
 The essential features of the Ukrainian crisis are determined as part of global transformational processes aimed at realizing the interests of the United States and its allies, as well as the specifics of modern processes in Ukraine as part of the global conflict of the Western community against Russia in order to inflict maximum damage on it in all spheres of life.
 The author's conclusions and suggestions can be used in the process of developing the implementation of a balanced and verified policy in order to ensure the national security and interests of the Russian Federation in the context of the transformation of the modern world order, in the preparation of textbooks for higher education institutions, for professional training and retraining in the specialties "Political Science", "Conflictology", "International Relations".
7
Sang-in, Chŏn, ред. Hanʼguk hyŏndaesa: Chinsil kwa haesŏk. Nanam Chʻulpʻan, 2005.
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8
Grare, Frédéric. The Evolution of the China Factor in India’s Foreign Policy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190859336.003.0002.
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Ongoing bilateral disputes and mistrust between Beijing and New Delhi, coupled with China’s growing economic, political and military role, have been important motivators behind India’s engagement with Asia. The relationship between the two countries involves territorial disputes, elements of rivalry for political dominance in Asia but also strong incentives for cooperation. Therefore, the Look East policy has been conceived as an attempt to not only balance and deter but also engage China. India seeks to create a virtuous circle by which engagement with India China will mitigate the consequences of the capacity gap between India and China and will provide India with the economic, military and political resources necessary to alter the Asian power structure in its favour.
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Chaudhuri, Pramit Pal. The China Factor in Indian Ocean Policy of the Modi and Singh Governments. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199479337.003.0004.
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This chapter explores the evolution of top Indian foreign policy-makers towards China’s role in the Indian Ocean. Chaudhuri gives a New Delhi insider’s view on the efforts by Indian leaders to engage with China on these issues under the previous Congress government. He argues that by the end of the Singh administration, Indian policy makers had concluded that China was an ‘autistic power’ and that their approach of engagement had failed. Chaudhuri tracks the further changes in India’s approach under Narendra Modi, including India’s decision to align with the United States and Japan. He argues that Modi’s major challenge in the Indian Ocean is now primarily one of implementation of India’s announced policies.
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Hoare, J. E., ed. Culture Power & Politics in Treaty Port Japan 1854-1899 Key Papers Press and Contemporary Writings. Amsterdam University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781898823629.
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This two-volume collection, supported by an in-depth introduction that addresses origins, actuality, endgame and afterlife, brings together for the first time contemporary documentation and more recent scholarship to give a broad picture of Japan’s Treaty Ports and their inhabitants at work and play in the second half of the nineteenth century. The material selected, shows how the ports’ existence and the Japanese struggle to end their special status, impacted on many aspects of modern Japan beyond their primary role as trading stations. Compared with their counterparts in China, the Japanese treaty ports cast a small shadow. They were far fewer - only four really mattered - and lasted for just under fifty years, while the Chinese ports made their centenary. Yet the Japanese ports were important. The thriving modern cities of Yokohama and Kobe had their origins as treaty ports. Nagasaki, a major centre of foreign trade since at least the sixteenth century, may not have owed so much to its treaty-port status, but it was a factor in its modern development.
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Dorraj, Manochehr. Middle East Foreign Policy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.261.
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The scholarly literature on Middle Eastern foreign policies has long treated the region as a pawn in the larger game of the great powers’ international rivalry for global supremacy. During the Cold War, Middle Eastern foreign policies were seen in terms of East-West confrontation, or as a replica of Western foreign policies. Over time, more sophisticated theories of Middle Eastern foreign policy have emerged. Two of the earliest theories that were applied to the study of Middle Eastern foreign policies were diplomatic political history and psychological approaches. Some scholars argue that the behavior of Middle Eastern states is reflective of some of the basic premises of the realist theory. Others, adopting a neorealist structural approach, contend that while Middle Eastern states may use the language of Islam and Pan-Arabism, power politics still lies at the core of their foreign policy. These scholars consider the shift in the regional and the global balance of power as the major explanatory factors for understanding foreign policy changes in the Middle East. Then there are those who conceptualize Middle Eastern foreign policies primarily in terms of dependency theory, the core-periphery power relations, and a struggle for the control of the region's oil and energy. Two other approaches to the study of Middle Eastern foreign policies are international political economy and bureaucratic politics. The Palestinian–Israeli conflict has been a major polarizing issue responsible for radicalization of regional politics and foreign policies in the Middle East.
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Odrowąż-Coates, Anna. Socio-educational Factors and the Soft Power of Language. The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, 2019. https://doi.org/10.5040/9781978730434.
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Anna Odrowaz-Coates shows that English, as a language of European integration and communication, has become an element of social status. In privileged social groups, its position has changed from a foreign language to a second language, which demonstrates a linguistic shift with long-term consequences. Socio-educational Factors and Soft Power of Language critically examines the cultural and individual implications of this phenomenon in the context of field study in Poland and Portugal. Odrowaz-Coates uses institutional ethnography with a combination of theoretical constructs, including “soft power” and “positioning theory,” to examine evidence of English as a new tool for social stratification and its effect on language policies as well as the ways in which it impacts people's lives and their opportunities. Whilst critical of the neoliberal, neo-colonial, and imperialistic dimensions of English language hegemony, Odrowaz-Coates argues for a gendered perspective of English as a language of opportunity, inclusion, and empowerment. She focuses on discourses that are shown to be products of and the makers of the material aspects of language. Using an ethical imperative not only to question, but also to participate in the existing power structures in order to change the power dynamic, Odrowaz-Coates argues that language choices are not necessarily individually driven but are instead institutionally driven.
