Academic literature on the topic 'Founding discourses'
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Journal articles on the topic "Founding discourses"
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Thomassen, Lasse. "Gladiator, Violence, and the Founding of a Republic." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 01 (2009): 145–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090118.
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ABSTRACTRidley Scott's 2000 filmGladiatorpresents a view of the transition from dictatorship to the republic that one also finds in the discourses of certain political leaders today. I argue that we can learn about violence and the founding of a republic from an analysis and, especially, a critique ofGladiator.
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Lybeck, Rick. "A Public Pedagogy of White Victimhood: (Im)Moral Facts, Settler Identity, and Genocide Denial in Dakota Homeland." Qualitative Inquiry 24, no. 8 (2017): 543–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077800417735659.
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This article examines dominant discourses driving southern Minnesota’s white public pedagogy of the U.S.–Dakota War of 1862, focusing specifically on hardline separations between fact and opinion that divert citizens from acknowledging the moral significance of their state’s genocidal founding. Supported by objectivist discourses enshrined in today’s Common Core Standards, the regional need to distinguish fact from opinion reveals highly situated white-supremacist roots when historicized, originating in primary-source materials that perplexingly frame white “victimhood” and Dakota “savagery” as objective moral knowledge. Critically analyzing recent acts of fact-checking performed by members of a regional settler discourse community, this article shows such “objective” knowledge at work, persistently thriving on age-old notions of white-settler identity and white community belonging. Ultimately, this article exposes the ongoing persuasive power of the primary sources’ dominant discourse, the anti-Indian sublime, and its role in erasing moral facts about regional crimes against humanity.
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Dénes, Iván Zoltán. "Reinterpreting a 'Founding Father': Kossuth Images and Their Contexts, 1848-2009." East Central Europe 37, no. 1 (2010): 90–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x489299.
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AbstractThe present article reconstructs the ways the public and historiographical image of Lajos Kossuth, the central figure of the 1848–49 revolutionary tradition in Hungary, was negotiated during the last 150 years. Similar to the images of other founding fathers and national heroes in other cultures—such as Garibaldi, Piłsudski, Atatürk, Mazzini, Herzl, Masaryk, Bismarck, or Al. I. Cuza—the competing representations of Lajos Kossuth formed a central part of the political and scientific discourses throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In addition to the most common images of the cultic “father of the nation” and “national Messiah,” one can encounter such different schemes of collective self-projection as the “overly emotive opposition politician,” the “successful gentry,” the nobleman “defending his class privileges,” or the “inconsistent revolutionary.” Arguably, these images to a large extent fit four political languages determining Hungarian public discourse in the given period, such as “conservative realism,” ethno-protectionism, Marxist socialism, and communism. While these political languages were very different from each other, they were strikingly similar in the sense that they were built on strong enemy images. Consequently, analyzing their historical projections we can learn about the traumatic ways their adherents related to political modernity, manifested in visions of a fundamental enemy endangering the future of the community.
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SHANNON, LAURIE J. "The Tragedie of Mariam: Cary's Critique of the Terms of Founding Social Discourses." English Literary Renaissance 24, no. 1 (1994): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6757.1994.tb01419.x.
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Abbri, Ferdinando. "Alchemy and Chemistry: Chemical Discourses in the Seventeenth Century." Early Science and Medicine 5, no. 2 (2000): 214–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338200x00191.
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AbstractThe landscape of seventeenth-century chemistry is complex, and it is impossible to find in it either a clear-cut distinction between alchemy and chemistry or a sort of simple identification of the two. The seventeenth-century cultural context contained a rich variety of "chemical" discourses with arguments ranging from specific experiments to the justification of the validity of chemistry and its novelty in terms of its extraordinary antiquity. On the basis of an analysis of the works by O. Borch, J.J. Glauber, and J. J. Becher, this paper tries to demonstrate that a historical reconstruction of "chemistry" must consider these different levels of the chemical debate. Only then will it be possible to appreciate the outstanding role played by G.E. Stahl in founding modern chemistry. The paper argues in favor of a contextualization of the historical research on seventeenth-century chemistry.
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Little, Miles. "The precarious future of the discourse of person-centered medicine." European Journal for Person Centered Healthcare 2, no. 1 (2014): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/ejpch.v2i1.699.
