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Journal articles on the topic 'Founding discourses'
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1
Thomassen, Lasse. "Gladiator, Violence, and the Founding of a Republic." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 01 (2009): 145–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090118.
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ABSTRACTRidley Scott's 2000 filmGladiatorpresents a view of the transition from dictatorship to the republic that one also finds in the discourses of certain political leaders today. I argue that we can learn about violence and the founding of a republic from an analysis and, especially, a critique ofGladiator.
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Lybeck, Rick. "A Public Pedagogy of White Victimhood: (Im)Moral Facts, Settler Identity, and Genocide Denial in Dakota Homeland." Qualitative Inquiry 24, no. 8 (2017): 543–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077800417735659.
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This article examines dominant discourses driving southern Minnesota’s white public pedagogy of the U.S.–Dakota War of 1862, focusing specifically on hardline separations between fact and opinion that divert citizens from acknowledging the moral significance of their state’s genocidal founding. Supported by objectivist discourses enshrined in today’s Common Core Standards, the regional need to distinguish fact from opinion reveals highly situated white-supremacist roots when historicized, originating in primary-source materials that perplexingly frame white “victimhood” and Dakota “savagery” as objective moral knowledge. Critically analyzing recent acts of fact-checking performed by members of a regional settler discourse community, this article shows such “objective” knowledge at work, persistently thriving on age-old notions of white-settler identity and white community belonging. Ultimately, this article exposes the ongoing persuasive power of the primary sources’ dominant discourse, the anti-Indian sublime, and its role in erasing moral facts about regional crimes against humanity.
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Dénes, Iván Zoltán. "Reinterpreting a 'Founding Father': Kossuth Images and Their Contexts, 1848-2009." East Central Europe 37, no. 1 (2010): 90–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x489299.
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AbstractThe present article reconstructs the ways the public and historiographical image of Lajos Kossuth, the central figure of the 1848–49 revolutionary tradition in Hungary, was negotiated during the last 150 years. Similar to the images of other founding fathers and national heroes in other cultures—such as Garibaldi, Piłsudski, Atatürk, Mazzini, Herzl, Masaryk, Bismarck, or Al. I. Cuza—the competing representations of Lajos Kossuth formed a central part of the political and scientific discourses throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In addition to the most common images of the cultic “father of the nation” and “national Messiah,” one can encounter such different schemes of collective self-projection as the “overly emotive opposition politician,” the “successful gentry,” the nobleman “defending his class privileges,” or the “inconsistent revolutionary.” Arguably, these images to a large extent fit four political languages determining Hungarian public discourse in the given period, such as “conservative realism,” ethno-protectionism, Marxist socialism, and communism. While these political languages were very different from each other, they were strikingly similar in the sense that they were built on strong enemy images. Consequently, analyzing their historical projections we can learn about the traumatic ways their adherents related to political modernity, manifested in visions of a fundamental enemy endangering the future of the community.
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SHANNON, LAURIE J. "The Tragedie of Mariam: Cary's Critique of the Terms of Founding Social Discourses." English Literary Renaissance 24, no. 1 (1994): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6757.1994.tb01419.x.
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Abbri, Ferdinando. "Alchemy and Chemistry: Chemical Discourses in the Seventeenth Century." Early Science and Medicine 5, no. 2 (2000): 214–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338200x00191.
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AbstractThe landscape of seventeenth-century chemistry is complex, and it is impossible to find in it either a clear-cut distinction between alchemy and chemistry or a sort of simple identification of the two. The seventeenth-century cultural context contained a rich variety of "chemical" discourses with arguments ranging from specific experiments to the justification of the validity of chemistry and its novelty in terms of its extraordinary antiquity. On the basis of an analysis of the works by O. Borch, J.J. Glauber, and J. J. Becher, this paper tries to demonstrate that a historical reconstruction of "chemistry" must consider these different levels of the chemical debate. Only then will it be possible to appreciate the outstanding role played by G.E. Stahl in founding modern chemistry. The paper argues in favor of a contextualization of the historical research on seventeenth-century chemistry.
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Little, Miles. "The precarious future of the discourse of person-centered medicine." European Journal for Person Centered Healthcare 2, no. 1 (2014): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/ejpch.v2i1.699.