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Sang, Xiaochuan. Power, Interests, and Internal Factors: A Neoclassical Realist Perspective on the Taiwan Issue. Palgrave Macmillan, 2018.
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14
Mahbub, Tareq. Encouraging Foreign Direct Investment in Bangladesh's Power Sector: The Key Factors for Long-Term Investment Sustainability. Springer, 2023.
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15
Thompson, John M. Great Power Rising. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190859954.001.0001.
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This book examines the relationship between domestic politics and Theodore Roosevelt’s foreign policy. It argues that, in spite of the complicated nature of the US system, with its overlapping powers, intense partisanship, and continuous scrutiny from the media and public, Roosevelt mostly succeeded in implementing his agenda. In the process, it contends, he played a crucial role in the nation’s rise to world power. The book places particular emphasis on four factors: Roosevelt’s compelling vision for national greatness, political skill, faith in the people and the US system, and emphasis on presidential leadership. It finds that public sentiment was not isolationist, as some historians have argued, but was willing to support all of TR’s major objectives. Roosevelt’s feel for the national mood was also crucial, as was his willingness to compromise or change his views when necessary. Topics covered by the book include Roosevelt’s early career in politics; relations with great powers such as Britain, Germany, and Japan; the Monroe Doctrine, the Roosevelt Corollary, and Latin America; the impact of immigration from China and Japan; and World War I.
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Burns, Richard Dean, Joseph M. Siracusa, and Jason C. Flanagan. American Foreign Relations since Independence. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400610721.
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This book provides a succinct and accessible interpretation of the major event and ideas that have shaped U.S. foreign relations since the American Revolution—historical factors that now affect our current debates and commitments in the Middle East as well as Europe and Asia. American Foreign Relations since Independence explores the relationship of American policies to national interest and the limits of the nation's power, reinterpreting the nature and history of American foreign relations. The book brings together the collective knowledge of three generations of diplomatic historians to create a readily accessible introduction to the subject. The authors explicitly challenge and reject the perennial debates about isolationism versus internationalism, instead asserting that American foreign relations have been characterized by the permanent tension inherent in America's desire to engage with the world and its equally powerful determination to avoid "entanglement" in the world's troubles. This work is ideally suited as a resource for students of politics, international affairs, and history, and it will provide compelling insights for informed general readers.
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Bradford, James Tharin. Poppies, Politics, and Power. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501738333.001.0001.
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This book explores the history of the Afghan drug trade during the 20th century, detailing how, and why, Afghan rulers struggled to balance the benefits of the Afghan drug trade, both legal and illicit forms, with external pressures to conform to international drug control regimes and more tightly regulate drugs. This book explores why, over time, drug control became a key component of Afghan state formation and diplomacy; by embracing more coercive forms of drug control Afghanistan gained greater access to foreign aid and investment, especially from the United States. And yet, drug control efforts continually failed and the illicit drug trade expanded. This book complicates contemporary analyses of the Afghan drug trade, which depict drugs as juxtaposed with Afghan governance. The longer historical analysis details how the illicit drug trade emerged in response to a series of factors, including coercive forms of drug control, broader policy failures of the Afghan state, as well as, external forces such as the globalization of the illicit drug trade. In this way, drug control, as a component of Afghan governance and diplomacy, was fundamental in shaping the conditions of statelessness and lawlessness that are commonly thought to characterize the Afghan opium industry today.
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Murray, Michelle. The Struggle for Recognition in International Relations. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190878900.001.0001.
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How can established powers manage the peaceful rise of new great powers? With The Struggle for Recognition in International Relations, the author offers a new answer to this perennial question in international relations, arguing that power transitions are principally social phenomena whereby rising powers struggle to obtain recognition of their identity as a great power. At the center of great power identity formation is the acquisition of particular symbolic capabilities—such as battlesheips, aircraft carriers, or nuclear weapons—that are representative of great power status and that allow rising powers to experience their uncertain social status as a brute fact. When a rising power is recognized, this power acquisition is considered legitimate and its status in the international order secured, leading to a peaceful power transition. If a rising power is misrecognized, its assertive foreign policy is perceived to be for revisionist purposes, which must be contained by the established powers. Revisionism—rather than the product of a material power structure that encourages aggression or domestic political struggles—is a social construct that emerges through a rising power’s social interactions with the established powers as it attempts to gain recognition of its identity. The question of peaceful power transition has taken on increased salience in recent years with the emergence of China as an economic and military rival of the United States. Highlighting the social dynamics of power transitions, this book offers a powerful new framework through which to understand the rise of China and how the United States can facilitate its peaceful rise.
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Creemers, Rogier, Straton Papagianneas, and Adam Knight, eds. Emergence of China's Smart State. The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, 2023. https://doi.org/10.5040/9798881817602.
