Relevant bibliographies by topics / Foreign public opion

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Academic literature on the topic 'Foreign public opion'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 2 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Foreign public opion"

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Vezhlivtseva, N. Yu. "Public Opinion as an Instrument of Socio-Cultural Influence in the Debate on the «NATO Option» in Finland." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture, no. 1 (July 7, 2020): 164–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2020-1-13-164-171.

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The article analyzes how the attitude of the Finnish population to Finland’s policy of military non-alignment correlates with the official foreign strategy. The question of public opinion can act as a possible sociocultural tool for its change is examined. The author explains the main reasons for the formation of stable public opinion in favor of neutrality, based on national and cultural identity. The role of public opinion in the Finnish internal debate on the «NATO option» is shown. The thesis that public opinion plays only an auxiliary role in comparison with external circumstances affecting the foreign policy of Finland, which is widespread in research circles, is considered. The author argues that public opinion on Finland’s possible entry into NATO is crucial in two key ways. First, at present, it’s a factor supporting the stable foreign policy decision, which is carried out by the state government. Secondly, in the future, public opinion may become a factor capable, under certain conditions of having a significant impact on the change of the Finnish course in foreign and security policy. The second option assumes that public opinion can play its own role by changing the pre-planned foreign policy scenario.
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Almahdi, Hassan K. "The Effects of Alliance Strategies on the Cost Efficiency of Saudi Commercial Banks." Business and Economic Research 9, no. 1 (January 10, 2019): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ber.v9i1.14208.

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The Objective of this study is to determine the influence of strategic alliances on the cost efficiency of Saudi banks. For this, we first develop a theoretical framework paving the way for an empirical study that refers to a sample of 09 Saudi banks adopted to verify this relationship. It is therefore, necessary to list the interests of strategic alliances in the banking sector and to question the role of public and foreign as wellas public and private alliance strategies in improving the cost efficiency of Saudi commercial banks.A quantitative approach has been adopted to explore and understand the research problem. We begin by regressing the ordinary least squares efficiency on a series of explanatory variables. The conceptual research model is tested by two different regression equations that will be estimated simultaneously. The first regression, aims to test the impact of the public-foreign alliance on the efficiency of the banks in our sample. As for the second regression, it is carried out to test the impact of the public-private alliance on the latter.The results of this study prove that the creation of an alliance agreement allows Saudi commercial banks to improve their efficiency and constitute for them an opportunity besides an interesting strategic option. Forthermore, public-private and public-foreign alliances are strategies that can improve the efficiency of public banks, increase their competitiveness and reduce their fragility.
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Boddery, Scott S., and Graig R. Klein. "Presidential use of diversionary drone force and public support." Research & Politics 8, no. 2 (April 2021): 205316802110199. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680211019904.

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During times of domestic turmoil, the use of force abroad becomes an appealing strategy to US presidents in hopes of diverting attention away from internal conditions and toward a foreign policy success. Weaponized drone technology presents a low cost and potentially high-reward option to embattled presidents. While generally covert operations, drone strikes are frequently reported in the media, making them a viable diversionary tool. To gauge whether drone strikes are in fact capable of diverting the public’s attention, we surveyed 1198 Americans and find that a successful drone strike increases presidential approval despite a weak and sagging economy, and the impact of diversionary drone use is significantly greater than that which accompanies traditional diversionary methods.
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Gardner, Nicholas R., Jonathan D. Ritschel, Edward D. White, and Andrew T. Wallen. "Forecasting foreign currency exchange rates for department of defense budgeting1." Journal of Public Procurement 17, no. 3 (April 1, 2017): 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jopp-17-03-2017-b002.

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This paper examines the opportunity cost of applying simple averages in formulating the Department of Defense (DoD) budget for foreign exchange rates. Using out-of-sample validation, we evaluate the status quo of a center-weighted average against a Random Walk model, ARIMA, forward rates, futures contracts, and a private firm's forecasts over two time periods extending from Fiscal Year (FY) 1991 to FY 2014. The results strongly indicate that four of the alternative methods outperform the status quo over the shorter time period, and three methods for both time periods. Furthermore, a non-parametric comparison of the median error demonstrates statistical similarities between the four alternative methods over the short term. Overall, the paper recommends using the futures option prices to decrease forecast error by 3.23% and avoiding a $34 million opportunity cost.
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Rittippant, Nattharika, and Abdul Rasheed. "Antecedents of FDI options by Thai public firms." Management Research Review 39, no. 3 (March 21, 2016): 310–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mrr-01-2015-0010.

