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1
Küçükyalçın, Erdal. "Ōtani Kōzui’s Leadership in the Establishment of Turkish-Japanese Economic Relations during the Early Years of the Republic." GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES ON JAPAN, no. 7 (March 31, 2024): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.62231/gp7.160001a05.
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Ōtani Kōzui (1876-1948) was the first Japanese, or perhaps the first foreigner to point towards Turkey (Feb. 1924) as soon as the Republic was declared (Oct. 1923); the first to bring foreign direct investment to the Turkish Republic through his collaboration with the founding father of the Republic of Türkiye, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk at the Ankara Gazi Farm (Feb. 1927); the first to make a foreign industrial investment with his collaboration with Memduh Gökçen in Bursa (Apr. 1929). Ōtani was also one of the co-founders of the Japanese-Turkish Trade Association in Osaka (Nov. 1925), the Japanese-Turkish Association in Tokyo (June 1926), and he was the author of the lines on “Ōtani Kōzui Epitaph” dedicated to Turkish soldiers who lost their lives at the Ertuğrul Firgate Incident in 1890, erected at the Kushimoto Ertuğrul Memorial (Mar. 1929). This paper traces his footprints in the early years of the newly founded Republic of Türkiye.
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Yang, Li. "The KMT’s Shifting Approach to the Outside World during the 1920s: A Reinvention of Chinese Confucianism." Open Journal for Studies in Philosophy 8, no. 1 (2024): 13–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.ojsp.0801.02013l.
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Through a Confucian lens, this research explores the transformation of the Kuomintang’s (國民黨; KMT) foreign policy during the 1920s. It examines the shift in the KMT's foreign policy from Sun Yat-Sen’s 孫逸仙 (1866-1925) “Allying with Soviet Russia” (lian’e 聯俄) stance to Chiang Kai-shek’s 蔣介石 (1887-1975) prioritization of Western relations around 1927. The study highlights the reintroduction of Confucianism in the KMT's foreign policy during this period, considering the conventional Confucian education of KMT leaders. Unlike previous studies analyzing this shift from political or historical perspectives, this study provides a chronological analysis that centers around the change to Confucianism. It addresses a significant research vacuum in the existing literature and uses archival analysis to examine the evolution of the KMT’s foreign policy. The study examines primary sources such as Sun’s speeches, Chiang's diary, and contemporaneous memoirs. The study comprises three chronological sections. The first section (1920–1924) explores the influence of Confucianism on Sun’s alignment with Soviet Russia due to commonalities between Confucianism and Communism. The second section (1924-1927) examines how Confucianism shaped the KMT’s Western-oriented shift. The third section (1928–1930) delves into the philosophical basis of the Treaty Revision Movement (Gaiding xinyue yundong 改訂新約運動) and the adoption of ‘keeping good faith and pursuing harmony’ (Jiangxin xiumu 講信修睦) as the foreign policy principle. This research concludes that Sun, inspired by Confucian-Communist parallels, initially aligned with Soviet Russia but that later, under Chiang’s leadership, the KMT used “The Confucianisation of the Three People’s Principles” (Sanminzhuyi 三民主義) in its consolidation of a power shift towards the West and adopted Confucian principles to further legitimize its rule by promoting the New Treaty Movement.
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Hudson, Hugh D. "The 1927 Soviet War Scare: The Foreign Affairs-Domestic Policy Nexus Revisited." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 39, no. 2 (2012): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-03902002.
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The Soviet War Scare of 1927 is usually treated solely within the bounds of Soviet political machinations. This study explores the connection between Bolshevik domestic and foreign policy in the War Scare of 1927 with a focus on the peasants. The peasants in the early years of the NEP were seeking a compromise with the regime, seeing the relations of power following the war, the civil war, and horrendous famine of 1921-1922, not in their favor. The War Scare of 1927 altered how both the peasants and the regime saw one another and the possibility of compromise. The rumors of war were soon coupled with threats of peasants uprising against the communists. By fall 1927, both the local police in their svodki and the central OGPU in its summary reports to the political leadership were describing a mounting confrontational atmosphere among the peasants. Given the heightened anxieties within the leadership regarding the Soviet Union’s ability to defend itself, concern over the reliability of the peasantry and a demand to know more fully about the “political situation in the countryside” had reached a fever pitch. Surveiling the countryside, both the central OGPU and the party leadership concluded, not without some evidence, that a growing number of peasants desired a showdown. The War Scare of 1927 added significantly to the factors that helped set the process of collectivization in motion.
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Karnups, Viesturs Pauls. "Latvian-Estonian Economic Relations 1918–1940." Humanities and Social Sciences Latvia 30, no. 1, 2 (2022): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/hssl.30.02.
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This paper provides an overview of Latvian-Estonian economic relations in the interwar period. In the interwar period, economic relations between Latvia and Estonia were mainly confined to foreign trade, although there were some investments in Latvia from Estonia, as well as tourism. Latvia’s foreign trade in relation to Estonia was regulated by a number of trade treaties and agreements entered into in 1923, 1927, 1928, 1931, 1932, 1935, and 1937. Latvia’s main imports from Estonia in the interwar period were horses, cement, petroleum products from oil shale (including bitumen, crude oil, etc.) – except petrol, petrol, and fabrics (cotton, linen, wool, etc), whilst Latvia’s main exports to Estonia were linoleum, machinery (agricultural and industrial), timber and timber products (including plywood), rubber goods (including galoshes), paints, inks, and paint products, sugar, as well as radios. In general, trade and thus economic relations were of marginal significance to both countries in the interwar period due mainly to similarities in their agriculturally based economic structures.
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Verchenko, А.L. "All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries and the Beginning of the Soviet-Chinese Cultural Relations in the 1920s." East Asia: Facts and Analytics, no. 1 (April 3, 2023): 6–17. https://doi.org/10.24412/2686-7702-2023-1-6-17.
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The work in the area of public diplomacy in the Chinese direction began in the USSR immediately after the formation of the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries (transliteration – Vsesoyuznoe Obshchestvo Kul'turnoy Svyazi s Zagranicey, VOKS) in 1925. That year was a relatively favorable time for the start of cultural and scientific contacts in terms of interstate relations and the internal political situation in China. Through the Soviet diplomatic missions VOKS started a distribution of its bulletins, photographic materials for organizing exhibitions, articles for placement in the Chinese press, established book exchanges between the major libraries. Contacts were established with a number of scientists and cultural figures. VOKS participated in the reception of official delegations arriving in the USSR, providing a cultural program and acquaintance with the achievements of the Soviet country after the October Revolution. O.D. Kamenevа, the chairman of VOKS, played a driving role in this process. The plans included the organization of a representative office of VOKS in Beijing or the organization of a Friendship Society, as well as societies for rapprochement with the USSR, Russian language courses. However, the situation in China soon changed dramatically in the direction of reaction. The break in the united front of the China Communist Party and the Guomindang in 1926, the coup by Chiang Kai-shek in 1927, the expulsion of Soviet diplomats that followed, and the break in diplomatic relations in 1929 temporarily made the cultural exchange between the USSR and China impossible.
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Bukelevičiūtė, Dalia. "The Question of Diplomatic Mission of Czechoslovakia in Lithuania in 1921-1939." Lietuvos istorijos studijos 13 (June 28, 2004): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lis.2004.37156.
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The problem of diplomatic relations between Lithuania and Czechoslovakia is that Lithuanian historiography has not been investigated yet. There are very important L Švec works from the Czech historians. The base of this article is material from Lithuania and Czech Republic archives. Recognition of de jure question and the entering into diplomatic relations with Lithuania and Czechoslovakia were discussed together. At the Paris Peace Conference, Czechoslovakia considered Lithuania as a part of the Russian question. Only in 1921 autumn Lithuania and Czechoslovakia exchanged non-official representatives. In 1921 12 29, Czechoslovakia recognized Lithuania de jure and excluded it from the Russian question. In 1922, Czechoslovakia's diplomatic representative in Kaunas, J. Galia, became a consul. J. Galia (1921-1928), M. Niederle (1928-1933), and J. Skalicky (1933-1939) represented Czechoslovakia's interests in Lithuania. Only J. Skalicky was the ambassador extraordinary from 1936. The possibility to replace the consulate of Czechoslovakia with the embassy of Czechoslovakia in Kaunas was discussed in the ministry of foreign affairs of Czechoslovakia in 1927. The embassy was opened only formally: the ambassador extraordinary resided in Stockholm (till 1936), whereas a consul in Kaunas got the charge d'affaires title. In 1925, J. Galia provided an honour consulate in Klaipėda (the first consul was M. Reišys; from 1933 - J. Galia junior). One of the most important questions raised by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Czechoslovakia for its diplomatic corps was the ability to make and develop the diplomatic contacts. Diplomats were also charged to care about the political questions and follow the different changes in the country. They informed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Czechoslovakia about the political and economic questions in their political reports. J. Galia - the first Czechoslovakia representative - was a very active diplomat because of his personal characteristics. He succeeded in good relations with Lithuania's politics. Being in Kaunas, he personally worked on the question that Lithuania would officially be recognised de jure by Czechoslovakia as soon as possible. Also, J. Galia invited trades of Lithuania and Czechoslovakia to participate in exhibitions and encouraged them for close inter-cooperation. The import of Czechoslovakia to Lithuania increased significantly during his term of office in Kaunas. M. Niederle's relations with Lithuania's politics were not very good. In 1928-1933 (the period he worked in Kaunas), the political cooperation was small. His role in solving political problems is not remarkable. Lithuania's trade began to orientate towards the England's market during the 4th decade; therefore, M. Niederle cared about strengthening of Czechoslovakia's interests in Lithuania's market. J. Skalicky was the most active in the political cooperation between Lithuania and Czechoslovakia. Lithuania's politics were informed of German aggression to the Middle Europe by him. J. Skalicky had close contacts with the minister of Lithuania's Foreign Affairs - S. Lozoraitis. He also cared about the maintenance of Czechoslovakia's economic interests in Lithuania. During personal contacts with official persons of Lithuania, J. Skalicky always marked the importance of such relationships.
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Sokolov, Alexander. "Anglo-Soviet Trade Relations on the Eve of the Severance of Diplomatic Relations in 1927." ISTORIYA 13, no. 7 (117) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022008-7.