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China’s emergence as a technology leader has become a major factor in geopolitics, transforming global political and economic relationships. In its bid to achieve digital great power status, China’s government has reformed laws and policies, drastically increased investment, and become more assertive internationally. Chinese companies have expanded at home and abroad, but relationships between government and the private sector have sometimes been fractious. This open access book assesses the extent to which the Chinese government has been able to achieve its ambitious digital goals, and more broadly, how this reflects rapidly changing domestic and international political and economic dynamics surrounding China’s rise as a major technology player. This is the first book of its kind, interrogating the complex, dynamic interactions between political, market, and technological factors that structure China’s digital development. It will provide information and intellectual frameworks for scholars, policymakers, and professionals to appreciate the complexity of China’s digital policy landscape, the process of learning and iteration the Party continues to experience as external events impact the policy process, and the impact China’s innovation policies, regulations, and achievements have had, or may have, in the future. The ebook editions of this book are available open access under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 licence on bloomsburycollections.com. Open access was funded by Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs
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Lin, Yi-min. FDI and Privatization. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190682828.003.0007.
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Chapter 6 extends the analysis of local state actions to the privatization function of FDI. The focal issue is how and why foreign investors were able to overcome centrally imposed regulatory and policy constraints on their entry, expansion, and organization before trade liberalization associated with China’s WTO accession in 2001. Again, rule bending by local governments was the centerpiece of the story. As in the case of locales experiencing early privatization, local officials took calculated political risk by using economic hardship and the benefits of FDI for addressing revenue and employment imperatives as justifications. The extent of their deviations from centrally set boundaries nevertheless varied, depending greatly on the bargaining power of local political leaders vis-à-vis their supervising authorities. In particular, whether a locale was perceived as a major fiscal burden or an important resource contributor to higher-level authorities was an important differentiating factor.
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Malone, David M., C. Raja Mohan, and Srinath Raghavan, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Indian Foreign Policy. Oxford University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198743538.001.0001.
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India has emerged as a leading voice in global affairs in the past two decades. Its fast-growing domestic market largely explains the ardour with which Delhi is courted by powers great and small. India is also becoming increasingly important to global geostrategic calculations, being the only Asian country with the heft to counterbalance China over time. Nevertheless, India’s foreign policy has been relatively neglected in the existing literature. ThisHandbook, edited by three widely recognized students of the topic, provides an extensive survey of India’s external relations. The authors include leading Indian scholars and commentators of the field and several outstanding foreign scholars and practitioners. They address factors in Indian foreign policy flowing from both history and geography and also discuss key relationships, issues, and multilateral forums through which the country’s international relations are refracted.
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Jesse, Neal G., and John R. Dreyer. Small States in the International System. Published by Lexington Books, 2016. https://doi.org/10.5040/9781978731783.
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Small States in the International System addresses the little understood foreign policy choices of small states. It outlines a theoretical perspective of small states that starts from the assumption that small states are not just large states writ small. In essence, small states behave differently from larger and more powerful states. As such, this book compares three theories of foreign policy choice: realism (and its emphasis on structural factors), domestic factors, and social constructivism (emphasizing norms and identity) across seven focused case studies from around the world in the 20th Century. Through an examination of the foreign policy choices of Switzerland, Ireland, Finland, Norway, the Netherlands, Belgium, Ethiopia, Somalia, Vietnam, Bolivia and Paraguay, this book concludes that realist theories built on great power politics cannot adequately explain small state behavior in most instances. When small states are threatened by larger, belligerent states, the small state behaves along the predictions of social constructivist theory; when small states threaten each other, they behave along realist predictions.
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Kirichenko, Alexander. Greek Literature and the Ideal. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192866707.001.0001.
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Abstract The contention of this book is that the development of Greek literature was motivated by the need to endow political geography with a sense of purposeful structure. It views Greek literature as a crucial factor in the cultural production of space and Greek geography as a crucial factor in the production of literary meaning. Its focus is on the idealizing images that Greek literature created of three spatial patterns of power distribution—a decentralized network of aristocratically governed communities (archaic Greece), a democratic city controlling an empire (classical Athens), and a microcosm of Greek culture located on foreign soil, ruled by quasi-divine royals, and populated by immigrants (Ptolemaic Alexandria). The book draws connections between the formation of these idealizing images and the emergence of such literary modes of meaning-making as the authoritative communication of the truth, the dialogic encouragement to search for the truth on one’s own, and the abandonment of transcendental goals for the sake of cultural memory and/or aesthetic pleasure. Its readings of such canonical Greek authors as Homer, Hesiod, the tragedians, Thucydides, Plato, Callimachus, and Theocritus show that the pragmatics of Greek literature (the sum total of the ideological, cognitive, and emotional effects that it seeks to produce) is, in essence, always a pragmatics of space—i.e. that there is a strong correlation between the historically conditioned patterns of political geography and the changing mechanisms whereby Greek literature enabled its recipients to make sense of their world.
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Edwards, Mark Thomas, ed. Faith and Foreign Affairs in the American Century. The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc., 2019. https://doi.org/10.5040/9781666992564.