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Discourses are more than just patterns of words. For discourse communities, they express ideologies and provide meanings that can be translated into action. They are vehicles for reform when they thrive. The discourse of person-centered medicine has had a vigorous start, with identifiable leaders, a vocabulary which has situated meanings, institutions such as meetings, letterheads and a college and a group of adherents that constitute a discourse community. For a discourse to thrive, its founding problematic has to be perceived as ‘real’ by its target audience – in this case, presumably, healthcare workers. Real in this sense can be defined as something perceived to have an influence on foundational values, for better or for worse. It is not yet clear that the discourse of person-centered medicine has convinced its target audience of the ‘crisis of knowledge, care, compassion and costs’ that it invokes to justify its proposed paradigm shift. In order to make it thrive, those who drive the discourse will need to ‘realise’ both the crisis it addresses and the outcomes it may achieve.
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Bowker, V. "The evolution of critical responses to Fugard’s work, culminating in a feminist reading of The Road to Mecca." Literator 11, no. 2 (1990): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v11i2.797.
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An ongoing debate in South Africa today concerns the response of white writers, such as Athol Fugard, to the African/South African socio-historical context. As a major focus of this debate there is a relationship between history and literature, and selected critical responses to Fugard’s work of the past three decades are investigated in terms of their position regarding this relationship. All these responses, regardless of their political and/or Hterary affiliations were found to imply that some kind of truth, their truth can be represented in a fictional text. In response to this implied truth claim and in particular to certain critics’ demand for a “concrete” history, the founding insight of poststructuralism about the inability of language to reflect an already existing reality is used to justify the following approach to Fugard’s The Road to Mecca: history is merely one discourse among many without any privileged claim to primacy; Fugard’s texts, read as history, is therefore approached in the context of South African discourses competing in the game of power relations, thus justifying the feminist reading resulting from an analysis of the competing discourses in the text.
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Arum, Eero. "Machiavelli's Principio: Political Renewal and Innovation in the Discourses on Livy." Review of Politics 82, no. 4 (2020): 525–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670520000601.
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AbstractAlthough Machiavelli argues that “return to first principles” is a necessary and perhaps even sufficient condition for counteracting political corruption, few scholars have engaged in a sustained textual analysis of Discourses III.1, the chapter in which he outlines the meaning of this enigmatic concept. Reassessing Machiavelli's exempla in this chapter will reveal that return to first principles consists in the revival of the ethos of innovation and public-spiritedness that accompanies every successful political founding. This process of renewal entails reviving the psychological forces that initially guide human beings to establish new political orders, including fear of violent death and longing for glory. Existing interpretations of D III.1 have tended to emphasize renewal through fear-invoking punishment, neglecting Machiavelli's examples of renewal through exemplary acts of civic virtue. A careful analysis of instruments and agents of return to first principles will illustrate how both spectacular punishment and virtuous acts of self-sacrifice converge to counteract corruption and foster political innovation.
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Brookes, Gavin, and Kevin Harvey. "Opening up the NHS to market." Journal of Language and Politics 15, no. 3 (2016): 288–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15.3.04bro.
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Abstract Since its implementation, the British Government’s controversial 2013 Health and Social Care Act has had far-reaching effects on health care provision in England, not least the creation of 212 regional practitioner-led clinical commissioning groups (CCGs) which are now responsible for much of the service provision across the country. Taking as an example the website of one of these new commissioning groups, this study shows that multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) can reveal how health and social care matters are being increasingly framed within a corporate and neoliberal set of ideas, values, identities and social relations. Despite government assurances that the Act preserves the (non-commercial) founding values of the NHS, our MCDA provides textual evidence of the influence of neoliberal and commercial discourses operating across this particular website, which appear to be just as much about promoting an appealing corporate identity as responding to the practical, day-to-day concerns of patients.
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Pitcher, M. Anne. "The ASA at 60: Advocacy in an Age of Tyranny." African Studies Review 61, no. 3 (2018): 8–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2018.79.