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Discourses are more than just patterns of words. For discourse communities, they express ideologies and provide meanings that can be translated into action. They are vehicles for reform when they thrive. The discourse of person-centered medicine has had a vigorous start, with identifiable leaders, a vocabulary which has situated meanings, institutions such as meetings, letterheads and a college and a group of adherents that constitute a discourse community. For a discourse to thrive, its founding problematic has to be perceived as ‘real’ by its target audience – in this case, presumably, healthcare workers. Real in this sense can be defined as something perceived to have an influence on foundational values, for better or for worse. It is not yet clear that the discourse of person-centered medicine has convinced its target audience of the ‘crisis of knowledge, care, compassion and costs’ that it invokes to justify its proposed paradigm shift. In order to make it thrive, those who drive the discourse will need to ‘realise’ both the crisis it addresses and the outcomes it may achieve.
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Bowker, V. "The evolution of critical responses to Fugard’s work, culminating in a feminist reading of The Road to Mecca." Literator 11, no. 2 (1990): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v11i2.797.
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An ongoing debate in South Africa today concerns the response of white writers, such as Athol Fugard, to the African/South African socio-historical context. As a major focus of this debate there is a relationship between history and literature, and selected critical responses to Fugard’s work of the past three decades are investigated in terms of their position regarding this relationship. All these responses, regardless of their political and/or Hterary affiliations were found to imply that some kind of truth, their truth can be represented in a fictional text. In response to this implied truth claim and in particular to certain critics’ demand for a “concrete” history, the founding insight of poststructuralism about the inability of language to reflect an already existing reality is used to justify the following approach to Fugard’s The Road to Mecca: history is merely one discourse among many without any privileged claim to primacy; Fugard’s texts, read as history, is therefore approached in the context of South African discourses competing in the game of power relations, thus justifying the feminist reading resulting from an analysis of the competing discourses in the text.
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Arum, Eero. "Machiavelli's Principio: Political Renewal and Innovation in the Discourses on Livy." Review of Politics 82, no. 4 (2020): 525–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670520000601.
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AbstractAlthough Machiavelli argues that “return to first principles” is a necessary and perhaps even sufficient condition for counteracting political corruption, few scholars have engaged in a sustained textual analysis of Discourses III.1, the chapter in which he outlines the meaning of this enigmatic concept. Reassessing Machiavelli's exempla in this chapter will reveal that return to first principles consists in the revival of the ethos of innovation and public-spiritedness that accompanies every successful political founding. This process of renewal entails reviving the psychological forces that initially guide human beings to establish new political orders, including fear of violent death and longing for glory. Existing interpretations of D III.1 have tended to emphasize renewal through fear-invoking punishment, neglecting Machiavelli's examples of renewal through exemplary acts of civic virtue. A careful analysis of instruments and agents of return to first principles will illustrate how both spectacular punishment and virtuous acts of self-sacrifice converge to counteract corruption and foster political innovation.
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Brookes, Gavin, and Kevin Harvey. "Opening up the NHS to market." Journal of Language and Politics 15, no. 3 (2016): 288–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15.3.04bro.
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Abstract Since its implementation, the British Government’s controversial 2013 Health and Social Care Act has had far-reaching effects on health care provision in England, not least the creation of 212 regional practitioner-led clinical commissioning groups (CCGs) which are now responsible for much of the service provision across the country. Taking as an example the website of one of these new commissioning groups, this study shows that multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) can reveal how health and social care matters are being increasingly framed within a corporate and neoliberal set of ideas, values, identities and social relations. Despite government assurances that the Act preserves the (non-commercial) founding values of the NHS, our MCDA provides textual evidence of the influence of neoliberal and commercial discourses operating across this particular website, which appear to be just as much about promoting an appealing corporate identity as responding to the practical, day-to-day concerns of patients.
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Pitcher, M. Anne. "The ASA at 60: Advocacy in an Age of Tyranny." African Studies Review 61, no. 3 (2018): 8–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2018.79.
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Abstract:Although the sixtieth anniversary of the ASA’s founding offers an occasion to celebrate the association’s accomplishments, it also coincides with a historical moment of resurgent authoritarianism, growing intolerance, and renascent nativism. Democratic institutions in the United States and abroad are under attack; bigotry, injustice, and incivility have become re-energized. This article reflects on the discourses, spaces, and technologies employed by Africans to contest the multiple expressions of political exclusion on the continent over the last sixty years. It finds inspiration and lessons that might guide us as we develop our own forms of political advocacy in this illiberal age.