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The United States has led the world in almost every way since World War I. In 1941, Life magazine publisher Henry Luce dubbed his country’s preponderant power “the American Century.” His editorial was a statement of fact but also an aspiration for countrymen to unite in promotion of a world order friendly to American interests. Faith and Foreign Affairs in the American Century examines the nature of public involvement in American diplomacy. As a concept decades in the making, the American Century was conceived by those connected through the country’s leading foreign policy think tank, the Council on Foreign Relations. The missionary couple and Washington insiders Francis and Helen Miller, who fought to make the American empire a radically democratic one, figured prominently in that work. The Millers’ many partnerships embodied the conflicts as well as the cooperation of Christianity and secularism in the long reimagining of the United States as a global state. Mark Thomas Edwards offers in this study a genealogy of the concept of the American Century. Readers will encounter moments of Protestant Christian power and marginalization in the making of modern American foreign relations.
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Kasier, Thomas E. The Diplomatic Origins of the French Revolution. Edited by David Andress. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199639748.013.007.
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The diplomatic origins of the French Revolution remain controversial. Just as foreign and military factors imposed heavy burdens on the French budget before 1789, so did constraints on the French budget severely limit the options of French foreign/military policy makers. The contradictions already present in the policies of the foreign minister Vergennes were realized in 1787, and later under his successor Montmorin. The price of Montmorin’s peace was not only a further decline in France’s prestige abroad, but also a sense of imminent vulnerability to foreign invasion at a time when it was believed that the French government was being subverted from within by unfriendly foreign powers, and that the most immediate problem of the Old Regime—state bankruptcy—was a product of that subversion. Only by examining the interface between foreign and domestic developments can the diplomatic origins of the French Revolution can be fully appreciated.
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F A, Mann. 2 Facts of State. Oxford University Press, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198255642.003.0002.
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The facts, circumstances, and events which lie at the root of foreign affairs and their conduct by the Executive have conveniently been described as facts of State. These are facts which are peculiarly within the cognisance of the Executive. For this reason, at any rate in so far as they are within the scope of the United Kingdom's Executive, they can be proved only in a special manner, namely by a certificate issued by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office or by a statement made to the court by the Attorney-General rather than by other documentary or oral evidence. The idea underlying this practice is the familiar one: in matters relating to foreign affairs the judiciary and the Executive should speak with one voice. The scope of prerogative power is discussed, covering territory; state of war, belligerency, and neutrality; civil war or insurgency, immunity, abolition of a state, and government of a recognized state.
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McBeath, Jerry A. Big Oil in the United States. Praeger, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400618611.
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This book explains how and why large oil-producing corporations have affected government institutions, energy policy, and politics in the United States—and suggests how their influence can be reduced. Big oil is the leading factor in U.S. energy politics today; the largest oil-producing companies also constitute a formidable force and interest group in American politics. This book examines why oil is so important and how the prominence of huge corporations—often working in the absence of countervailing forces—has affected government institutions, policy (with a focus on energy policy), and politics in the United States. Analyzing big oil's influence on political outcomes, particularly through campaign contributions and lobbying, this book shows how strong corporate power affects political participation. The book documents how the influence of big oil flows in all directions, intricately connecting U.S. policies at all levels—foreign policy, federal, state, and even local—regarding oil exploration, development, production, and transportation. Readers will come away with a clear understanding of how these multi-tiered relationships between oil corporations and governments work to the advantage of corporations—and to the disadvantage of states and the citizens they represent.
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Winrow, Gareth M. Turkey’s Energy Policy in the Middle East and South Caucasus. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190673604.003.0004.
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While much has been written on Turkey’s energy policy and attempts to become a significant regional power, less attention has been focused on how Ankara has sought to combine foreign policy goals and energy policy objectives. This chapter addresses how energy could be exploited to boost Turkey’s credentials as a major regional actor. It discusses the linkages between energy policy and foreign policy with regards to Turkey, and its position as a major energy consumer, especially dependent on crude oil and gas imports, is examined. Turkey’s ambitions are to become an energy transit state and hub with a particular focus on gas. Turkey’s energy policy in the Middle East and South Caucasus is examined and complicating factors are considered, including the role of Russia. Although the importance of energy in Turkey’s regional policy should not be overstated, it is evident that energy has been used to further foreign policy objectives.
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Malone, David M., C. Raja Mohan, and Srinath Raghavan. India and the World. Edited by David M. Malone, C. Raja Mohan, and Srinath Raghavan. Oxford University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198743538.013.1.
Full textAbstract:
India has emerged as a leading voice in global affairs in the past two decades. Its fast-growing domestic market largely explains the ardour with which Delhi is courted by powers great and small. India is also becoming increasingly important to global geostrategic calculations, being the only Asian country with the heft to counterbalance China over time. Nevertheless, India’s foreign policy has been relatively neglected in the existing literature. ThisHandbook, edited by three widely recognized students of the topic, provides an extensive survey of India’s external relations. The authors include leading Indian scholars and commentators of the field and several outstanding foreign scholars and practitioners. They address factors in Indian foreign policy flowing from both history and geography and also discuss key relationships, issues, and multilateral forums through which the country’s international relations are refracted.
30
Huang, Yukon. Conclusion—Cracking the China Conundrum. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190630034.003.0010.