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During the 1920s, the USSR tried to establish both trade and diplomatic relations with England. In the conditions of the growing economic crisis of 1925, representatives of British business circles were interested in creating favorable conditions for the development of mutually beneficial trade and economic ties with Soviet Russia. The foreign trade turnover between the two countries was actively developing. At the same time, the trade balance was in favor of the UK. Meanwhile, the Conservative cabinet was clearly moving towards a break with the USSR. Soviet financial assistance to striking miners in 1926, as well as material support for the national revolutionary movement in China, contributed to the deterioration of Soviet-British relations. Representatives of some of the British commercial and industrial circles were extremely interested in trade with Russia. They rightly believed that England would suffer more damage from the rupture than the Soviets. One of the steps towards easing tensions and creating favorable conditions for the development of trade and economic relations was the conclusion in May 1927 of an agreement between the delegation of the USSR and the board of Midland Bank on crediting Soviet orders of British goods. However, the subsequent police raid on the premises of the joint stock company “Arkos Limited” led to the termination of diplomatic relations with the USSR. As a result of the breakdown of relations, English firms suffered heavy losses. Orders were lost for the amount of the loan, on the provision of which an agreement was reached with Midland Bank. The termination of relations with the USSR had negative consequences for the British economy. The volume of Soviet-British trade has significantly decreased. The gradual improvement of Soviet-British relations led to the restoration of lost trade and economic relations. However, the issue of granting large loans, including from Midland Bank, remained unresolved.
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Sergeev, Evgeny Yu. "“WORLD REVOLUTION” ON THE ОUTSKIRTS OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 1920’S. MYTH OR REALITY?" RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, № 4 (2022): 10–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2022-4-10-32.
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Based upon the wide range of sources, including Russian and British archival documents, published diplomatic correspondence, diaries penned by some eye-witnesses and newspaper commentaries, the article dwells upon the attempts by the Comintern to bring to life the ideas of “world revolution” in the Middle East states – such as Persia and Afghanistan, as well as in the Chinese possessions – Sinkiang and Tibet, which in the period under review – the second half of the 1920s, gained a quasi-independent status. The author meticulously examines various forms and methods of exporting revolutionary practices to the British Empire Asian outskirts, where Indian subcontinent occupied a key position. As a result of the study, it was established that by the beginning of the 1930s, the concept of the “world revolution” as one of the directions of Soviet foreign policy underwent a transformation from reality into a myth, which began to perform mainly propaganda functions. Besides that, the author came to conclusion that the transformation had a serious impact on the development of Soviet-Britain relations during the second conservative government of S. Baldwin, being zigzag in nature – from the state of mutual confrontation in 1925–1926, through the rupture of 1927, to the restoration after the return to power of the Labour Party in 1929.
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Chernoperov, V. L., and E. A. Reshetov. "FROM THE HISTORY OF SOVIET-SWEDISH MILITARY RELATIONS IN THE 1920S - 1930S." Vestnik Bryanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta 08, no. 03 (2024): 110–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22281/2413-9912-2024-08-03-110-124.
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The article is devoted to Soviet-Swedish military relations in the 1920s - 1930s. It is based on sources from the Russian State Archive of Economics and the Archive of Foreign Policy. Most of them are being introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. The relevance of the article is due to its low level of study. As a result of the study, it was found that Soviet-Swedish military ties included transactions for the purchase of weapons, engines for warships, uniforms for military personnel and other goods for the Red Army. Especially impressive was the interaction with the Bofors company, where Soviet representatives ordered light and heavy weapons. Moreover, Turkey assisted in the transportation of goods from this company to the USSR. Some of the transactions with Swedish companies ("Husqvarna " and JSC "Atlas-Diesel") continued the contacts established before the revolution. The article also shows the dynamics of interaction. In 1920, the interest in Moscow and Stockholm in military relations was mutual – the Bolsheviks needed goods for the Red Army, and the Swedes wanted to make money selling them for gold. In subsequent years, the USSR took more initiative in military cooperation. Especially in 1923 and 1927, which was caused in the first case by preparations for the German and, consequently, the world revolution, in the second by the expectation of a military clash with Great Britain and, possibly, with the union of Western countries. Since 1929, the USSR and Sweden have been interested in cooperation to about the same extent. Moscow was interested in the latest weapons, and the Swedes wanted to minimize losses due to the global economic crisis.
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McKercher, B. J. C. "From Enmity to Cooperation: The Second Baldwin Government and the Improvement of Anglo-American Relations, November 1928–June 1929." Albion 24, no. 1 (1992): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051243.
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One of the pervading interpretations of Anglo-American relations in the interwar period is that the advent of James Ramsay MacDonald's Labour government in June 1929 set in train the series of events that ended bitter relations between Britain and the United States, bitterness which had been caused by the naval question. There are several strands to this: first, that the American policy pursued by the Conservative second Baldwin government from November 1924 to June 1929, and especially after the failure of the Coolidge naval conference in the summer of 1927, was bankrupt; second, that MacDonald was more amenable to settling British differences with the Americans than were his Conservative predecessors and, that being so, softened the hardline towards the United States that had marked Conservative foreign and naval policy for more than two years; and, finally, that MacDonald's decision to travel to the United States on what proved to be a very successful visit in the autumn of 1929 to meet Herbert Hoover, the new president, to discuss outstanding issues personally, was a major diplomatic coup. Some of this received version is true. No one can doubt that MacDonald and his Labour ministry played a crucial role in helping to ameliorate the crisis that had been dogging good Anglo-American relations for more than two years before June 1929. The Labour Party constituted the government when the London naval conference of 1930 ended the period of Anglo-American naval rivalry. Moreover, for six months before that conference convened, Labour had conducted effective diplomacy in preparing for its deliberations.
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NARMAMATOVA, Topçugül. "REFLECTION OF TURKEY AND CENTRAL ASIAN TURKISH STATES IN THE KYRGYZ PRESS OF THE SOVIET ERA (ERKIN TOO NEWSPAPER 1924-1927 YEARS)." ZEITSCHRIFT FÜR DIE WELT DER TÜRKEN / JOURNAL OF WORLD OF TURKS / TÜRKLERİN DÜNYASI DERGİSİ 15, no. 3 (2023): 291–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/zfwt/150319.
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Social structure consists of social relations, social system and social partnerships. The main driving force in maintaining social relations is definitely information and communication tools. While mass media plays an important role in the formation and development of society, it also contributes to the writing, transmission and survival of social information. All mass media, especially the print media, record historical information and lay the groundwork for social memory. By looking at the news and information archived by recording, it is possible to reach a lot of information from the past periods. The main purpose of the study is to search for historical information. The subject of the research is consisted of the reflection of Turkey and other Turkic speaking countries in the first national press of Kyrgyzstan. As a research area was taken In the research, the first Kyrgyz press, Erkin Too, was determined as the universe, and the issues of the aforementioned newspaper between the years 1924-1927 were taken as a sample. the Erkin Too newspaper was published in Arabic alphabet between 1924-1927, it started to be published in the Latin alphabet from 1927 to 1939. Erkin Too newspaper, which was changed to Cyrillic alphabet after 1939, still exists today as “Kyrgyz Tuusu”. Content analysis was used as a method in the research. According to the research findings, it has been revealed that Turkey and other Turkic speaking Central Asian countries have a significant place in foreign news and are more neutrally reflected in the news. According to the way it is placed in the newspaper, it is explained that it is placed at the top of the first pages. Keywords: Kyrgyz press history, Erkin Too newspaper, Turkey, Central Asian countries
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Panova, Olga Yu, and Victoria Yu Popova. "Theodore Dreiser in Leningrad. New Materials." Literature of the Americas, no. 15 (2023): 16–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2541-7894-2023-15-16-41.
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Theodorе Dreiser was invited to the USSR to take part in the celebration of the tenth anniversary of the October Revolution. His visit to the Soviet Union that lasted over two months (November 4, 1926 — January 13, 1928) has been documented and studied quite well: Dreiser's Russian diary that he kept during his travel was published almost 30 years ago, and four years ago its Russian translation appeared. Another source is Ruth Epperson Kennell’s book Theodore Dreiser and the USSR. A First- Hand Chronicle (1969). A number of studies and scholarly publications are devoted to Dreiser’s trip; however, new materials and documents that contribute to more detailed reconstruction of Dreiser’s Russian journey still are being found in the archives. New documents from the funds of the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries (VOKS) that highlight Dreiser’s stay in Leningrad (November 26 — December 2, 1927) are published in the Addendum to the article: a report submitted to VOKS by Sergei Trivas, officer for Anglo-American countries, who accompanied Dreiser as a guide and interpreter, and a letter of gratitude from Dreiser to Nikolai Derzhavin, VOKS representative in Leningrad.
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Ryskulov, Timur A. "Permanent Mission of Kyrgyzstan to the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee in 1924–1927." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 498 (2024): 106–19. https://doi.org/10.17223/15617793/498/12.
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The aim of the study is to consider the history of the establishment and activities of the Permanent Mission of Kyrgyzstan in Moscow under the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee in the period of 1924 to 1927. The study is based on archival materials identified in the Central State Archive of the Kyrgyz Republic. In particular, I studied the affairs of the 1246 fund, dedicated to the representation of Kyrgyzstan at the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee in the period of 1924 to 1930. The documents represent a working correspondence between the Permanent Mission and the Soviet state and economic bodies of Kyrgyzstan and RSFSR. In addition, each quarter, the Mission sent information on the work done to the central Kyrgyzstan authorities. The Permanent Mission under the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee was established in November 1924 by a resolution of the Revolutionary Committee of the Soviets of Kyrgyzstan. The Mission was headed by a prominent statesman Turdaly Tokbayev. Starting in January 1925, Tokbayev, together with his deputy Drugov, carried out work on the actual organization of the Mission. The main tasks of the Mission were to protect and promote the interests of Kyrgyzstan in the highest central state and economic institutions. Also, the Permanent Mission carried out foreign trade operations of the republic. The protection and promotion of the interests of Kyrgyzstan was expressed in the filing of requests for political, financial and material support for events held in the republic in the frame of Soviet nation-building and economic construction. In particular, the Mission sought to increase the volume of bank capital, restore agriculture, provide consumer goods, provide a fuel-energy basis and transport infrastructure in Kyrgyzstan. In addition, the Mission worked to attract professional managerial, economic and sanitary-medical personnel, establish state borders, as well as normalize interethnic relations in Kyrgyzstan. The Mission achieved considerable results in the scientific, educational and printing spheres. The Mission also actively supported the strengthening of cultural ties between Kyrgyzstan and Russia. Thus, the organization and activities of the Permanent Mission in Moscow in 1924–1927 solved a number of important tasks of the national-state and cultural-economic construction of Kyrgyzstan. The Mission was able to achieve the allocation of significant financial resources for the development of key economic sectors, which led to economic growth in the country. The Mission successfully resolved issues related to the establishment of state borders of the republic and in the social and cultural spheres of Kyrgyzstan. In general, the activities of the Mission contributed to the increase of the state-legal status of Kyrgyzstan from an autonomous region to an autonomous republic in 1926.