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Abstract:Although the sixtieth anniversary of the ASA’s founding offers an occasion to celebrate the association’s accomplishments, it also coincides with a historical moment of resurgent authoritarianism, growing intolerance, and renascent nativism. Democratic institutions in the United States and abroad are under attack; bigotry, injustice, and incivility have become re-energized. This article reflects on the discourses, spaces, and technologies employed by Africans to contest the multiple expressions of political exclusion on the continent over the last sixty years. It finds inspiration and lessons that might guide us as we develop our own forms of political advocacy in this illiberal age.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Founding discourses"
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Guevara, Gema Rosa. "Founding discourses of Cuban nationalism : la patria, blanqueamiento and la raza de color /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9963651.
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Kilpeläinen, R. (Riina). "Establishing intergovernmental organizations:how founding treaty discourse creates collectivity among the member states." Master's thesis, University of Oulu, 2017. http://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi:oulu-201704131499.
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The globalisation of politics has resulted in a myriad of intergovernmental organizations (IGOs). While the primary reason for a sovereign state to join such an organization may be based on national cost-benefit calculations, the durability and functionality of an IGO require a sense of collectivity and solidarity to be formed among the member states. Therefore, this study examines how the discourse in the founding treaties of IGOs can be used to establish collectivity among member states. To this end, this study focuses on the founding treaties of five globally significant intergovernmental organizations, the UN, NATO, OPEC, EU and AU. By using discourse-analytic research methods, these treaties are comparatively examined to determine the frequently occurring discourses that create and promote collective identity and collective mentality among the member states of the examined IGOs. Consequently, in the analysis of the research material, it appears that such discourse of collectivity is consistently present throughout all treaties and that the relevant discourses are quite similar in nature as well, regardless of the organizational focus areas. Collaborating national and organizational ethos, balancing competing interests, and protecting sovereignty seem to encourage a state agent’s identification with the collective. A promise of organizational egalitarianism and general normalization of unavoidable inequalities within the organizational framework in turn eases the potential conflicts between the members of the collectives and thus supports the sense of collectivity. Furthermore, the organizational attitudes towards the wider world and the challenges it presents is consistently used as a unifying feature, as it creates an ingroup and outgroup setting that can benefit the sense of collectivity. Since these features of discourse of collectivity appear to be consistent in all of the examined treaties, it may be assumed that similar discourses could be detectable in the founding treaties of other IGOs as well or could be utilized in potential future treaties. Essentially, the conclusions drawn in this study reveal the foundation of the collective identity formed among the member states of IGOs. Therefore, while the collective identity is mainly established in the everyday interaction and practical discourse of an IGO, the founding treaty framework offers a relevant comparison point and an explanation as to how this organizational collective identity is formed<br>Poliittisen globalisaation seurauksena hallitustenvälisten yhteistyöjärjestöjen määrä on kasvanut huomattavasti. Vaikka itsenäisen valtion päätös liittyä kyseisiin järjestöihin voi ensisijaisesti pohjautua kansallistasolla suoritettuihin hyöty- ja kustannuslaskelmiin, hallitustenvälisten järjestöjen kestävyys ja toimivuus vaativat jäsenmaiden osalta jonkin tasoista yhteisöllisyyttä ja solidaarisuutta pitkällä aikavälillä. Tämän vuoksi tämä tutkimus pyrkii selvittämään, kuinka tällaisten järjestöjen perustussopimusten diskurssia voidaan käyttää edistämään kollektiivisuutta ja kollektiivisten asenteiden muodostumista jäsenmaiden keskuudessa. Tätä tavoitetta varten tutkimus keskittyy viiden järjestön perustussopimuksiin, jotka ovat kaikki kansainvälisesti merkittävässä asemassa. Nämä järjestöt ovat YK, NATO, OPEC, EU ja AU. Diskurssianalyyttisia tutkimusmetodeja hyväksikäyttäen näistä sopimuksista on pyritty löytämään sellaiset diskurssikeinot, jotka luovat ja tukevat kollektiivisuutta