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Purpose – This paper aims to develop and test a real-options model investigating the antecedents predicting the types of options exercise (i.e. growth, delay and exit options) by multinational enterprises (MNEs) after their initial foreign direct investment (FDI) announcements. Firm-, industry- and country-specific factors that influence the real options’ processes and different subsequent options to exercise were examined. Design/methodology/approach – Binomial and multinomial logistic regressions were performed on the data collected from 281 pairs of initial FDI (mostly within Asia) announcements and subsequent announcements regarding further investment decisions by 41 Thai MNEs listed in the Securities Exchange of Thailand for 1995-2005. Findings – The empirical evidence shows that host country factors (i.e. economic growth rate and economic freedom), industry competition and ownership concentration have significant effects on the MNEs’ further decisions on whether to grow, delay or exit out of their initial FDI. Originality/value – The findings of this study suggest that the options’ lens is an appropriate approach to study managerial decisions and actions in the face of uncertainty. While the majority of prior empirical literature has dealt with situations that involve option creation, this study goes a step further by examining decisions subsequent to option creation. Option creation is not an end in itself, and only by studying subsequent exercise of options, one can fully appreciate the value of the real options’ approach. The empirical evidence from this study showed that the host country’s factors (i.e. economic growth rate and economic freedom), industry competition and ownership concentration have significant effects on the MNEs’ further decisions on whether to grow, delay or exit out of their initial FDI.
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Santose, Rachel A. "An Engaging Remembrance: A Review of the American Battle Monuments Commission Website." DttP: Documents to the People 44, no. 1 (September 7, 2016): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/dttp.v44i1.6062.

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Over 100,000 US military personnel died during World War I, with many of these deaths occurring directly on foreign battlefields. Public Law 389, enacted by the 66th Congress, as well as Public Law 360, enacted by the 80th Congress, allowed for a family’s repatriation of soldier remains to the United States for burial in a national or private cemetery. In 1919, however, the US War Department decided to establish permanent American military cemeteries in Europe and offered this option as an alternative to repatriation. To persuade family members to consent, the War Department needed to ensure these cemeteries were impressive and significant symbols of the American sacrifice on foreign soil; therefore, the War Department detailed a group of Army officers to serve as the Battle Monuments Board in 1921. Two years later, on March 4, 1923, Congress passed the Act for the Creation of an American Battle Monuments Commission (ABMC), which established one authoritative organization under Title 36 of the United States Code to control the construction of monuments and memorials to the American military in foreign countries.
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7

Melville, Duncan. "Public–Private Partnerships in Developing Countries." Review of Market Integration 8, no. 3 (December 2016): 152–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974929217714673.

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First used in developed markets, public–private partnerships (or PPPs) are being increasingly used to deliver critical infrastructure projects within developing countries. The success in developed markets is, however, unlikely to be easily transferrable to developing markets, and the usefulness of the contractual framework unpinning PPPs in such countries is worth questioning. In particular, a number of important developmental questions need to be answered. Are developing countries’ economic objectives best achieved through PPPs? Can developing country’s institutions support successful PPP procurement? Does a pipeline of PPP projects in a developing country ensure the growth of high-skilled jobs in the country? By exploring the experiences of PPP procurement in Chile, this article draws the conclusion that it would be in the best interest of developing countries to require domestic or local involvement within PPP consortiums, either through domestic ownership or in domestic/foreign construction partnering. Such local involvement is most likely to ensure the development of domestic engineering and construction companies and mitigate the potentially negative effects of an infrastructure market dominated by foreign influence. PPPs have been lauded for providing the ‘best of both worlds’ of private and public involvement. But the complex contractual structuring, sophisticated financing and robust institutional support involved, make PPPs an inaccessible tool for many developing countries. Outside of Australasia, Europe and North America, Chile has enjoyed some of the greatest success in promoting infrastructure development through PPPs. Since 1991, Chile has completed more than 50 PPPs, totalling over US$12 billion in capital investment in its roads, hospitals, ports and electricity system, and has been held out as a model for other less developed nations to follow (Hill, 2011, p. 189). What institutional prerequisites do developing countries need before PPPs become a viable option for infrastructure procurement? What can developing countries learn from Chile’s experiences with PPPs? From a developmental perspective, what could Chile have improved in designing its PPP programme? Split into three parts, this article seeks to answer each of these questions. ‘PPP Overview’ outlines relevant definitions, the various PPP contractual structures, which prerequisites make PPPs most effective and how PPPs encourage competition. ‘The Chilean PPP Case Study’ explores in greater detail the history of PPPs in Chile, the country’s institutional framework and some of the key outcomes from its concessions programme. Finally, ‘The Case for Domestic Involvement’ focuses on a noteworthy omission from the Chilean PPP model, requirements for local involvement. It is the author’s view that other developing countries will enjoy longer term benefits from PPPs by establishing a stance supporting the meaningful involvement of domestic companies and should, therefore, encourage PPPs not only for the public–private collaboration but also for the domestic–foreign cooperation they can foster.
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., Abedullah, and Mubarik Ali. "Wheat Self-sufficiency in Different Policy Scenarios and Their Likely Impacts on Producers, Consumers, and the Public Exchequer." Pakistan Development Review 40, no. 3 (September 1, 2001): 203–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v40i3pp.203-223.