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Zhukovskaya, Natalia. "Canada's 1927 Election to the Council of the League of Nations: Imperial Unity and National Interests." Russia and America in the 21st Century, S2 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760027904-1.
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The activities of universal international organizations (the League of Nations and the UN) have always influenced the dynamics of world processes. In the article, the author examines the election of Canada to the Council of the League of Nations in 1927. This event influenced the principle of the formation of the system of electoral groups, reflected on the transformation of relations between the Empire and the Dominions, determined the vector of development of Canadian foreign policy in the framework of the concept of "middle power".
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Sergeev, Evgeny. "The ARCOS Case and “War Scare” of 1927 in Soviet-British Relations." ISTORIYA 15, no. 7 (141) (2024): 0. https://doi.org/10.18254/s207987840032145-8.
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The author examines the Soviet-British conflict, which was caused by the raid of the London police on the office of ARCOS and the USSR trade mission in mid-May 1927. The article covers the background, process and consequences of the search carried out by the Metropolitan police, focusing on the severance of diplomatic connections and the situation of “war scare” caused by the incident that led to the most serious crisis in bilateral relations during the twentieth century. Basing on declassified materials of British counterintelligence, as well as on the recently available documents from Soviet and British archives, including diplomatic correspondence, expert notes of both countries, private correspondence of participants and accounts of witnesses, as well as on press comments, the author concludes that the enacted police action could be explained by a complex of political and economic factors which made it inevitable, putting the USSR and Great Britain on the brink of an armed clash. It destabilized the process of the post-war international reconstruction within the framework of the Versailles-Washington world order. The material of the article aids to reconstruct the course of events in the spring and summer of 1927 from the perspective of today, emphasizing the relevance of studying the crises of the interwar period (1919—1939) for formulating the foreign policy of modern Russia.
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Krēsliņš, Uldis. "Regional Factor in Transnational Relations: the Experience of Latvia and Lithuania in the 1920s." Acta humanitarica academiae Saulensis 26 (December 1, 2019): 25–40. https://doi.org/10.15388/ahas.2019.2.
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By the end of Latvia’s struggle for freedom, the Republic of Latvia, proclaimed in 1918, acquired land border with four countries: and if in separate stages Estonia or Poland became Latvia’s closest ally, then in the long term Latvia’s closest relation formed with its southern neighbour Lithuania. This article does not claim to be the comprehensive study of Latvian-Lithuanian relations in the 1920s; it focuses on certain important aspects and some less known details of these relations, which reflect their universality, versatility and some inconsistency. The main obstacle in relations between two countries in 1920s was difficult Lithuanian foreign policy situation – especially its open conflict with Poland. In these conditions, Latvia made attempts to dispel Lithuania’s suspicion of its intentions, and as an expression of its special friendship on February 1921, it was one of the first to give de iure recognition to Lithuania, but the Lithuanian political circles remained cautious about the intentions of Latvia. Political complications in the relations between the two countries were balanced by social aspirations of public organizations and associations to converge and society efforts starting in 1921 with the search for rapprochement. As early as 1921, Latvian-Lithuanian and Lithuanian-Latvian unity societies were established in Riga and Kaunas, which organized language courses and excursions to the neighbouring countries in order to bring both nations closer. The annual Latvian and Lithuanian Rapprochement Congresses held since 1924 were of particular importance: it became with special manifestation of social aspirations of both states, which would be difficult to find in all Europe during the interwar period; they contributed not only to cultural ties between the two nations, but also allowed the idea of a political union of the two countries to be supported in the form of the Baltic Kingdom. However, these aspirations and attempts for rapprochement failed to influence Lithuania’s internal policy, and at the end of 1920s the activities of Lithuanian political emigrants in Latvia became a new stumbling block in the relations between the two countries, putting the Latvian government in front of a complicated political choice. After the Congress of Lithuanian’s Political Emigrants, held in Riga on November 1927, which revealed the political contradictions of the emigrants themselves, the Latvian government stepped up measures to limit the political activities of Lithuanian emigrants. This government’s position was criticized by the Latvian Social Democrats and provoked sharp condemnation of assessing it as the desire to convince the Latvian government to please Lithuania, but the government chose the priority of the Statehood, sacrificing the ideals of democracy and human rights in this name. This dualism is the main feature that characterized relations between Latvia and Lithuania in the 1920s: if social aspirations, organizations and communities, public efforts tried to bring the two countries closer together, the complication in Lithuania’s foreign and internal (domestic) policies hindered the creation of closer political union of Baltic States. In this particular model of interstate relations, one should also look for an explanation of the different views on the relations between Latvia and Lithuania in the interwar period: if from the point of view of traditional interstate relations at the government level, one can agree with the opinion of some Latvian historians that Estonia was the only ally of Latvia, then in terms of public aspirations, Latvia’s closest relations were nevertheless associated with Lithuania.
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Cao, Yixuan. "Research on the impact of Sino-US trade war on China's high-tech industry." BCP Business & Management 25 (August 30, 2022): 872–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpbm.v25i.1927.
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In today's economic globalization, with the continuous improvement of China's national status and economic strength, the conflict of national interests with the United States is also increasing, which leads to the tense trade relations between the two countries. At the same time, with the increasing trade surplus between China and the United States, the Trump administration launched a "301 Investigation" against China on the grounds of the huge trade gap between China and the United States, and launched the Sino-US trade war. The United States intends to sanction and restrict the development of China's high-tech industries, and safeguard its own international economic and technological status. However, in the long run, the severe situation caused by the Sino-US trade war has inspired domestic high-tech enterprises that "core technology is the first competitiveness". The Chinese government and enterprises still need to increase research investment, absorb high-tech talents, actively expand the market, reduce dependence on foreign advanced technology, and optimize their own industrial structure, so as to improve the competitiveness of China's high-tech products.
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Bakanov, D. K. "Советско-литовские отношения в рамках подготовки к заключению договора о ненападении с Литвой". Вестник гуманитарного образования, № 2(34) (22 серпня 2024): 62–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.25730/vsu.2070.24.024.
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This article is devoted to the development of Soviet-Lithuanian relations in 1923–1926, which led to the signing of the non-aggression treaty between the USSR and the Republic of Lithuania on September 28, 1926. The importance of the Lithuanian direction of foreign policy of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs of the USSR was due to attempts by France and Great Britain to create an anti-Soviet bloc from the states that appeared on the ruins of the Russian, German and Austro-Hungarian empires-limitrophes. However, it arose after the "Zheligovsky Riot" of 1920. The Vilna issue became the cause of the Polish-Lithuanian conflict, which made this unification impossible. The decision of the League of Nations of the "Vilna question" in 1923 in favor of Warsaw strengthened the willingness of the leadership of the Republic of Lithuania to develop bilateral relations with the USSR. Poland turned out to be a more important player for the main participants in the Versailles-Washington system of international relations, and the political interests of Kaunas were not as important for London and Paris as the interests of Warsaw. Due to the complexity of Soviet-Polish relations, Lithuania became a natural ally of the USSR in the region, which allowed Soviet diplomacy to resist the plans of the League of Nations participants in the formation of an anti-Soviet "Sanitary Cordon". The first attempt to sign a nonaggression treaty with Lithuania will be made by the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs in 1923. However, due to the successful resolution of the "Memel issue", the Lithuanian side in early 1924 refused such a close rapprochement with the USSR, fearing a negative reaction from France and Great Britain. In 1926 The USSR and the Republic of Lithuania returned to the idea of concluding a non-aggression treaty in connection with the military coup of Yu. Pilsudski in Poland, the threat of the forceful subordination of Lithuania by the Polish armed forces, as well as the diplomatic failures of both sides in negotiations with Latvia, Estonia and Finland on guarantee agreements. Данная статья посвящена развитию советско-литовских отношений в 1923–1926 гг., приведшим к подписанию договора о ненападении между СССР и Литовской республикой 28 сентября 1926 г. Важность литовского направления внешней политики Народного комиссариата иностранных дел СССР была обусловлена попытками Франции и Великобритании создать антисоветский блок из появившихся на руинах Российской, Германской и Австро-Венгерской империй государствлимитрофов. Однако возникший после «Бунта Желиговского» 1920 г. Виленский вопрос стал причиной польско-литовского конфликта, который делал невозможным данное объединение. Решение Лигой Наций «Виленского вопроса» в 1923 г. в пользу Варшавы усилило готовность руководства Литовской республики развивать двусторонние отношения с СССР. Польша оказалась более важным игроком для основных участников Версальско-Вашингтонской системы международных отношений, и политические интересы Каунаса были не столь важны для Лондона и Парижа, как интересы Варшавы. Ввиду сложности советско-польских отношений Литва становилась естественным союзником СССР в регионе, что позволяло советской дипломатии противостоять планам участников Лиги Наций в формировании антисоветского «Санитарного кордона». Первая попытка подписать договор о ненападении с Литвой будет предпринята Народным комиссариатом иностранных дел в 1923 г. Однако вследствие благополучного для себя разрешения «Мемельского вопроса» литовская сторона в начале 1924 г. отказалась от столь тесного сближения с СССР, опасаясь негативной реакции Франции и Великобритании. В 1926 г. СССР и Литовская республика вновь вернулись к идее заключения договора о ненападении в связи с военным переворотом Ю. Пилсудского в Польше, угрозой силового подчинения Литвы польскими вооруженными силами, а также дипломатическими неудачами обеих сторон в переговорах с Латвией, Эстонией и Финляндией о гарантийных соглашениях.
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Demianovskyi, V. V. "GENESIS OF CRIMINAL RESPONSIBILITY FOR APPROPRIATION, POSSESSION OF MILITARY PROPERTY USING OFFICIAL RANK COMMITTED BY A MILITARY OFFICER." Actual problems of native jurisprudence 5, no. 5 (2021): 76–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/392202.