ja kollektiivisen identiteetin muodostusta tutkittujen järjestöjen jäsenmaiden keskuudessa. Tutkimusmateriaalia analysoidessa kyseisenkaltaisia kollektiivisuuden diskursseja näytti esiintyvän säännöllisesti ja yhtenäisesti kaikissa tutkituissa sopimuksissa riippumatta järjestöjen tavoitteista tai erikoisaloista. Kansallisten ja järjestöllisen eetoksen yhteneväisyys, kilpailevien intressien tasapainottaminen ja itsenäisyyden suojelu näyttävät rohkaisevan jäseniä kohti kollektiivista samaistumista. Lupaus järjestön sisäisestä tasa-arvoisuudesta ja väistämättömien epätasa-arvoisuuksien normalisointi puolestaan vaikuttavat vähentävän jäsenmaiden välisiä konflikteja ja täten tukevat järjestöllistä kollektiivisuuden tunnetta. Tämän lisäksi sitä, miten sopimukset esittelevät järjestön asenteet muuhun maailmaan ja sen luomiin haasteisiin, voidaan pitää järjestön yhdistävänä tekijänä sen luoman maailmankuvan vuoksi. Koska nämä ominaisuudet toistuvat diskurssissa jokaisen perustussopimuksen kohdalla, voidaan myös olettaa, että samankaltaisia diskursseja olisi löydettävissä myös muiden järjestöjen perustussopimuksista tai niitä voitaisiin yleisesti soveltaa tuleviin sopimuksiin. Näitä toistuvia diskurssikeinoja ja sopimusominaisuuksia voidaan siis pitää hallitustenvälisten järjestöjen kollektiivisen identiteetin perustana. Näin ollen, vaikka kollektiivinen identiteetti muodostuisikin pääasiallisesti järjestöjen sisäisen jokapäiväisen vuorovaikutuksen ja sen diskurssien kautta, perustussopimusten tarjoama viitekehys luo perustan järjestöjen sisäiselle identiteetille sekä teoreettisen vertailukohteen, johon jo muodostunutta kollektiivista identiteettiä voidaan verrata
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Uelzmann, Jan. "Bonn, the transitional capital and its founding discourses, 1949-1963." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3033.
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My dissertation reconstructs sociopolitical new-beginning discourses pertaining to Bonn, the provisional West German capital, during the Federal Republic’s founding years. Combining approaches from history, cultural studies, and literary studies, I look at Bonn as a projection screen through which to explore the new-beginning discourses that challenged the FRG during its founding years. I argue that there exists a common pattern of contradiction throughout these discourses, as West Germans attempted to straddle the sociopolitical divides and contradictions between the Nazi past, and a now West-oriented future. With individual chapters addressing different cultural domains, my dissertation offers a cultural cross-section of how Bonn was instrumental in implementing a complex strategy for a new beginning in a post-fascist, war-torn society.
Chapter one contextualizes the history of the search for a provisional capital of 1948/9 in symbolisms about Bonn that were seldom explicitly expressed, but which help explain the choice of Bonn as provisional capital, paying particular attention to the fact that it was a provincial city removed from the flashpoints of recent German history. The second chapter investigates city-planning debates about the Bonn federal district to highlight the dynamic ways in which West Germans negotiated the status of their provisional capital in relation to larger geopolitical questions of the Cold War and the division of Germany. Chapter three traces the complex genesis of the Neues Bauen-infused, modernist architecture employed by architect Hans Schwippert in the Bundeshaus and Palais Schaumburg renovations. It goes on to illustrate how the FRG’s early, official architectural stance is one based on contradiction and negotiation between two opposing conceptions of political architecture: the traditionalism of Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and Schwippert’s moderate modernism. The final chapter examines the spatial configurations of two “Bonn-novels,” Wolfgang Koeppen’s Das Treibhaus (1953) and Günter Weisenborn’s Auf Sand gebaut (1956) to argue that both “Bonn novels” portray the city as a topographical contradiction, divided between the “old Bonn” and the “political Bonn,” with corresponding, largely incompatible social spheres. Both novels exploit this characteristic to express a critique of the democratic process in Bonn.<br>text
Books on the topic "Founding discourses"
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Bangura, Abdul Karim. The presuppositions and implicatures of the Founding Fathers. Cummings & Hathaway Publishers, 1997.
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Tudományegyetem, Eötvös Loránd, ed. Function and genres: Studies on the linguistic features of discourse types. P. Lang, 2008.
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Bernal, Angélica Maria. Foundational Invocations. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190494223.003.0002.