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This chapter brings together the factors that have shaped perceptions about China’s economic rise. It begins by discussing the diverging views of China’s economic prospects. This has implications for the debate about the role of the state and prospects for political liberalization framed against President Xi’s corruption campaign and more aggressive foreign policies. Observers see China through their own self-prescribed lens. Factors shaping such perceptions fall under three themes. The first relates to geopolitical tensions and mistrust; the second to location and choice of comparators, complicated by China’s size, speed of change and complexity; and the third is China’s differing institutions and relevance of traditional analytical frameworks. In addition, lack of transparency complicates judgments. Understanding the nature of these differences is the initial step in forging more constructive relations between China as an abnormal great power and the rest of the world.
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Habeeb, William M. The Middle East in Turmoil. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400685408.
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From Islamic extremism in Algeria to civil war in Iraq, this volume provides in-depth coverage of political and cultural conflict in the Middle East. Since the end of the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s, conflict in the Middle East has been increasingly wrought with internal struggles, driven by ethnic, inter-communal, and religious differences. Islamic radicalism has grown as an internal threat, and foreign intervention is now a potential catalyst. Since 1990, the Middle East has twice witnessed the introduction of foreign armies, first to halt Iraqi expansionism, and more recently, to bring about regime change in Iraq. This perfect storm of factors has brought about a heightened level of instability, with numerous conflicts simmering in hot spots throughout the region. Explosive, in-depth chapters explore each conflict or latent conflict, including the history, the nature of the conflict, the factors involved, and any steps toward resolution. Hot spots covered include: The movement for Berber rights in Morocco; Shi'a opposition in Bahrain; Iraqi civil war and internal struggle for power; Iran's interstate conflict with the United States; and Islamic insurgency throughout the region. This volume is a must-have for up-to-the-minute coverage of hot spots in one of the world's most volatile regions.
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Fung, Courtney J. China and Intervention at the UN Security Council. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842743.001.0001.
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What explains China’s response to intervention at the UN Security Council? China and Intervention at the UN Security Council argues that status is an overlooked determinant in understanding its decisions, even in the apex cases that are shadowed by a public discourse calling for regime change in Sudan, Libya, and Syria. The book posits that China reconciles its status dilemma as it weighs decisions to intervene: seeking recognition from both its intervention peer groups of great powers and developing states. Understanding the impact and scope conditions of status answers why China has taken certain positions regarding intervention and how these positions were justified. Foreign policy behavior that complies with status, and related social factors like self-image and identity, can at times mean that China selects policy options bearing material costs. China and Intervention at the UN Security Council offers a rich study of Chinese foreign policy, going beyond works available in breadth and in depth. It draws on an extensive collection of data, including over 200 interviews with UN officials and Chinese foreign policy elites, participant observation at UN Headquarters and a dataset of Chinese-language analysis regarding regime change and intervention. The book concludes with new perspectives on the malleability of China’s core interests, insights about the application of status for cooperation, and the implications of the status dilemma for rising powers.
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Hua, Shiping, ed. Political Logic of the US–China Trade War. The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc., 2022. https://doi.org/10.5040/9781978733084.
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This is the first comprehensive study by the world’s leading scholars about the political logic of the U.S.-China trade war that started during the Trump administration. The book is divided into three parts. The first part looks at changed leadership styles of the two countries in the last few years. It also examines the liberal international order since World War II in which the trade war emerged. It then explores the theoretical perspectives from both the United States and China that are related to the trade war. The second part is about the domestic factors that impacted on the trade war from China’s perspective. These factors include China’s institutional adaptation of the new international environment, the radicalization of the Chinese political discourse, and Big Power Diplomacy. The third part explores the U.S. domestic factors that impacted the trade war, such as the Trump administration’s different China policy in general, the role played by the U.S. Congress, business lobby, and the transition of foreign policy from a Wilsonian World Order to Jacksonian Nationalism.
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Hasnaoui, Yasmine. Western Sahara Deadlock. The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, 2025. https://doi.org/10.5040/9781978747043.
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Yasmine Hasnaoui’s The Western Sahara Deadlock: Understanding Algeria's Role and the Path to Resolution investigates the extent of continuity and change of Algeria’s foreign policy in the Western Sahara conflict following Algerian independence in 1962. The deterioration of diplomatic relations between Morocco and Algeria is a result of a deep-rooted rivalry over the conflict. Morocco’s diplomatic discourse over the past decade asserts that Algeria’s direct involvement is the main reason for its perpetuation. Algeria, on the other hand, denies such accusations, claiming instead that the Sahara conflict is a UN matter, labelling Morocco as the last colonizing power on the African continent. To verify the validity of these contradictory allegations, Hasnaoui examines major factors, including geographical continuity and security interaction, that have influenced the creation and implementation of Algerian foreign policy with respect to the Western Sahara conflict. Hasnaoui sheds light on the current atmosphere of Algerian–Moroccan relations, Algeria's role in the Western Sahara conflict, and the consequences related to its failure to achieve a full Maghreb integration.
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Rizas, Sotiris. America and Europe Adrift. ABC-CLIO, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400609725.