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The article provides a comprehensive study of the emergence and development of criminal liability for dishonest appropriation, military property acquiring through abuse of official rank committed by a military official. The research of normative-legal acts of different periods of origin of the Ukrainian statehood is carried out, in particular disclosing the essence of responsibility for dishonest appropriation, military property obtained through abuse, misuse of official rank performed by a military officer. Such normative legal acts are Russkaya Pravda, Sudebniki of 1468, 1550, Statutes of 1529, 1566 and 1588, Rights and Institutions of Little Russia, ‘Conciliar Code’ of 1649, Military Article of 1715, ‘The civil rights of the Little Russian people’ of 1743, ‘Field criminal law’ of 1812, Code of Laws of 1832 (Criminal Code), ‘Statute of a denomination or police officer’ of 1782, the Statute of Punishment, the Village Court Statute of 1839, Penal and Correctional Regulations of 1845, Statutes of Public Administrations ‘Code of military regulations’ of 1869 ‘Statutes of Punishment Criminal Code’ of 1903, ‘Code on weapon requisition’ of 1917, Criminal Codes of the USSR of 1922, 1927, and 1960, decrees on ‘Criminal liability for theft of state and public property’, and on ‘Strengthening the protection of personal property of citizens’ of 1947, Criminal Code of Ukraine of 2001, etc. Having conducted research on legislative acts that were relevant in today's Ukraine at different times, having reviewed scientific works of domestic and foreign scientists, the main aspects of the formation and development of criminal liability for dishonest appropriation, military property acquiring through abuse of official rank committed by a military official are proposed. It is investigated that the norms of the Military Article of Peter I, which regulated the relations in the army, significantly affected the development and approval of the current military criminal legislation of Ukraine. Much attention in the article is paid to the Criminal Codes of 1922, 1927 and 1960, because they see an experiment in the classification of criminal law, taking into account and improving the rules of past regulations, and clearly states the responsibility for the criminal offense researched by us.
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Young, Julia G. "The Calles Government and Catholic Dissidents: Mexico's Transnational Projects of Repression, 1926-1929." Americas 70, no. 01 (2013): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500002881.
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During the late 1920s, the Mexican government under President Plutarco Elías Calles (1924-1928) confronted multiple challenges to state consolidation. These included plots by political rivals, foreign relations crises, and several popular revolts. The longest-lasting and most destabilizing of these was the Cristero War, which persisted from 1926 until 1929, with sporadic uprisings into the early 1930s. Despite these challenges, Calles and his handpicked successors not only remained in power at the beginning of the 1930s, but also launched the single-party political system that would endure in Mexico until the end of the twentieth century.
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Young, Julia G. "The Calles Government and Catholic Dissidents: Mexico's Transnational Projects of Repression, 1926-1929." Americas 70, no. 1 (2013): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2013.0058.
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During the late 1920s, the Mexican government under President Plutarco Elías Calles (1924-1928) confronted multiple challenges to state consolidation. These included plots by political rivals, foreign relations crises, and several popular revolts. The longest-lasting and most destabilizing of these was the Cristero War, which persisted from 1926 until 1929, with sporadic uprisings into the early 1930s. Despite these challenges, Calles and his handpicked successors not only remained in power at the beginning of the 1930s, but also launched the single-party political system that would endure in Mexico until the end of the twentieth century.
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Osipov, Evgeny. "On the Question of the Debts of Czarist Russia. The Soviet-French conference of 1926–1927." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2022): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640019513-2.
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In this article based on materials from the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs archive, most of which have not yet been introduced into the academic circuit, the author examines the preparation, progress, and results of the Soviet-French conference in 1926–1927, where the question of repayment of debts of the Russian Empire, as well as the possibility of France's loans to the USSR were discussed. French documents show that the Soviet side from the very beginning indicated that the issue of paying off royal debts for it, due to the economic situation in the country, was inextricably linked with the provision of loans. The French delegation, although it did not recognize the connection between these two issues, was ready to discuss them in parallel and showed a real interest both in settling the debt issue and in providing loans. Despite considerable disagreement, the positions of the sides gradually converged during the negotiations, specific figures and details on key issues were agreed on, and a mutually acceptable outcome seemed quite possible. However, the coming to power in France in July 1926 of the government of the National Association, headed by Raymond Poincaré, instead of the Left Bloc, which was constructively disposed towards the USSR, and, especially, the Anglo-Soviet flare-up, followed by a breakdown in diplomatic relations between Moscow and London, led to a rise in anti-Soviet sentiment in France and, consequently, a hardening of the French negotiating position, which ultimately led to the failure of the conference. French holders of Russian securities were primarily the ones who lost out.
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Möller, Kay. "Germany and China: A Continental Temptation." China Quarterly 147 (September 1996): 706–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000051766.
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The fact that Reichswehr officers served as advisors to Chiang Kai-shek between 1927 and 1936 and that Hitler, before concluding his anti- Comintern pact with Japan, may have toyed with a Chinese alternative, can only partly be explained by Germany's great power aspirations at the time. Bom powers had been latecomers to global interaction and were rather traditional continental players when compared with Britain or the United States. Both derived their foreign policy claims from a pre-modern and sometimes mythological status.
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Guseva, Yulia N., and Vasilii S. Khristoforov. "“THE PEOPLE’S COMMISSARIAT FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS PUTS THE STRUGGLE FOR REVOLUTION ABOVE THE RESEARCH INTERESTS OF CURRENT AND FUTURE ARCHIVAL SPECIALISTS...” (PEOPLE’S COMMISSAR OF THE PEOPLE’S COMMISSARIAT FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS G.V. CHICHERIN AND SOVIET ARCHIVES)." History and Archives 6, no. 2 (2024): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-6541-2024-6-2-32-44.
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The article carries out research on the individual stories reflecting the interdepartmental contradictions between the NKID (represented by its head G.V. Chicherin) and the Central Archives (headed by M.N. Pokrovsky) on the issue of using the archival documents of the imperial diplomatic institutions. Based on the previously unpublished Central Archives materials of the years 1926–1927 stored in the special depository of the Russian Civil Aviation, Chicherin’s general position on the use of the documentary heritage of the Imperial Foreign Ministry is revealed; the paper also describes the essence of the contradictions concerning the procedure for the collecting, systematizing and using the documents. There is a detailed study of Chicherin’s attempts to build business relations with the representatives of the Soviet archival department and of Pokrovsky’s opposition to that. The arguments of both sides in defense of their own position are discussed separately. Particular attention is paid to the “revolutionary” ideological component of Chicherin’s argumentation, to the assumption that the archives are a tool for Soviet Russia to realize its own global historic mission. A conclusion is drawn about the nature of the established cultural practices of the new bureaucracy.The study of the emerging access mechanisms of various government departments to the process of extracting historical facts broadens our understanding of the Soviet experience of the political-ideological “conveyor” and leads the authors to the conclusion that the resource approach to archival, documentary heritage is a typical element of the political culture of the Soviet period, and it has effectively migrated to the modern era.
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Zametica, Jovan. "Sir Austen Chamberlain and the Italo-Yugoslav crisis over Albania February - May 1927." Balcanica, no. 36 (2005): 203–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0536203z.
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In the Spring of 1927 a major European crisis was developing in the Balkans It concerned the rivalry between Mussolini?s Italy and the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes over Albania in which, though a small and backward country, both Rome and Belgrade claimed to have legitimate political and security interests. At the time, the Italo-Yugoslav crisis was seen by many observers as containing the potential of turning into a war the Italian government in particular insisting that Belgrade was engaged in military preparations in order to launch an invasion of Albania. An important factor that made the Italo-Yugoslav rivalry over Albania possible in the first place was the country?s perennial political instability. Thus the crisis attracted considerable attention in Europe. Given the fact that France and Italy experienced strained relations, and that the Weimar Germany had only recently returned to the mainstream of the affairs of Europe following the treaties of Locarno, it was Great Britain that emerged as the chief player in attempts to defuse the emergency. Historians have paid relatively little attention to this, by now largely forgotten, episode in the diplomatic history of interwar Europe. The existing literature, however mistakenly tends to interpret the efforts of Great Britain as favoring the Italian claims in Albania. This article, which makes extensive use of primary sources from the Foreign Office, demonstrates that Foreign Secretary Sir Austen Chamberlain and all his relevant officials handled the crisis in an even-handed manner throughout and that, at times, if London exhibited any sympathy and understanding at all for either side, it was towards Belgrade rather than Rome.
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Erpul, Onur, and Kemal Kirişci. "Where is the Anchor? Explaining the Endurance of the American-Turkish Partnership, 1927-2024." All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace 14, no. 1 (2025): 121–47. https://doi.org/10.20991/allazimuth.1621469.
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Once considered a model partnership, the American-Turkish relationship now elicits ambivalence among scholars and policymakers, calling into question the fundamental interests and assumptions that once undergirded the relationship. Critics attribute the negative trends in the relationship to geostrategic and value-based incompatibilities, but relatively few have examined both factors longitudinally across the entire relationship. This paper does not aim to provide a grand theory of American-Turkish relations. Instead, its goal is to develop a framework illustrating the vital role that strategic, ideational, and domestic political factors have played in shaping macro-level outcomes in the partnership’s cohesion at various junctures. Overall, our paper identifies the positive role of foreign policy bureaucratic elites on both sides acting as an “invisible hand” providing an anchor for the relationship even in the absence of other commonalities. Yet, we also observe the weakening of this hand in recent times as both countries become domestically transformed.
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Saidov, Shavkat J. "SCIENTIFIC, THEORETICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF THE RESEARCH OF KHOREZM-RUSSIAN RELATIONS IN THE SOVIET ERA (XIX CENTURY AND THE FIRST HALF OF THE XX CENTURY)." American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 6, no. 4 (2024): 38–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume06issue04-06.
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This article is dedicated to studying the scientific-theoretical and methodological aspects of bilateral relations during the historical period from the early 19th century to the first quarter of the 20th century between the Khiva Khanate and the Russian Empire (1806-1917), the Provisional Government (March-October 1917), the Soviet state (1917-1920), and the Khorezm People's Soviet Republic (KPSR) with the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) (1920-1924) in the historiography of the Soviet period. The author attempts to illuminate the scientific-theoretical and methodological aspects of studies conducted during the Soviet era on international relations and foreign policy, based on the "class" approach and commissioned historical research.
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Grasso, Mirko. "Salvemini, militant historian, and his publications on Fascism." Modern Italy 28, no. 4 (2023): 312–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2023.44.
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AbstractThis essay analyses Salvemini's major works on Fascism, namely The Fascist Dictatorship in Italy (1927), Mussolini Diplomate (1932) and Under the Axe of Fascism (1936). The focus of this analysis is twofold: to explore both Salvemini's methodology and the events leading to the publication of these works. In The Fascist Dictatorship in Italy, Salvemini examines the origins and the rise of Mussolini's movement, highlighting the complicity of the monarchy, the army, and industrial magnates. In Mussolini Diplomate, he analyses Fascist foreign policy from 1922 to 1932, in which Salvemini is unable to identify a consistent strategy, but only a propagandistic approach aiming to foster diplomatic relations. In Under the Axe of Fascism, Salvemini dissects Fascist economics, debunking the idea that the corporate state was an original and equitable compromise in the conflict between capital and labour, as was being portrayed abroad. An analysis of these three volumes brings into focus some noteworthy aspects of Salvemini's so-called ‘historiographical workshop’, which have hitherto been overlooked by historians (such as his adept use of sources and his endeavour to combine social sciences and economics), as well as underscoring his ability to forge cultural and intellectual networks, an essential element for undertaking such a complex task.