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Every government faces a challenge to select an optimum policy to provide food supplies to the consumers at a reasonable price and maintain a reasonable nutritional standard. The alternative policy options available are an uninterrupted market, imports, input subsidies, price support, combined policy developed by the combination of input subsidy and price support, and investment on research and infrastructure development. This paper analyses the impact of these options on consumers’ and producers’ welfare, tax revenue, and foreign exchange requirement. The import and input subsidy give net return to the society while price support generates net loss. The triple combined policy option generates the highest net return to the society when each import and input subsidy component is combined with price support in the ratio of 40 and 20 percent, respectively. The best policies to provide higher wheat supplies at lower prices and to improve the welfare of consumers and producers were investment on agricultural research and development of irrigation infrastructure in the long run, but for the short run, the first and the second best option were respectively the combined and the input subsidy policy.
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9

Owen, John M. "Springs and their offspring: the international consequences of domestic uprisings." European Journal of International Security 1, no. 1 (January 27, 2016): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2015.3.

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AbstractA politicalspringis an abrupt, broad, sustained increase in public dissent in a state that has prohibited it, as in Czechoslovakia in 1968 or Tunisia in early 2011. Some springs produce offspring – clusters of events within neighbouring states (civic unrest, increased state repression, co-option of dissent, revolution) and among those states (intensification of international rivalries, foreign interventions). An English Spring in 1558–9 produced such a cluster in Northwestern Europe. This article addresses the underlying causal mechanism connecting springs and their offspring, rather than the related correlational question (viz. under what conditions a spring is followed by offspring). That mechanism istransnational group polarisation, or the progressive separation of preferences across a population into pro- and anti-government groups. Transnational polarisation along a pro-versus-anti-government axis is an endogenous process triggered by exogenous events, such as violence or public demonstrations that raise the status of, or threat to, one of the groups. It presents powerful actors across states with new threats and opportunities and can help explain how the Tunisian Spring of early 2011 produced throughout the Arab Middle East infectious unrest, serial repressions and reforms, heightened international tensions, and foreign interventions.
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10

Lödén, Hans. "Reaching a vanishing point? Reflections on the future of neutrality norms in Sweden and Finland." Cooperation and Conflict 47, no. 2 (June 2012): 271–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836712445343.

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This rejoinder article takes the contributions in the Special Issue of Cooperation and Conflict – Vol. 46(3) – on Neutrality and ‘Military Non-Alignment’ as point of departure for a discussion of some of the problems former neutrals face in shaping their foreign and security policies. The author argues that current and future developments regarding neutrality norms are dependent on internal factors such as national identity and public opinion, and on external factors such as the military non-aligned states’ relationships to EU, NATO and, not least, the UN. The possibility of a ‘Second Option’ of full-scale military cooperation if a preferred neutral position fails is discussed. Increased UN activism, for example, connected with the R2P concept and the tendency to outsource major UN-mandated military operations to NATO, is touched upon as well as the Libya crisis of 2011 and some of its implications for European foreign and security policy cooperation. Special attention is given to current Swedish debates on military non-alignment and NATO membership.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Foreign public opion"

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Sadik, Giray. "Analyzing the effects of American foreign policy on Turkish public opinon toward the United States in the post-9/11 era." 2008. http://purl.galileo.usg.edu/uga%5Fetd/sadik%5Fgiray%5F200805%5Fphd.

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Books on the topic "Foreign public opion"

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1977-, Wang Xiaoling, and Li Yongchun, eds. Hanguo ren xin mu zhong de Zhongguo xing xiang: How the Koreans view China. Beijing Shi: She hui ke xue wen xian chu ban she, 2012.