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This chapter examines appeals to the authority of original founding events, founding ideals, and Founding Fathers in contemporary constitutional democracies. It argues that these “foundational invocations” reveal a window into the unique, albeit underexamined function that foundings play: as a vehicle of persuasion and legitimation. It organizes this examination around two of the most influential visions of founding in the US tradition: the originalist, situated in the discourses of conservative social movements such as the Tea Party and in conservative constitutional thought; and the promissory, situated in the discourses of social movements such as the civil rights movement. Though they might appear radically dissimilar, this chapter illustrates how these two influential conceptualizations of founding together reveal a shared political foundationalism that conflates the normative authority of a regime for its de facto one, thus circumscribing radical change by obscuring the past and placing founding invocations and their actors beyond question.
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Bernal, Angélica Maria. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190494223.003.0001.
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Foundings have long captured the political imagination and continue to be a pervasive element of contemporary politics as statesmen, citizens, and new social movements wage many a political battle through appeals to shared origins, Founding Fathers, and foundational principles. Despite their ubiquity in democratic politics, rarely do we stop to examine this notion. Reviewing the uses of this term in contemporary political and constitutional discourse, I introduce the problem addressed by this book: the dominant vision of founding as an authoritative binding origin. The introduction explicates the problems with this view and makes the case for why it is important to reconsider it. Against this view, the book will offer an alternative vision centered on the disaggregation of foundings from originary authority. The introduction outlines this vision and how it will be developed throughout the book, explicating the use of cases that complicate the relationship between foundings and origins.
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Stillion Southard, Bjørn F. Peculiar Rhetoric. University Press of Mississippi, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496823694.001.0001.
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The African colonization movement plays a peculiar role in the study of racial equality in the United States. For white colonizationists, the movement was positioned as a compromise between slavery and abolition. For free blacks, colonization offered the hope of freedom, but not within America’s borders. Bjørn F. Stillion Southard shows how politics and identity were negotiated in middle of the public discourse on race, slavery, and freedom in America. Operating from a position of relative power, white advocates argued that colonization was worthy of support from the federal government. Stillion Southard analyzes the speeches of Henry Clay, Elias B. Caldwell, and Abraham Lincoln as efforts to engage with colonization at the level of deliberation. Between Clay and Caldwell’s speeches at the founding of the American Colonization Society in 1816 and Lincoln’s final public effort to encourage colonization in 1862, Stillion Southard explores the speeches and writings of free blacks who grappled with colonization’s conditional promises of freedom. The book examines an array of discourses to explore the complex issues of identity facing free blacks who attempted to meaningfully engage in colonization efforts. From a peculiarly voiced Counter Memorial against the ACS, to the letters of wealthy black merchant Louis Sheridan negotiating for his passage to Liberia, to the civically-minded orations of Hilary Teage in Liberia, Peculiar Rhetoric brings into light the intricacies of blacks who attempted to meaningfully engage in colonization.
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Bangura, Abdul Karim. The Presuppositions and Implicatures of the Founding Fathers. Brunswick Pub Co, 1994.
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de Miranda, Luis. Ensemblance. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474454193.001.0001.
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This book provides the first ever transnational and longue-durée intellectual history of a highly influential but largely understudied modern phrase: esprit de corps. A strong attachment and dedication among the members of a community of practice or a body politic, esprit de corps can be perceived as beneficial (collective élan) or detrimental (groupthink). As a polemical argumentative signifier, esprit de corps has played a significant role in the cultural and political history of the last 300 years: the idea was influential and debated during the European secularisation of education in the eighteenth-century, during the French Revolution, during the United States process of Independence, and the French Empire. It was praised by British colonialists, French sociologists, and during the World Wars. It was instrumental during the rise of administrative nation-states and the triumph of corporate capitalism. ‘Esprit de corps’ is today a keyword in nationalist and managerial discourses. Born in eighteenth-century France in military as well as political discourse, the phrase and its implications were over the centuries an important matter of debate for major thinkers and politicians: d’Alembert, Voltaire, Rousseau, Lord Chesterfield, Bentham, the Founding Fathers, Sieyès, Mirabeau, British MPs, Napoleon, Hegel, Tocqueville, Durkheim, Waldeck-Rousseau, de Gaulle, Orwell, Bourdieu, Deleuze & Guattari, etc. For some of them, esprit de corps is the very engine of History. In the end, this book a cautionary analysis of past and current ideologies of ultra-unified human ensembles, a recurrent historical and theoretical fabulation the author calls ensemblance.