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Šipelytė, Monika. "Juozas Gabrys and Lithuania at the League of Nations: Press, Business, Politics." Lietuvos istorijos studijos 48 (December 27, 2021): 33–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lis.2021.48.2.
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The activity of Juozas Gabrys and his colleagues at the League of Nations in Geneva from 1927 until 1939 is the main subject of this article. The questions about this group of people are analyzed through several perspectives, such as journalism, business, and politics. The territorial and ethnical problems which were addressed by Lithuania at the League of Nations and the decisions of Lithuanian diplomats and politicians were overviewed in the press publications of Gabrys in various Lithuanian newspapers. In these texts he mostly focuses on two main topics in international interwar Lithuanian politics – the question of Vilnius its regarding mutual relations with Poland and the question of Memel and its region, which was intensely disputed by Lithuanian and German influences. Simultaneously, Gabrys had the intentions to develop business relations between Lithuania and Switzerland. He and his family worked in the fields of real estate and money exchange. Also, he established the Lithuanian Information Bureau in Geneva, which received irregular donations from the Lithuanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, yet most of the publications were funded by Gabrys himself. The answer to the question of Gabrys’s real influence on Lithuanian foreign policy could be given only partially. As for now, the possibility to measure this influence is limited only to the press and information field, as Gabrys’s work in those fields, although forgotten and underestimated nowadays, was observed and evaluated by his contemporaries. Due to his publications, Lithuanians could form an opinion about the League of Nations and its decisions as well as the situation on the level of European policy.
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Bakic, Dragan. "Nikola Pasic and the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, 1919-1926." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 285–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647285b.
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This paper looks at Nikola Pasic?s views of and contribution to the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS/Yugoslavia after1929) during the latest phase of his political career, a subject that has been neglected by historians. His activities in this field are divided into two periods - during the Paris Peace Conference where he was the head of the SCS Kingdom?s delegation and after 1921 when he became Prime Minister, who also served as his own Foreign Minister. During the peace conference, Pasic held strong views on all the major problems that faced his delegation, particularly the troubled delimitation with Italy in the Adriatic. In early 1920, he alone favoured the acceptance of the so-called Lloyd George-Clemenceau ultimatum, believing that the time was working against the SCS Kingdom. The Rapallo Treaty with Italy late that year proved him right. Upon taking the reins of government, Pasic was energetic in opposing the two restoration attempts of Karl Habsburg in Hungary and persistent in trying to obtain northern parts of the still unsettled Albania. In time, his hold on foreign policy was weakening, as King Alexander asserted his influence, especially through the agency of Momcilo Nincic, Foreign Minister after January 1922. Pasic was tougher that King and Nincic in the negotiations with Mussolini for the final settlement of the status of the Adriatic town of Fiume and the parallel conclusion of the 27 January 1924 friendship treaty (the Pact of Rome). Since domestic politics absorbed much of his time and energy, the old Prime Minister was later even less visible in foreign policy. He was forced to resign in April 1926 on account of his son?s corruption scandal shortly before the final break-down of relations with Italy.
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YEŞILBURSA BEHÇET, KEMAL. "FROM FRIENDSHIP TO ENMITY SOVIET-IRANIAN RELATIONS (1945-1965)." History and Modern Perspectives 2, no. 1 (2020): 92–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2020-2-1-92-105.
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On 26 February 1921, the Soviet Union signed a «Treaty of Friendship» with Iran which was to pave the way for future relations between the two states. Although the Russians renounced various commercial and territorial concessions which the Tsarist government had exacted from Iran, they secured the insertion of two articles which prohibited the formation or residence in either country of individuals, groups, military forces which were hostile to the other party, and gave the Soviet Union the right to send forces into Iran in the event that a third party should attempt to carry out a policy of usurpation there, use Iran as a base for operations against Russia, or otherwise threaten Soviet frontiers. Furthermore, in 1927, the Soviet Union signed a «Treaty of Guarantee and Neutrality» with Iran which required the contracting parties to refrain from aggression against each other and not to join blocs or alliances directed against each other’s sovereignty. However, the treaty was violated by the Soviet Union’s wartime occupation of Iran, together with Britain and the United States. The violation was subsequently condoned by the conclusion of the Tripartite Treaty of Alliance of 29 January 1942, which permitted the Soviet Union to maintain troops in Iran for a limited period. Requiring restraint from propaganda, subversion and hostile political groups, the treaty would also appear to have been persistently violated by the Soviet Union: for example, the various radio campaigns of «Radio Moscow» and the «National Voice of Iran»; the financing and control of the Tudeh party; and espionage and rumour-mongering by Soviet officials in Iran. Whatever the Soviet’s original conception of this treaty may have been, they had since used it one-sidedly as a treaty in which both countries would be neutral, with one being «more neutral than the other». In effect, both the 1921 and 1927 treaties had been used as «a stick to beat the Iranians» whenever it suited the Soviets to do so, in propaganda and in inter-governmental dealings. During the Second World War, the treaty between the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union and Iran, dated 29 January 1942 - and concluded some 5 months after the occupation of parts of Iran by allied forces, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union were entitled to maintain troops in Iran, but the presence of such troops was not to constitute a military occupation. Nonetheless, Soviet forces in the Northern provinces used their authority to prevent both the entry of officials of the Iranian Government and the export of agricultural products to other provinces. The treaty also required military forces to be withdrawn not later than six months after «all hostilities between the Allied Powers and Germany and her associates have been suspended by the conclusion of an armistice or on the conclusion of peace, whichever is the earlier». This entailed that the Soviet Union should have withdrawn its forces by March 1946, six months after the defeat of Japan. Meanwhile, however, there emerged in Iranian Azerbaijan, under Soviet tutelage, a movement for advanced provincial autonomy which developed into a separatist movement under a Communist-led «National Government of Azerbaijan». In 1945, Soviet forces prevented the Iranian army from moving troops into Azerbaijan, and also confined the Iranian garrison to barracks while the dissidents took forcible possession of key points. At the same time, Soviet troops prevented the entry of Iranian troops into the Kurdistan area, where, under Soviet protection, a Kurdish Republic had been set up by Qazi Mohammad. In 1946, after Iran had appealed to the Security Council, the Russians secured from the Iranian Prime Minister, Qavam es Saltaneh, a promise to introduce a bill providing for the formation of a Soviet-Iranian Oil Company to exploit the Northern oil reserves. In return, the Soviet Union agreed to negotiate over Azerbaijan: the Iranians thereupon withdrew their complaint to the Security Council, and Soviet forces left Azerbaijan by 9 May 1946. In 1955, when Iran was considering joining a regional defensive pact, which was later to manifest itself as the Baghdad Pact, the Soviet Government threatened that such a move would oblige the Soviet Union to act in accordance with Article 6 of the 1921 treaty. This was the «big stick» aspect of Soviet attempts to waylay Iranian membership of such a pact; the «carrot» being the conclusion in 1955 of a Soviet-Iranian «Financial and Frontier Agreement» by which the Soviets agreed to a mutually beneficial re-alignment of the frontier and to pay debts arising from their wartime occupation of Northern Iran. The Soviets continued their war of nerves against Iranian accession to the Pact by breaking off trade negotiations in October 1955 and by a series of minor affronts, such as the cancellation of cultural visits and minimal attendance at the Iranian National Day celebrations in Moscow. In a memorandum dated November 26, the Iranian Government openly rejected Soviet criticisms. Soviet displeasure was expressed officially, in the press and to private individuals. In the ensuing period, Soviet and Soviet-controlled radio stations continued to bombard their listeners with criticism of the Baghdad Pact, or CENTO as it later became. In early 1959, with the breakdown of the negotiations for a non-aggression pact, Iran-Soviet relations entered into a phase of propaganda warfare which intensified with the signature of the bilateral military agreement between Iran and the United States. The Soviet Union insisted that Iran should not permit the establishment of foreign military bases on its soil, and continued to threaten Iran despite the Shah’s assurance on this issue. Consequently, the Iranians denounced Articles 5 and 6 of the 1921 treaty, on the basis of which the Soviet Union was making its demands. Attempts by the Secretary-General of the United Nations to improve relations met with little success until September 1959, when Russia offered massive economic support on condition that Iran renounced its military agreements with the United States. This offer was rejected, and, as relations continued to become strained, the Soviets changed their demand to one neither for a written agreement that Iran would not allow its terrain to be used as a base of aggression nor for the establishment of foreign missile bases. The publication by the Soviet Union of the so-called «CENTO documents» did nothing to relieve the strain: the Soviet Union continued to stand out for a bilateral agreement with Iran, and the Shah, in consultation with Britain and the United States, continued to offer no more than a unilateral assurance. In July 1962, with a policy of endeavouring once more to improve relations, the Shah maintained his insistence on a unilateral statement, and the Soviet Government finally agreed to this. The Iranian undertaking was accordingly given and acknowledged on 15 September. The Instruments of ratification of the 1957 Agreements on Transit and Frontier Demarcation were exchanged in Moscow on 26 October 1962 and in Tehran on 20 December, respectively.
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Magadeev, Iskander E. "The Role of Czechoslovakia in the Development of the Soviet-French Relations During the Non-Recognition Period of the USSR: View from Paris (1920–1924)." Slavianovedenie, no. 1 (February 15, 2024): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869544x24010036.
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The article aims to discern the contents and specifics of the French estimates in regard of the Czechoslovakian role in the interactions between the Third Republic and the Soviet Russia/USSR in 1920–1924. Chiefly, the author analyses the French answers on the question about the significance and potential function of Czechoslovakia in the interstate triangle. Rather recently published French diplomatic documents are used as sources, as well as the evidence taken from the Diplomatic archives of the French Ministry of Europe and foreign affairs, and the from funds of the Historical services of the French Ministry of Armed forces. The author concludes that Paris contemplated two main roles of Prague in the triangle USSR – Czechoslovakian Republic – France. First, Czechoslovakia could be an important element of the «sanitary cordon» directed against Germany and the Soviets; second, she could perform the function of a potential bridge in the case of Franco-Soviet normalisation. Such roles of Czechoslovakia were not antagonistic, and Paris tried to combine them in the French foreign policy and strategy. The variety of international, regional and interior circumstances defined what role was emphasised by the leadership of the Third Republic. In 1919–1921, 1923, when the Soviet-French contradictions were sharp and Paris underlined the «Soviet menace», the right governments of France tended to think about Czechoslovakia more as an important element of the «sanitary cordon», though understanding that the latter wasn’t really solid. On the contrary, in 1922 and from end of 1923, while the interest of France in normalising the relations with the Soviets grew stronger, the role of Czechoslovakia as a potential bridge to USSR attracted more attention of the Paris (these aspirations remained unfulfilled). Though the French estimates were volatile and depended on person, the images of the russophilia of the Czechoslovakian society, and the thesis that antagonism Czechoslovakia and USSR couldn’t escalated to war, persisted.