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This book provides a comprehensive review of the transatlantic relationship between the United States and Europe, from the 1989 fall of the Berlin Wall to the Trump administration. It highlights the primary factors that test the U.S-Europe relationship. America and Europe Adrift highlights the background of the German unification and the reaffirmation of NATO as the framework of U.S. presence in Europe after the end of the Cold War; the NATO enlargement; the Transatlantic Rift in the context of the Iraq War; the economic aspects of transatlantic relations, specifically the rise of Germany's weight in international affairs as a result of the European Monetary Union; and the gradual retrenchment of U.S. power. It focuses on the enduring factors that threaten the transatlantic relationship during the 21st century while also suggesting how that relationship will likely survive: through the United States' continued provision of indispensable security to the rest of the Western world. This book is an essential resource for students of transatlantic relations; graduates in international politics and international history, security studies, and strategic studies; and foreign policy practitioners.
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Epstein, Rachel A. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198809968.003.0006.
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The study’s findings from Europe have implications for other major powers, including that: (1) banking sector protectionism became increasingly costly given other liberalizing trends; (2) foreign-owned bank subsidiaries can provide more stable funding in crises than alternative foreign or even domestic bank activity; (3) foreign domination in finance limited catching up in the global economy, but in fact few states showed the capacity to exploit domestic banks for national goals; and (4) centralized bank governance through European Banking Union weakened bank–state ties in Europe, and elevated the role of markets there. This chapter analyzes the relevance of the findings for the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa). China is perhaps the clearest case of a country struggling to both liberalize and retain the economic policy autonomy associated with a largely state-controlled financial system. The conclusion specifies the broader transformation in bank–state ties, but also its limits.
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Huang, Yukon. Cracking the China Conundrum. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190630034.001.0001.
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China is an abnormal economic power. No country has grown so rapidly for so long and in such an extreme manner. Media coverage has soared because China’s rise is now challenging the world’s balance of power. Yet one is as likely to read about a possible financial crisis as its emergence as the world’s largest economy. But much of the analysis is flawed, as are many of the policy prescriptions. China’s unbalanced growth, for example, is seen as a risk but in reality is a virtue. Its soaring debt levels are perceived as signaling a financial collapse but can also be interpreted as evidence of financial deepening. Its trade and foreign investment initiatives are blamed for exacerbating America’s economic decline, even though there is little connection between the two. The factors that have influenced broader concerns, such as corruption and political liberalization, are often misunderstood. And Beijing’s foreign policies in Asia need to be deciphered and dealt with differently if there is to be any hope of moderating geopolitical tensions with the United States and its regional allies. Explaining why there is such extreme variation in views and why the conventional wisdom is so often wrong is the theme of this book. Observers see China’s rise through multiple lenses. Geopolitical differences in values and mistrust is part of the explanation, but differing analytical frameworks, along with China’s size and complexity, are the major reasons. Understanding these differences is critical to forging more constructive relations between China and the rest of the world.
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Dallmayr, Fred. Democracy and Liberation. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190670979.003.0004.
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Dussel’s The Invention of the Americas depicted the Spanish Conquest as a constitutive event in the rise of the modern Eurocentric world order, with its autocratic dichotomy between “center” and “periphery.” Dussel does not impugn the trajectory of modernization and democratization as such, but only their use as instruments of foreign domination—what he calls the “myth of modernity.” With Todorov, he laments the lack of relationality, that is, the unwillingness to recognize the qualitative equality of others; to overcome this lack, he advocates a radical paradigm shift to “transmodernity.” As Dussel explains in The Underside of Modernity, overcoming domestic and global autocracy requires both active resistance and the articulation of counter-discourses, such as the “philosophy of liberation.” He perceives modern democracy as a tensional correlation of three factors: people (potentia); political actors (potestas); and shared goal (eudaimonia). His argument is basically directed against the “self-referentially” of political power.
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Blower, Brooke L., and Andrew Preston, eds. The Cambridge History of America and the World. Cambridge University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108297530.
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The third volume of The Cambridge History of America and the World covers the volatile period between 1900 and 1945 when the United States emerged as a world power and American engagements abroad flourished in new and consequential ways. Showcasing the most innovative approaches to both traditional topics and emerging themes, leading scholars chart the complex ways in which Americans projected their growing influence across the globe; how others interpreted and constrained those efforts; how Americans disagreed with each other, often fiercely, about foreign relations; and how race, religion, gender, and other factors shaped their worldviews. During the early twentieth century, accelerating forces of global interdependence presented Americans, like others, with a set of urgent challenges from managing borders, humanitarian crises, economic depression, and modern warfare to confronting the radical, new political movements of communism, fascism, and anticolonial nationalism. This volume will set the standard for new understandings of this pivotal moment in the history of America and the world.
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Roșu, Felicia. Campaigning. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198789376.003.0003.
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Chapter 2 focuses on electoral campaigning and underlines the interplay of idealism and pragmatism in the selection of a candidate. It starts by introducing the most important candidates competing in the first elections, then it discusses the most important factors influencing the voters’ decisions. The dominant factors in Poland-Lithuania were: the native–foreigner debate; the prestige of the Jagiellons; the power of the future king; geopolitical considerations such as fear of the ‘Turk’ or mistrust of the Habsburgs; religion; and manliness. In Transylvania, preferences revolved around the choice between Habsburg and Ottoman suzerainty. Similarly to Poland-Lithuania, the higher echelons of the political class favoured the Habsburg option and a limitation of electoral rights, but pressures from below made those inclinations impractical. The chapter then reviews campaigning strategies: rhetoric and propaganda; promises of military alliances and financial help; deception and white lies; and material incentives such as favours, offices, and bribes.