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Angelova, Diliana N. Sacred Founders: Women, Men, and Gods in the Discourse of Imperial Founding, Rome Through Early Byzantium. University of California Press, 2015.
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Sacred Founders: Women, Men, and Gods in the Discourse of Imperial Founding, Rome Through Early Byzantium. University of California Press, 2015.
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Vidal, Cécile. Caribbean New Orleans. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469645186.001.0001.
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Combining Atlantic and imperial perspectives, Caribbean New Orleans offers a lively portrait of the city and a probing investigation of the French colonists who established racial slavery there as well as the African slaves who were forced to toil for them. Casting early New Orleans as a Caribbean outpost of the French Empire rather than as a North American frontier town, Cécile Vidal reveals the persistent influence of the Antilles, especially Saint-Domingue, which shaped the city’s development through the eighteenth century. In so doing, she urges us to rethink our usual divisions of racial systems into mainland and Caribbean categories. Drawing on New Orleans’s rich court records as a way to capture the words and actions of its inhabitants, Vidal takes us into the city’s streets, market, taverns, church, hospitals, barracks, and households. She explores the challenges that slow economic development, Native American proximity, imperial rivalry, and the urban environment posed to a social order that was predicated on slave labor and racial hierarchy. White domination, Vidal demonstrates, was woven into the fabric of New Orleans from its founding. This comprehensive history of urban slavery locates Louisiana’s capital on a spectrum of slave societies that stretched across the Americas and provides a magisterial overview of racial discourses and practices during the formative years of North America’s most intriguing city.
Book chapters on the topic "Founding discourses"
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"ELABORATION OF THE FOUNDING DISCOURSES." In Women and Gender in Islam. Yale University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1g2495f.10.
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Neyrat, Frédéric. "The Unconstructable Earth." In The Unconstructable Earth, translated by Drew S. Burk. Fordham University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823282586.003.0014.
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In chapter 13 Neyrat summarizes a variety of conceptions of of the Earth conceived from various actors, from the early founding thinkers of the environmental and ecology movements in the United States such as Aldo Lepold and John Muir to more recent scientific conceptions of the Earth as a cybernetic living organism proposed by the celebrated scientist James Lovelock and his Gaia theory or Carolyn Merchant’s conception that each part of the ecosystem contributes to the health of the entire ecosystem as a whole. Neyrat goes on to show that what he terms minoritarian discourses refuse to consider the Earth as something that is mechanical in any way and that it is a living organism in its own right. These minoritarian discourses are in complete contrast to the variety of geo-constructivist discourses that today see the Earth as something technologically manageable.
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Mayville, Luke. "Sympathy for the Rich." In John Adams and the Fear of American Oligarchy. Princeton University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691171531.003.0004.
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This chapter turns to the question of how, precisely, John Adams understood wealth to translate into political influence. It shows that Adams was a careful student of the Scottish Enlightenment. More than any other Founding Era American, he engaged with the long tradition of thought that emphasized the psychological bases of social and political power. The fruit of his efforts was the series of essays entitled Discourses on Davila, a work that Adams would describe as the fourth and final volume of his Defence. The chapter draws from Discourses on Davila and other writings an understanding of oligarchic power that traces the political power of wealth not to the capacity of the rich to buy influence but instead to public admiration and sympathy for the rich.
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Scalbert-Yücel, Clémence. "Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Hierarchy." In Identity, Conflict and Politics in Turkey, Iran and Pakistan, translated by Adrian Morfee. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190845780.003.0003.
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This chapter examines the production of identity by the media. Grounding the analysis on how private Turkish television channels deal with the Kurdish population and “problem,” it shows how ethnic categories are used to legitimize, explain, or deny cultural difference, thereby conditioning political practices and public perceptions. This has contributed to creating a double discourse that consolidated during the next decade: the new rhetoric of “cultural diversity” coexists with the older one on the Kurdish issue, defined as a development or civilization issue. The coexistence of these two discourses shows the relative value of identities and their ranking. The chapter then explores the hypothesis according to which, recognizing cultural diversity in Turkey—and in particular the existence of Kurds—triggers a change in the definition of the conflict and in the political practices at a certain level while, at another level, allowing to confirm old categories founding the ethnic hierarchies.
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"The founding moment." In Poetry as Discourse. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203708743-13.