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Kennedy, Michael. "Chicanery and candour: the Irish Free State and the Geneva Protocol, 1924–5." Irish Historical Studies 29, no. 115 (1995): 371–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400011883.
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The foreign policy of the Irish Free State under the Cumann na nGaedheal administrations of 1922–32 was a far more complex issue than has generally been realised. Policy had a greater scope than simply Anglo-Irish relations. It had two basic foundations. Through the 1921 treaty, the state reluctantly joined the British Commonwealth. Then, with great deliberation, the Free State joined the League of Nations, being admitted on 10 September 1923. By developing an active multidimensional foreign policy using these structures, the new state sought to show its ‘international’ and European credentials. The Irish Free State was to carve out a small niche for itself in the post-Versailles world order. An analysis of the Free State’s response to the Geneva Protocol of 1924 provides a case study of this multifaceted foreign policy in action.As the foundations of Irish foreign policy in the 1920s, the League and the Commonwealth were played off against each other. A prominent stance at the League indicated that although the Free State was a dominion, it was not tied to the imperial line and could act independently to secure its own interests. The Free State’s position as a radical dominion was emphasised through League membership as the state used its independence at the League in the 1920s to develop the concept of the Commonwealth as a looser international grouping of equals. This approach to foreign policy served to benefit both core aspects of the state’s foreign relations. Generally these two core aspects of foreign policy complemented each other.
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Litten, Frederick S. "The Noulens Affair." China Quarterly 138 (June 1994): 492–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000035852.
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The arrest in Shanghai of Hilaire Noulens and his “wife” (their real names were Yakov Rudnik and Tatyana Moiseenko, see below), members of the Communist International's (Comintern) apparat in East Asia, the seizure of a cache of documents concerning the Far Eastern Bureau (FEB) of the Comintern and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the subsequent trial of the Noulens by the Chinese authorities, and the interest taken in the case by numerous Communist-led organizations and fellow-travelling intellectuals was a cause célèbre in the early 1930s, in the foreign community in China as well as in Europe and North America. Despite having been compared to the notorious Sacco-Vanzetti case, and having been nearly as spectacular and important as the 1927 raid on the Soviet Embassy in Peking, the Noulens Affair as a whole has not been the subject of any reliable study.
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SOLIAR, Ihor. "DMYTRO LEVYTSKYI IN THE UKRAINIANS' LIBERATION STRUGGLE IN 1914–1923." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 31 (2018): 170–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2018-31-170-180.
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The article provides an analysis of the socio-political and diplomatic activities of Dmytro Levytskyi in 1914–1923, such as participation in revolutionary events in the Dnieper region in 1917–1918; directions of his diplomatic activity in Denmark in 1919–1920; priorities of emigration community work in Vienna in 1921–1922. It was noted that during the national liberation struggle, he, along with other leading figures of the Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR), did his best to establish the statehood and unification of Ukrainian lands. However, numerous miscalculations of leaders of the young state in the domestic and foreign policies made it impossible to realize the primordial aspirations of Ukrainians. The author presents a review of Dmytro Levytskyi's political views and activities: he welcomed the formation of the Central Council of Ukraine, the proclamation of the independence of the UNR, the signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk; as a member of the Galicia-Bukovyna Council he joined the Ukrainian National Union, which advocated the overthrow of the Hetman's power; due to his permanent stay in the capital of the UNR, he did not take an active part in the November disruption, 1918, and the formation of state institutions of the West Ukrainian People's Republic (ZUNR). However, the ZUNR leadership used his acquaintance with prominent figures of the UNR for establishing bilateral relations with the UNR Directory with the further prospect of unification of two Ukrainian states. Keywords Dmytro Levytskyi, Ukrainian Revolution, Unification of the UNR and ZUNR, diplomatic activity.
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Солоницын, П. С. "PRINCIPLES OF SOVIET PENAL LAW (1920-S)." Vestnik Samarskogo iuridicheskogo instituta, no. 1(57) (April 12, 2024): 69–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.37523/sui.2024.57.1.011.
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В статье рассматриваются особенности правового регулирования исправительно-трудовых (пенитенциарных) отношений в Советском государстве в 1920-е гг. В первую очередь обращается внимание на принципы советского пенитенциарного права указанного периода. Отмечается, что принципы пенитенциарной политики в Советской России и СССР в первое десятилетие советской власти (1917–1928 гг.) базировались на политических идеях, заложенных в уставных документах РКП(б), в том числе второй программе РКП(б), принятой в 1919 г. Согласно этим идеям из уголовного наказания следовало исключить его карающую составляющую. В перспективе лидеры большевиков рассчитывали, что с отмиранием эксплуататорских отношений исчезнет и сама преступность как пережиток классового общества. Теоретики советского права, включая Ленина и Курского, считали, что главным фактором преступности до революции 1917 г. являлось угнетенное и бесправное положение народных масс в буржуазно-феодальном обществе царской России. С марксистскими идеями большевизма полностью гармонировали теоретические выкладки левого течения социологической школы уголовного права, получившие широкое распространение в научной среде России еще до революции (С. В. Познышев, М. Н. Гернет и др.). Одним из сторонников этой школы был большевик и видный администратор Е. Г. Ширвиндт, занявший в 1922 г. должность начальника Главного управления мест заключения НКВД РСФСР. Под руководством Ширвиндта, знакомого с трудами российских и зарубежных теоретиков уголовного права, была предпринята попытка перестройки российской пенитенциарной системы на основе классового начала и социальных экспериментов в духе теоретических идей социологической школы. Принципы такой перестройки и пенитенциарной политики законодательно были оформлены в Основных началах законодательства Союза ССР и союзных республик, принятых в октябре 1924 г.. а также в исправительно-трудовых кодексах союзных республик, включая ИТК РСФСР 1924 г. В соответствии с положениями советского уголовного права 1920-х гг. исчезло само понятие наказания, оно было заменено термином «меры социальной защиты». К принципам советской пенитенциарной политики относились оборонительный характер мер социальной защиты, целесообразность, индивидуализация данных мер, принцип прогрессивной системы, классовый характер мер социальной защиты. В статье эти принципы рассматриваются отдельно, кратко раскрывается их содержание. The article examines the features of the legal regulation of corrective labor (penitentiary) relations in the Soviet state in the 1920s. First of all, attention is drawn to the principles of Soviet penal law of the specified period. It is indicated that the principles of penitentiary policy in Soviet Russia and the USSR in the first decade of Soviet power (1917–1928) were based on the political ideas contained in the statutory documents of the RCP(b), including the second program of the RCP(b), adopted in 1919 d. According to these ideas, the punitive component should, in principle, be excluded from criminal punishment. In the future, the Bolshevik leaders hoped that with the withering away of exploitative relations, crime itself would disappear, as a relic of class society. Soviet legal theorists, including Lenin and Kursky, believed that the main factor in crime before the 1917 revolution was the oppressed and powerless position of the masses in the bourgeois-feudal society of Tsarist Russia. The theoretical calculations of the leftist current of the sociological school of criminal law, which became widespread in the scientific community of Russia even before the revolution (S. V. Poznyshev, M. N. Gernet and others), were in complete harmony with the Marxist ideas of Bolshevism. One of the supporters of this school was the Bolshevik and prominent administrator E. G. Shirvindt, who in 1922 took the position of head of the Main Directorate of Places of Detention of the NKVD of the RSFSR. Under the leadership of Shirvindt, who was familiar with the works of Russian and foreign theorists of criminal law, an attempt was made to rebuild the Russian penitentiary system on the basis of social experiments in the spirit of the theoretical ideas of the sociological school. The principles of such restructuring and penitentiary policy were legislatively formalized in the Fundamental Principles of Legislation of the USSR and Union Republics, adopted in criminal October 1924, as well as in the Correctional Labor Codes of the Union Republics, including the Penal Code of the RSFSR of 1924. In accordance with the provisions of Soviet criminal law In the 1920s, the very concept of punishment disappeared, replaced by the term «social protection measures». The principles of Soviet penitentiary policy included such principles as the defensive nature of social protection measures; expediency; individualization of these measures; the principle of a progressive system; the class nature of social protection measures. The article discusses these principles separately and briefly reveals their content.
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Piskova, Mariyana. "TRACING THE ARCHIVAL SOURCES OF THE FRENCH FEATURE FILM “ANDRANIK” ABOUT THE ARMENIANS IN THE FIRST WORLD WAR(1928)." History and Archives, no. 2 (2021): 128–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-6541-2021-2-126-140.
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The first and still the only film about Andranik Ozanian (1865– 1927) was shot during the summer of 1928 in Bulgaria. Who financed and created the movie, why did the director Archavir Chakhatouny (1882–1957) choose Bulgaria for the scenes in the open, why wasn’t the film shown in Soviet Armenia and how did it get to Yerevan – those are part of the questions the paper will try to answer. To that end the author searched for the archival documents in the archives and museums of Armenia and Bulgaria. The richest source is the personal fund of the Armenian emigrant in Paris Arshavir Shakhatuni (1882–1957). After his death, the documents were transferred to the Yeghishe Charents Museum of Literature and Arts in Yerevan. Among them, a special place is occupied by biographical documents, documents about theatrical roles and roles in cinema, which he performed, materials about early cinema and the history of the creation of the film “Andranik”. The National Archives of Armenia keeps the documents which detail the participation of Chakhatouny in the First World War and in the government of the First Armenian Republic (1918–1920) as the commandant and chief of police of Yerevan. The most valuable source is the film “Andranik” which was received by the State Archives of the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR) in 1972. During the period, the name of Andranik was banned until the end of the 80s of the 20th century. There was censorship and contradicting assessments of Andranik by Armenians and Azerbaijanis (“hero” or “enemy”) were “concealed”. For this reason, the film might have got into Armenia through the Armenian Society for Friendship and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, founded by the resolution of the Communist Party of the ASSR. The official activity of the Society was related to the cultural events abroad but in fact it was used to gather information about the political emigrants. In the Bulgarian archives one may find the archive “traces” of Chakhatouny’s performances on the Bulgarian theatrical scenes and also his correspondence with the actor Georgi Stamatov (1893–1965), that documents contain the valuable data on the history of the film creation. Thanks to the archives, the film ‘Andranik’ can be seen and the story of its creation and distribution in the past century can be reproduced.
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Medvedeva, Mariya K. "The Memory of the First World War and the Key Problems of the French Foreign Policy during the Inter-war Period in the Reflection of the Journal “La Revue des Vivants”." Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 20, no. 1 (2021): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2021-20-1-36-45.