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Shambaugh, David, ed. China and the World. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190062316.001.0001.
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China and the World is the most comprehensive, up-to-date scholarly assessment of China’s foreign relations and roles in international affairs. Students, scholars, practitioners, and publics worldwide will benefit from the information and insights contained herein. Written by sixteen leading international specialists, it covers China’s contemporary position in all regions of the world, with all major powers, and across multiple arenas of China’s international interactions. It also explores the sources of China’s grand strategy, how the past shapes the present, and the impact of domestic factors that shape China’s external behavior. As the world evolves in increasingly unpredictable directions, the impact of China will be one of the key determinants of the future global order. No country or society can escape China’s reach—indeed, many seek its embrace. China brings benefits to many but is also a problematic interlocutor for others. Overall, public opinion surveys indicate that China’s reputation around the world is mixed, with as many societies viewing China favorably as unfavorably. This volume explores the sources of this ambivalence. As China becomes a leading global power, and its footprint continually expands on different continents, understanding the parameters of its international presence, and what motivates China, is imperative for others. This volume digs deep inside China’s multidimensional “toolbox” to explore the instruments that Beijing uses around the world: economic, diplomatic, cultural, military, media, and other elements. China and the World provides many insights into China’s calculations and behavior and identifies a number of challenges China will face in the future.
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Luft, Gal, and Anne Korin, eds. Energy Security Challenges for the 21st Century. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400646119.
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The impact of energy on global security and economy is clear and profound, and this is why in recent years energy security has become a source of concern to most countries. However, energy security means different things to different countries based on their geographic location, their endowment of resources their strategic and economic conditions. In this book, Gal Luft and Anne Korin with the help of twenty leading experts provide an overview of the world's energy system and its vulnerabilities that underlay growing concern over energy security. It hosts a debate about the feasibility of resource conflicts and covers issues such as the threat of terrorism to the global energy system, maritime security, the role of multinationals and non-state actors in energy security, the pathways to energy security through diversification of sources and the development of alternative energy sources. It delves into the various approaches selected producers, consumers and transit states have toward energy security and examines the domestic and foreign policy tradeoffs required to ensure safe and affordable energy supply. The explains the various pathways to energy security and the tradeoffs among them and demonstrates how all these factors can be integrated in a larger foreign and domestic policy framework. It also explores the future of nuclear power, the complex relations between energy security and environmental concerns and the role for decentralized energy as a way to enhance energy security.
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Goodall, Alex. Divided Loyalties. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038037.003.0005.
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This chapter focuses on how the Palmer Raids of the winter of 1919–20 were the most draconian single instance of federal repression in the United States' peacetime history. Nothing in the McCarthy era can compare to the mass arrests and beatings, arbitrary incarcerations, and summary deportations that took place in dozens of cities across the nation. Capping off a year of industrial crisis, foreign insecurity, and political conflict, they helped solidify the divisions of the war years, institutionalizing them in an underground communist movement on one side and new patriotic organizations on the other. Given the power of the repressive politics that arised between 1917 and 1920, it is a surprising and problematic fact that the national Republican administrations of the 1920s saw no new countersubversive policies developed.
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Najemy, John M. Machiavelli's Broken World. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199580927.001.0001.
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Machiavelli was painfully aware of living in a disastrous moment of Italy’s history: foreign invasions, occupations, and shattered states. This is a study of his evaluation of the failures of Italy’s political leaders, professional soldiers, and popes—and of the underlying causes of those failures. The first chapter presents Machiavelli’s reactions to Italy’s travails during his years in Florence’s chancery. Chapter two surveys his critique of Italy’s republics and princes. The next two explore the dispatches from Machiavelli’s diplomatic missions (legations) when he observed the self-destructive delusions and ambitions of the would-be prince, Cesare Borgia, and the recklessness of Pope Julius II. Searching for the causes of the dysfunctions of this “broken” political world, Machiavelli focused on the “ambition” and “avarice” of Italy’s elite families. The central fifth chapter analyzes his theorization of this class’s relentless ambition and abuses of power, particularly its preference for extra-constitutional private power through factions that weaken law and governments—what he called corruption. Four chapters examine his understanding of elite politics in the historical context of the Florentine republic: the ambition of elite families leading to competing private factions aiming to control the republic from outside the institutions of government, and eventually to the dominance of the Medici faction, which, after suppressing its rivals, tolerated no dissent and drove all opposition into conspiracy, itself living in fear of conspiracies, real or imagined. The last chapter contends that, for Machiavelli, those who corrupted legal institutions in pursuit of private power represent the most dangerous kind of tyranny, the collective tyranny of the wealthy and powerful.
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Blackwill, Robert, and Richard Fontaine. Lost Decade. Oxford University PressNew York, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197677940.001.0001.