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Sadowski-Smith, Claudia. "Conclusion." In New Immigrant Whiteness. NYU Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479847730.003.0007.
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The Conclusion explores how whiteness continues to function as a privileged racial identity that provides exemption from racial profiling and that is regularly mobilized in the service of white supremacy and white nationalism, even as the immigrant myth of bootstrapism is becoming disconnected from accounts of turn of the century European immigrants’ ascendance to a pan-European white identity and expanded to other immigrant groups. This chapter calls for more inclusive struggles for migrant citizenship rights based on connections—rather than stark divisions—between the post-Soviet diaspora and other migrants that place whiteness among other racial formations, in order to decenter its persisting centrality as a US founding mythology despite significant domestic and global changes. Coalitions across ethnic, national, and legal status will be needed to address increasingly explicit and encompassing anti-immigration discourses and policies in the United States.
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Helgen, Erika. "To Be a “Good Priest”." In Religious Conflict in Brazil. Yale University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300243352.003.0004.
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This chapter looks at how northeastern Catholics responded to the Protestant “invasion” of its territory. It focuses on the actions of local Catholic clergymen who were tasked with leading the charge against the Protestant invasion of their parishes. It shows how anti-Protestantism became an essential part of what it meant to be a “good priest,” as Catholic leaders throughout the Northeast promoted distinct sets of rituals and discourses that both fueled and legitimized the use of force against Protestants. The chapter also mentions Padre João Verberck, the leader of the anti-Protestant crusade that fought the Protestants of Nísia Floresta by founding a Marian Congregation with the explicit intent of creating a group of laypersons that are ready to enter into battle as true soldiers of the Catholic Religion. It highlights Padre Verberck's determination to not allow the land of Christian Brazil to be invaded by the Protestant religion.
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Fuchs, Simon Wolfgang. "All-Indian Shiʿism, Colonial Modernity, And The Challenge Of Pakistan." In In a Pure Muslim Land. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649795.003.0002.
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This chapter explores the late colonial milieu with its opposing discourses of communalism and nationalism that left a deep impact on Shi‘i community formation. In the first half of the 20<sup>th</sup> century, India’s Shi‘is portrayed themselves as being on a higher spiritual level in contrast to the common (Sunni) Muslims. Yet, once the Muslim League (ML) adopted the creation of Pakistan as its goal, influential Shi‘i voices expressed deep and increasing skepticism toward the founding of a state that claimed to form an inclusive homeland for all Muslims of the subcontinent. This chapter further demonstrates the substantial links that connected South Asian Shi‘is to major events in the Middle East. Finally, the chapter shows that Lucknow’s religious scholars were far from secure in their leadership position of the Shi‘i community. The modernist-minded All India Shi‘a Conference (AISC) viewed these mujtahids as hopelessly out of touch with the challenges of the time and regarded the AISC as a more appropriate vehicle of communal leadership.
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Bont, Leslie de. "Portrait of the Female Character as a Psychoanalytical Case: The Ambiguous Influence of Freud on May Sinclair’s Novels." In May Sinclair. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474415750.003.0004.
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When May Sinclair started to write fiction and read psychoanalytical papers in the 1890s, case histories were emerging as a crucial medium that helped Sigmund Freud, Josef Breuer, as well as the other founding fathers of psychoanalysis to address the new and singular questions raised by their most puzzling patients. Indeed, the case proved to be a valuable tool in the epistemology of psychoanalytical research: writing case histories enabled pioneer psychoanalysts to challenge existing theories, set up new approaches and develop new discourses. But the case study is also a textual object that relies on dialogue, deixis, narrative and analysis, in ways that are quite similar to fictional writing. Sinclair’s key psychological research papers – “The Way of Sublimation” (1915), “Clinical Lectures” (1916) and “Psychological Types” (1923) – suggest that she favoured a more Jungian-based eclectic approach to psychoanalysis, which she also integrated into her two philosophical books A Defence of Idealism (1917) and The New Idealism (1922), over Freud’s sexual theory. Yet, even if she distanced herself from some (but not all) of Freud’s theses, as we shall see, his influence remained central to her fiction and non-fiction, and more particularly to her textual strategies and character depiction.
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Dreisbach, Daniel L. "The Bible in the Political Discourse of the American Founding." In Reading the Bible with the Founding Fathers. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199987931.003.0004.
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