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Knappe, Jens. Die USA und die deutsche Einheit: Amerikanische Deutschlandpolitik im Kontext von veröffentlichter und öffentlicher Meinung 1989/90. München: Forschungsgruppe Deutschland, 1996.

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Beyer, Heiko. Soziologie des Antiamerikanismus: Zur Theorie und Wirkmächtigkeit spätmodernen Unbehagens. Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 2014.

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Kishino, Hisashi. Seiōjin no Nihon hakken: Zabieru rainichizen Nihon jōhō no kenkyū. Tōkyō: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1989.

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Olejniczak, Claudia. Die Dritte-Welt-Bewegung in Deutschland: Konzeptionelle und organisatorische Strukturmerkmale einer neuen sozialen Bewegung. Wiesbaden: DUV, Deutscher Universitäts Verlag, 1999.

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Für eure und unsere Freiheit?: Der Polnische Oktober und die Solidarność-Revolution in der Wahrnehmung von Schriftstellern aus der DDR. Berlin: Weidler Buchverlag, 2002.

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Dreyer, June Teufel. The PLA and the Kosovo conflict. [Carlisle Barracks, Pa.]: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 2000.

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Zhongguo she hui yin xiang (Shi jie ming ren lun Zhongguo shu ku). Xin hua shu dian fa xing, 1993.

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Deutsche, Deutschbalten und Russen: Studien zu ihren gegenseitigen Bildern und Beziehungen. Lüneburg: Institut Nordostdeutsches Kulturwerk, 1997.

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Michel, Korinman, ed. L' Allemagne vue d'ailleurs. Paris: Balland, 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "Foreign public opion"

1

Liu-Farrer, Gracia. "Children of Immigrants." In Immigrant Japan, 154–75. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501748622.003.0008.

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This chapter addresses the education experiences and outcomes of children of full or partial foreign parentage who grew up in Japan. It highlights some of their education strategies and practices and discusses how migration channels, parents' socioeconomic situations, and cultural backgrounds affect such practices and children's education achievements. Immigrant parents, regardless of their class and ethnic and cultural backgrounds, share an eagerness to advance their children's education. They strategize among different educational options and choose those they believe can produce better outcomes as well as match their mobility goals. However, the educational outcomes of the children vary widely, across national groups and along class lines. This has to do with the variant cultural, social, and economic resources that can be used to advance children's education. Meanwhile, the easiest educational choice available to them, Japanese public education, falls short in facilitating immigrant children's education mobility. The different choices of educational institutions in Japan include Japanese schools and “foreigner schools.” There is also the option of transnational education.
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Obbo, Christine. "Sponsored Sexuality, Aids and Tough Choices." In Strings Attached. British Academy, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265680.003.0002.

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ABC (Abstinence, Faithfulness and (perhaps) Condom) is the brand paradigm and practice on HIV risk avoidance being macro-managed by foreign funding agencies. The solution to the African AIDS epidemic is the ‘fidelity fix’ imperatives promoting pre-marriage sexual abstinence and marital monogamy. The anti-sex-condom crusade ignores gender inequality, poverty and power – the structural drives of the epidemic – and discusses abstinence, fidelity and sexual networks without historical and cultural context. Condom marginalisation downplays the public health responsibility of protecting self and others from infection. The social, political and economic hardships exacerbated by the intractable problems of ignorance, poverty and disease make people vulnerable to the dictates of the rescuers promoting solutions. Negotiating ways around foreign-imposed sexual virtue has happened since colonial contact. Ugandans demanding the reinstating of pre-2003 safer sex education and the condom option are silenced, while the support of local Christian fundamentalist advocates is buttressed with economic incentives.
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Mukherjee, Rohan. "Nuclear Ambiguity and International Status." In India and the Cold War, 126–50. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469651163.003.0007.

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India’s abstinence from nuclear weapons through the 1960s continues to puzzle political scientists who study the causes of nuclear proliferation and historians who study India’s specific path to nuclear weapons. This chapter argues that India’s nuclear interregnum of the 1960s is best explained by understanding the status benefits that nuclear ambiguity as a component of a non-aligned foreign policy bestowed upon India. India’s best response to an external nuclear threat and internal domestic pressure to build the bomb was not to actually go nuclear but rather to publicly keep the option open while simultaneously pushing for disarmament as a serious foreign policy goal. This strategy gave India a special position in the international community as a scientifically advanced and potentially powerful yet essentially peaceful nation. Nowhere was this clearer than in India’s contribution to debates in the Eighteen Nation Committee on Disarmament (ENCD) convened by the United Nations between 1962 and 1969.
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