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Abstract For more than two centuries, the United States was a Europe-first power. In 2011, however, the Obama administration announced a change: Asia would now serve as America’s priority region. The notion quickly won support among policymakers in both parties and across the Trump and Biden administrations. Not all went according to plan. This book tells the story of Washington’s attempted strategic reorientation during a period of rising of Chinese power and assertiveness. It examines the impulse behind the Pivot, analyzes challenges the policy has posed for America’s global commitments, and investigates where and how it faltered. The book assesses responses to the Pivot across regions and strategic trendlines in Asia, Europe, and the Middle East. It details China’s growing might and aggressive actions throughout the 2010s and beyond. More than ten years after the policy’s announcement, careful examination indicates that the United States did not, in fact, pivot to Asia. This “lost decade” coincided with a massive expansion of Chinese power and assertiveness, a deepening of America’s domestic divisions, and rising doubts about US intentions, staying power, and competence. Yet even after a lost decade, the Pivot remains America’s proper strategic orientation, and one that should ground US foreign policy. Critical to the endeavor is a strategic concept that aligns American objectives—in Asia and elsewhere—with the policies, resources, and activities necessary to achieve them. In articulating such a concept, this book applies lessons from the recent past to chart a new course for the future.
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Ron, James, Shannon Golden, David Crow, and Archana Pandya. Taking Root. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199975044.001.0001.
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The number of rights organizations worldwide has grown exponentially, as the term “human rights” becomes increasingly common among politicians and civil society activists. As international donors pour money into global human rights promotion, many governments—as well as scores of scholars and activists—fear a subtle, Western-led campaign for political, economic, and cultural domination. This book asks: What do publics in the global South think? Drawing on surveys in India, Mexico, Morocco, and Nigeria, the book finds most people are in fact broadly supportive of human rights discourse, trust local, rights-promoting organizations, and do not view human rights as a tool of foreign powers. Pro-human rights constituencies, rather, tend to be highly skeptical of the U.S. government, of multinational corporations, and of their own governments. However, this generalized public support for the human rights “brand” is not grounded in strong commitments of public effort or money, or in dense social ties to the nongovernmental rights sector. Publics in the global South rarely give to their local rights groups, and few local rights organizations attempt to raise funds apart from foreign aid. This strategy is becoming increasingly untenable as governments crack down on foreign aid to civil society. The book also analyzes the complex relationships between religion and human rights, finding that public or social elements of religiosity are often associated with less support for human rights organizations. Personal religiosity, on the other hand, is often associated with more human rights support.
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Rivera, W. A. Iranian Strategic Influence. The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, 2021. https://doi.org/10.5040/9798881813710.
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Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the strategic culture of resistance has dominated Iran’s strategic objective and foreign policy preference formation. Iran is a revisionist state that lacks overwhelming military and economic dominance in its near abroad, as such two pillars have emerged to support and export their strategic culture of resistance. These are Adaptive Resistance (pragmatism) and Designed Redundancy (deniability and insulation). These two themes of resistance provide content and structure to their strategic Influence campaigns, where “strategic Influence is the use of the elements of national power—diplomatic, military, economic, with and through information—to shape the information and operational environment in order to erode the will of the enemy…. This ‘new’ way of war is predicated on building narratives, activating identities, mobilizing proxies, and disorienting targets through the use of information in service of strategic goals.” Strategic influence is the way in which elements of the strategic culture of resistance are executed in Iran’s near abroad. To combat and defeat strategic influence campaigns, it is necessary to understand both the strategic cultural factors at play and the strategic influence campaigns that Iran deploys.
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Helsing, Jeffrey W. Johnson's War/Johnson's Great Society. Praeger, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400674754.
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Helsing provides a unique perspective on the escalation of the Vietnam War. He examines what many analysts and former policymakers in the Johnson administration have acknowledged as a crucial factor in the way the United States escalated in Vietnam: Johnson's desire for both guns and butter—his belief that he must stem the advance of communism in Southeast Asia while pursuing a Great Society at home. He argues that the United States government, the president, and his key advisers in particular engaged in a major pattern of deception in how the United States committed its military force in Vietnam. He then argues that a significant sector of the government was deceived as well. The first half of the book traces and analyzes the pattern of deception from 1964 through July 1965. The second half shows how the military and political decisions to escalate influenced—and were influenced by—the economic advice and policies being given the President. This in-depth analysis will be of particular concern to scholars, students, and researchers involved with U.S. foreign and military policy, the Vietnam War, and Presidential war powers.
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853 days: From Gaza disengagement to de facto power? : hearing before the Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Tenth Congress, second session, March 12, 2008. U.S. G.P.O., 2008.
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McFate, Montgomery. Military Anthropology. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190680176.001.0001.
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In almost every military intervention in its history, the US has made cultural mistakes that hindered attainment of its policy goals. From the strategic bombing of Vietnam to the accidental burning of the Koran in Afghanistan, it has blundered around with little consideration of local cultural beliefs and for the long-term effects on the host nation's society. Cultural anthropology -- the so-called "handmaiden of colonialism" -- has historically served as an intellectual bridge between Western powers and local nationals. What light can it shed on the intersection of the US military and foreign societies today? This book tells the story of anthropologists who worked directly for the military, such as Ursula Graham Bower, the only woman to hold a de facto British combat command during WWII. Each faced challenges including the negative outcomes of exporting Western political models and errors of perception. Ranging from the British colonial era in Africa to the recent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Military Anthropology illustrates the conceptual, cultural and practical barriers encountered by military organizations operating in societies vastly different from their own.