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The article analyses the French journal “La Revue des Vivants” (1927–1935) as a source of studying the history of the Inter-war period. This journal, created by the veterans of the First World War, who at the same time represented the French intellectual elites, presents a unique combination of their war experience and current political agenda. The author examines three main subjects that characterized the political and social orientation of this journal. Firstly, its publishers and authors were deeply influenced by the First World War and its consequences. Its experience forced them to seek a better international system, where the repeat of such conflict would be impossible. This leads to the second subject, the European integration and the frame it was supposed to set. The idea of the united Europe was connected with the third subject, the relations with Germany, which could be successful only as a part of an international organization. The analysis of all these subjects brings a contradictory conclusion: despite all progressive and forward-thinking ideas of this journal, its publishers and authors failed to understand some important tendencies of their time (for example, the nature and the origins of the national socialism). However, this conclusion only confirms the nature of the Inter-war period as a time of many different ideologies and ideas and opens new perspectives of its studying.
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Solodkovska, Iryna. "Ukrainian-Polish relations in the period of the Ukrainian national revolution of 1919-1920 in the vision of Andrii Livytskyi." Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 43 (April 12, 2024): 112–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2024-43.112-134.
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The purpose of the research is to shed light on the Ukrainian-Polish relations during the Ukrainian National Revolution of 1919-1920 in the vision of Andrii Livytskyi. The research methodology is based on general scientific methods of analysis, synthesis, and systematicity, which, when applying a concrete-historical approach, allows to significantly deepen the knowledge about the foreign policy and diplomacy of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, in particular, regarding the regulation of relations with the restored Polish state. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that, based on the work of domestic historians, the published documents, and the involvement of new archival sources, an attempt was made to comprehensively investigate the process of implementing the state course of the Ukrainian authorities on the settlement of relations with the Second Polish Republic. Conclusions. The Ukrainian People’s Republic authorities were clearly aware of the need to establish relations with Poland, without which it would not be possible to win Ukrainian statehood. Therefore, one of the directions of the foreign policy of the power structures was the building of relations with the restored Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. At the origins of this process stood Chief Ataman S. Petliura, Deputy Chairman of the Council of People’s Ministers and head of the diplomatic mission of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in Poland A. Livytskyi, Chief Plenipotentiary of the Government of the Ukrainian People’s Republic I. Ohienko, as well as authoritative public figures and representatives of various Ukrainian political parties. Despite all the difficulties of a military, political, and socio-economic nature, the state leadership tried to comply with the established terms of the agreement to the extent of their limited capabilities. A. Livytskyi’s visions give us the opportunity to reveal the content of the negotiations with the Polish state in 1919-1920 and to trace Ukrainian-Polish relations during the period of the Ukrainian National Revolution of 1917-1921. In many of his letters, A. Livytskyi emphasized that on the political horizon of Europe, large and important events in which Ukrainians should take an active part and as a result of which major changes should take place in Ukraine. These visions of Livytskyi help us to better understand his views on Ukrainian-Polish relations and the role of Ukraine in the international arena during the revolution of 1917-1921.
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Ilham, Samira. "Azerbaijan – Georgian Relations in the Early 20th Century." International Journal of Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (2024): 101–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.55367/ldes3649.
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This article examines the relations between Georgia and Azerbaijan in the early 20th century. The article utilizes secondary research methods and applies historical and comparative analysis techniques to investigate the relations between the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and the Democratic Republic of Georgia and Azerbaijan-Georgia relations after the occupation of Soviet Russia. It is well known that relationships with neighboring states play a significant role in shaping a country’s foreign policy. In this context, it has been revealed that several factors influenced the ADR-GDR relations and that these factors, along with common interests, played a crucial role in establishing bilateral relations. It has been concluded that over 23 months, these relations were developed along an upward trajectory, with efforts made to expand cooperation in political, economic, and military-security fields. The independence of Azerbaijan and Georgia was short-lived. Azerbaijan was first occupied by Soviet Russia on April 28, 1920. Georgia was also occupied by Soviet Russia in February 1921. On December 30, 1922, at the First Congress of Soviets of the USSR in Moscow, the RSFSR, Ukrainian SSR, ZSFSR, and Belarusian SSR voluntarily united into the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). Thus, Azerbaijan and Georgia completely lost their independence and existed as allied republics within the USSR until 1991. As a result of the research, it was concluded that despite the problems, positive dynamics were observed in Azerbaijan-Georgia relations until the occupation of Soviet Russia. Article
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Humennyi, Serhii. "HUKIV CUSTOMS: FIGHT AGAINST SMUGGLING ACTIVITIES ON THE POLISH-SOVIET BORDER IN 1923–1924." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 158 (2024): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2024.158.4.
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Background. The article, based on archival sources, analyses the anti-smuggling activities of a small customs body in a fairly limited period of time – Hukiv Customs in 1923–1924. The relevance of the proposed microhistorical research is added to the insufficient scientific development of the activities of Hukiv Customs on the Polish-Soviet border, which was caused by the short functioning of this customs body (which, during the research period, existed in various forms from 1918 to 1925) and the need to study methods of combating smuggling by Soviet customs bodies. Methods. The research is based on the principles of historicism and objectivity. A complex of general scientific and special historical methods was applied: methods of synthesis, induction and analysis, as well as historical and typological methods. Results. Analysing the reporting documentation of the Hukiv Customs in 1923–1924 (it controlled the Soviet section of the border on the Zbruch River between the villages of Zbryсh or, for a certain period, Zhabyntsi and Zaluchchia, now the Kamianets-Podilsky district of the Khmelnytskyi region), it was possible to establish the peculiarities of the functioning and anti-smuggling of this customs division in the considered period. It seems important to investigate the Hukiv Customs during the period of functioning of transitional, unstable customs control rules and the Customs Statute of 1924, which established the state monopoly on foreign trade. The dynamics of changes in contraband flows (in the initial period of existence of the "Zbruch border", immediately after the famine of 1921–1923), their composition and the export-import ratio were traced. On the basis of the study of the documentary base, localities with the highest percentage of smuggling risks have been localized. Particular attention is paid to the complicity of representatives of customs protection or Soviet special services in smuggling processes. Also, on the basis of information from the Soviet side, a historical and statistical study of illegal trade in the area of the Skala customs office (Skala, Tarnopol Voivodeship) of the Republic of Poland, which operated in the territories adjacent to the Hukiv Customs House, was conducted. Conclusions. The proposed article examines and analyses transformational phenomena (organized and personal smuggling, the ratio of export-import volumes of "packing", currency relations associated with illegal trade, development of trade cooperation) taking into account the historical context of the development of the fight against contraband flows in the area of the Soviet Hukiv Customs in 1923–1924
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Vodomerov, Nikolay. "Assessment of Russian economic growth potential in 2024-2030." JOURNAL OF REGIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL COMPETITIVENESS 5, no. 3 (2024): 38–52. https://doi.org/10.52957/2782-1927-2024-5-3-38-52.
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The Russian economy faced serious problems: a shortage of labour; economic sanctions, and high depreciation of fixed capital. The economic policy of the Russian authorities is inconsistent. It includes the desire to increase investments in fixed capital is accompanied by their artificial restraint through monetary and financial policies. Indeed, the scientific literature makes various proposals for economic policy changes. However, we believe the insufficient attention is paid to the objective possibilities of accelerating the renewal of fixed capital. The purpose of the study is to determine the growth opportunities of the Russian economy in 2024-2030 on the basis of accelerating fixed capital renovation. We used methods of mathematical statistics and simulation modelling. Information research base: official statistics. We constructed two objectively possible trajectories of the Russian economy development for 2023-2030 have been constructed in terms of accelerating fixed capital renovation. According to the research, the trajectory with a higher rate of capital renewal provides a significant acceleration of economic development and significantly reduces the country’s dependence on equipment imports and exports of raw materials, even with a reduction in the total number of employees. To realize the potential of economic growth, changes in property relations, effective management system are necessary; their essence is in the formation of national economic planning through indicative planning, foreign trade, currency regulation, and nationalisation of management.
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Vasilieva, O. Yu. "Metropolitan Sergius (Stragorodsky): Ministry and Destiny." Orthodoxia, no. 2 (May 14, 2024): 10–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2024-2-10-45.
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The article delves into the biography of the future Patriarch Sergius (Stragorodsky) and the circumstances of his life that shaped the personality of the primate, making him one of the most prominent church figures of the twentieth century. The article examines the principal milestones of his pastoral ministry, theological contributions, missionary efforts, and administrative endeavors undertaken for the benefit of the Church. The article also outlines the circumstances surrounding Metropolitan Sergius’ dramatic involvement in the Renovationist schism and his eventual departure from it through a public act of repentance. The focus of the article is the history of relations between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Soviet government in the 1920s and 1930s, with Metropolitan Sergius playing a pivotal role as one of the key participants. The most challenging period for the Church in the twentieth century was the span from 1925 to 1943, marked by the absence of patriarchal authority and characterized by numerous intrigues and administrative pressure from the Bolshevik government. The article argues that the policy of Metropolitan Sergius was a direct continuation of the path that Patriarch Tikhon embarked on in the last years of his tenure. The author of the article concludes that Metropolitan Sergius deliberately chose a compromise with the authorities, embracing the path of martyrdom and self-abasement for the sake of preserving the Church. In 1927, Metropolitan Sergius, along with members of the convened Provisional Patriarchal Holy Synod, signed the “Message to Pastors and Believers”, which served as a memorandum of the Church’s political loyalty to the Soviet government. The article pays significant attention to Sergius’ press conference in front of Soviet and foreign journalists, which served as a response to numerous accusations leveled against the Soviet government for its oppression of the Church. The author of the article concludes that Metropolitan Sergius’ ministry is primarily characterized by martyrdom. Consciously opting for personal dishonor to safeguard the Church stands as a genuine act of courage by Patriarch Sergius, an undeniable merit appreciated by all believers.
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Хоменко, Віталій. "ДИРЕКТОРІЯ УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ НАРОДНОЇ РЕСПУБЛІКИ ТА ЗАКОРДОННА ДЕЛЕГАЦІЯ УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ ПАРТІЇ СОЦІАЛІСТІВ-РЕВОЛЮЦІОНЕРІВ: ВІД СПІВПРАЦІ ДО КОНФРОНТАЦІЇ". Ucraina Magna VI (1 грудня 2024): 239–66. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14254260.
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This article explores the relationship between the Directorate of the Ukrainian National Republic and the Foreign Delegation of the Ukrainian Socialist-Revolutionary Party (UPSR) in 1919–1920. Despite extensive research on the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1923, there have been no separate studies on this topic. It should be emphasized that Mykhailo Hrushevsky played a significant role in these relations, having a tremendous influence on the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, starting from his chairmanship of the Ukrainian Central Rada. The article aims to identify the main aspects of cooperation between the UNR Directorate and the UPSR Foreign Delegation. Sources related to the outlined problem have been examined and analyzed. The reasons and circumstances of the beginning of cooperation, which started from the moment Mykhailo Hrushevsky came up with the idea of creating a delegation of socialist parties to work abroad, have been clarified. It was established that the Directorate, interested in this project of the former chairman of the Ukrainian Central Rada at the beginning of 1919, financed the political activities of the Foreign Delegation for a sufficiently long time. However, over time, the cooperation between the Directorate and the Foreign Delegation turned into a confrontation, which intensified throughout 1919. The main reasons for this were that the Foreign Delegation actively opposed Ukrainian-Polish rapprochement, while the Directorate negatively viewed the delegation’s attempts to find a compromise with the Bolshevik regime in Ukraine. It is assumed that the final rupture of the already very cold and formal relations could have occurred around the end of 1919 – the beginning of 1920. And after the signing of the Warsaw Treaty between the UNR and Poland in April 1920, the former partners actually became enemies. The prospects of the research lie in the fact that other documents may be stored in domestic and foreign archives, a source study of which will allow a more detailed clarification of the circumstances of the relations between the UNR Directorate and the UPSR Foreign Delegation. <em>Keywords:</em> Ukrainian Revolution,<em> </em>Directory, Mykhailo Hrushevsky, the USRP, Foreign delegation, emigration, M. Hrushevskiy studies.
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Ivanenko, Valentyn, and Vladyslav Hovorukha. "American Relief Administration (ARA) in Katerinoslav Region in 1922–1923: The Problem of Relations with the Government and the Population." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 4, no. 2 (2022): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26210420.
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The aim of the article is an analytical reconstruction of the specific and contradictory dynamics of the ARA’s relations with local authorities and the population of Yekaterinoslav during the famine of 1921–1923. Research methods: dialectical, analytical, historical-systemic, comparative. Main results. It is established that during the years of independence domestic historiography has made a real breakthrough in the study of previously taboo topics of the so-called “naked nerves” of our Soviet history, in particular, the famine of 1921–1923 in the Southern Ukraine and the unique phenomenon of international support including Yekaterinoslav. It is proved that the undisputed leader among foreign charitable missions was the American Relief Administration (ARA), which effectively realized its powerful potential to create appropriate resources (financial, logistical, personnel), organized large-scale relief actions, saved lives of millions of Ukrainians. It is shown that the process of emergence, adaptation and deployment of ARA in the Yekaterinoslav region was not cloudless, sometimes contradictory, accompanied by certain misunderstandings and problematic situations in its relations with local authorities and the population, and even blocking certain actions of Americans. This course of events was largely explained by the novelty of the format of foreign humanitarian aid to starving citizens in the mysterious Bolshevik state, the manifestations of elements of ideological and mental “dissent”, suspicion and distrust on both sides. However, in general, this did not prevent the ARA branches from ensuring their uninterrupted and dynamic functioning throughout the campaign in order to organize broad support for the starving population of the Yekaterinoslav region and the Southern Ukraine. Originality: a significant array of mostly unpublished archival sources is discovered, systematized and impartially used. Scientific novelty: almost for the first time at the regional level the character, features and problematic situations in the relations of ARA with local authorities and the population of Yekaterinoslav region in the hungry 1922–1923 are revealed. Practical significance: the materials of the article can be used for further research of foreign charity organizations in Yekaterinoslav during the famine of the early 1920s, as well as during the writing of generalizing works on the history of the Soviet famines in Ukraine, in the educational process at the historical faculties of universities. Type of article: analytical.
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Yakub, A. V. "International relations, the state and public organizations in the field of philately in the USSR in the first half of the 1920s." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical studies 9, no. 2 (34) (2022): 179–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2022.9(2).179-185.
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The end of the Civil War in Russia and the subsequent severe socio-economic crisis of 1921-1922, aggravated by mass famine in a number of regions of Soviet Russia, turned philately into a very serious help in overcoming it. This was due to the fact that due to the prevailing market conditions in the foreign market of philatelic products, favorable opportunities opened up for replenishing food stocks in Soviet Russia due to the intensification of foreign trade in philatelic materials. As a result, philately in the first half of the 1920s. it turned out to be a kind of testing ground, where various versions of both the development of this sphere of individual and collective pastime, and the possibility of using its potential to solve a wide variety of tasks of foreign and domestic policy of the RSFSR / USSR were worked out. Literally within three years, three options for the development of Soviet philately were proposed, all of which, without exception, were related to international activities. As a result, by the turn of 1925 / 1926, three organizations were created, each of which performed certain functions, but at the same time were in close relationship both with the state and with each other. The organization of the Commissioner for Philately and Bonds, which replaced the earlier state structure - the Russian Bureau of Philately, represented exclusively state interests in the field of controlling the monopoly of foreign trade in philatelic materials and the foreign exchange of domestic and foreign philatelists among themselves. The Philatelic International, a legally independent international organization, but actually controlled by the state, was a quasi-public organization whose goal was not only to unite domestic and foreign ideological collectors, but also to use all methods and means of promoting the achievements of the young Soviet state abroad, increasingly becoming an instrument of the "soft power" of the Soviet state abroad. Finally, the All-Russian Society of Philatelists was a typical public association, the creation and activities of which were regulated by state and departmental resolutions and acts in force at that time, which, within the competence of its charter, was also involved in international relations, closely interacting with state philatelic organizations.
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Kupchyk, O. "ITALY IN THE FOREIGN TRADE OF SOVIET UKRAINE, 1921-1923." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 141 (2019): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.141.3.
Full textAbstract:
The circumstances under which the Soviet Ukraine established trade relations with the Kingdom of Italy in the early 1920s are revealed. The contractual basis, organizational forms of trade activity of Soviet Ukraine in Italy have been clarified. Persons of sales representatives were established (V. Vorovskyi, A. Feinstein). The role of the Ukrainian SSR Trade Representation in Rome in the foreign trade activities of Soviet Ukraine is revealed. The place of the Italian market in export and import operations of Soviet Ukraine has been determined. After studying national historiography, it was found that the trade relations of the Ukrainian SSR in the early 1920s with the Kingdom of Italy were not the subject of scientific study in contemporary Ukrainian historians. In turn, it was found that in trying to forge trade relations with Italy, the Ukrainian adviser noted that she sought to rebuild the international influence, lost after the First World War through Great Britain and France. It was informed that after the conclusion of the Preliminary Trade Agreement on December 26, 1921, Soviet Ukraine and Italy exchanged trade representatives. The duties of Soviet Ukraine’s sales representative in Italy were first performed by Russian Trade Representative V. Vorovskyi and then by Russian Trade Representative A. Feinstein. There were 5 people employed in the Ukrainian SSR’s sales office in Italy. They thoroughly explored the Italian markets (Genoa, Milan, Roman). The article shows the interest of Italian traders in Ukrainian timber, coal, scrap metal, linen cake. It is noted that the sales representatives of Soviet Ukraine initially studied the possibility of selling on the Italian market of guts, skin, horse hair, wool. They then explored the possibility of selling cattle, wheat, barley, corn, caustic soda and soda ash. It was noted that together with Russian and Italian traders the Russian-Italian Trading Company was created, which had the task not only for export-import of goods, but also for obtaining concessions by the Italian entrepreneurs in Ukraine. It has been reported that Italian workers sent food aid (sowing grain) to Ukraine for the money raised.
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A.V., Goncharenko. "THE PROBLEM OF NAVAL WEAPONS’ LIMITATION IN FOREIGN POLICY OF THE USA IN THE EARLY 20-IES OF XX CENTURY." Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), no. 54 (2019): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2019.54.6.
Full textAbstract:
The article researches the position of the United States on the issue of naval arms restriction in the early 20-ies of the XX century. There are outlined causes, the course and the consequences of the intensification of Washington’s naval activity during the investigated period. It is explored the process of formation and implementation of the US initiatives to limit naval weapons before and during the Washington Peace Conference of 1921–1922. The role of the USA in the settlement of foreign policy contradictions between the leading countries of the world in the early 20-ies of the XX century is analyzed. In the early 20’s of the XX century there have been some changes in the international relations system and the role of the USA in it. Despite the isolation stance taken by Washington, the White House continues its policy of «open doors» and «equal opportunities», promoting the elimination of unequal agreements between foreign countries with China, and attempts to influence the position of European countries and Japan in the naval contest issues and limitation of naval weapons. Taking full advantages, which were giving the United States’ the richest country and world creditor status, the US Department of State has stepped up its US impact in the Asia-Pacific region. The new Republican administration succeeded in offsetting the failures of the Paris Decisions of 1919–1920 and began to СУМСЬКА СТАРОВИНА 2019 №LIV 75 construct a new model of international relations in which the United States would occupy a leading position. The success of US diplomacy at the Washington Peace Conference of 1921– 1922 contributed to this. However, the conflict between the former allies within the Entente was only smoothed out and not settled. The latter has led to increasing US capital expansion into Europe due to the significant economic growth in the country. Despite the fact that the Republicans’ achievements in US foreign policy on local issues have been much more specific than trying to solve the problem of a new system of international relations globally, these achievements have been rather relative. Leading countries in the world were still making concessions to the White House on separate issues, but in principle they were not ready to accept the scheme of relations offered by the States. That is why American foreign policy achievements have been impermanent. Key words: the
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Vourkoutiotis, Vasilis. "Foreign Contacts of the Red Navy, 1920–1923." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 19, no. 1 (2006): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518040500544741.
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Shemetova, Tamara A. "Trade, Economic and Political Relations between Soviet Russia and the Chinese Province of Xinjiang in 1921-1922." RUDN Journal of Russian History 22, no. 1 (2023): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2023-22-1-85-96.
Full textAbstract:
The author analyzes the features and results of trade, economic and political relations of the Chinese province of Xinjiang with Soviet Russia and the USSR in 1921-1922. The main sources for the preparation of the article were historical and archival materials on the trade and economic relations of Xinjiang with Russia and the Soviet Union (1896-1949) in Chinese, as well as documents from a number of Moscow archives (the Russian State Archive of Economics, the Russian State Military Archive, the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation). The analysis showed that during the period under review the Soviet-Xinjiang trade, economic and political relations were rather ambiguous. This is evidenced by statistical data on the volume of trade for 1921 and 1922, which, despite the measures taken by Moscow, did not increase. In addition, it should be emphasized that the range and list of goods supplied by the parties changed significantly. The author comes to the conclusion that in 1921-1922 there did not take place the final restoration and development of all-round ties between the Soviet Union and the Chinese province of Xinjiang. It was the Soviet leadership that was the initiator of the bilateral rapprochement.