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Hachim, Luis, and Pablo Hurtado. "El discurso factual y ficcional en la narrativa colonial hispanoamericana: Naufragios [1542] de Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca e Infortunios de Alonso Ramírez [1690] de Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora." Catedral Tomada. Revista de crítica literaria latinoamericana 6, no. 10 (2018): 172–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ct/2018.239.
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This paper is based on the assumption that narratives are ongoing experiences, actions and processes that take place during the Colonial period. On these grounds, two narrative texts from the beginnings of the colonial formation period will be discussed. Narratives during this period when a vernacular, creole consciousness was being shaped are coherent with the narrations found in travel journals, relaciones and chronicles. A synthesis of factual and fictional discourses arises in these texts that represent not only the identity transformations of the Indian Spanish individual but also the emerging local, creole subjectivity that defines the new culture and its relations with indigenous world. We suggest a first stage in this cultural synthesis that includes two texts that have not been addressed literary and historiographic studies: Naufragios [1542] by Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca and Infortunios de Alonso Ramírez [1690] by Carlos de Sigüenza. These two founding narratives used a factual discourse that masked the fictional strategies that were later included in the textual practices that characterize the literatures of the Americas.
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Anthonissen, Christine. "Critical discourse analysis as an analytic tool in considering selected, prominent features of TRC testimonies." Journal of Language and Politics 5, no. 1 (2006): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.5.1.05ant.
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This paper considers a number of salient, characterising features of the verbal mediation process that took place in the TRC hearings on gross human rights violations. This is done with reference to the methodology developed in Discourse Sociolinguistics. It considers how various participants represent a particular event, each taking the perspective from which they experienced it. It notes the differences in verbal choice, and in textual and information structure of (i.a.) a journalist who witnessed this particular instance of public police excess, of a woman involved because her home was at the scene of the confrontation between police and youngsters, of one of the commanding police officers who had been subpoenaed and thus was not a voluntary witness at the hearing, of a doctor who treated patients after the event, of a school teacher who could articulate the particular kind of protest youngsters engaged in at the time, and so on. It also highlights a particular practice of reformulating which appears to be typical of discourses that mediate past atrocities with a view to founding new and improved democratic practices.
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Schönle, Andreas. "Lotman and cultural studies: The case for cross-fertilization." Sign Systems Studies 30, no. 2 (2002): 429–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sss.2002.30.2.04.
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This paper seeks to evaluate the extent to which Lotman’s theoretical works could provide a conceptual articulation to the project of British and American cultural studies (CS). Just as CS, Lotman operates with an extensive concept of culture, albeit one mostly limited to nobility culture and focused on the past. His late works can be seen to articulate a semiotic theory of power: his emphasis on the relationship between center and periphery recalls the infatuation with marginality that underpins CS. Lotman shares the (post) structuralist premise about the primary role of discourse in founding reality. Yet his emphasis on the natural striving of culture toward diversity mitigates the subject’s dependence upon discourse. Thus, subjects act on their striving toward autonomy by playing discourses against one another, recoding them in an act of autocommunication that generates novelty in the process. Even though it denies the grand narrative, Cultural Studies emphasizes class, gender, and race differences. Lotman’s concept of the semiosphere emphasizes the ad hoc foundation of group identities, their emergence out of an intrinsic recoding of extrinsic codes, and the circulation of texts and values among groups. Lotman doesn’t privilege any sort of group identity and therefore offers a flexible framework applicable to a broader range of groups. In that sense he offers an alternative to Gramsci’s notion of the rootedness of groups in class realities (which underlies early CS).
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Manyawu, Andrew Tichaenzana. "Intertextuality as textual practice in Zimbabwean religious discourses: A textual analysis of the founding text of the African Apostolic Church." South African Journal of African Languages 36, no. 1 (2016): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.2016.1186893.
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Kemme, Stefanie, Kristin Pfeffer, and Luise Von Rodbertus. "Cannabis policy reform in Germany: Political and constitutional discourses on decriminalisation and regulation strategies." Bergen Journal of Criminal Law & Criminal Justice 9, no. 1 (2021): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15845/bjclcj.v9i1.3358.
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 There is relentless discussion in Germany about the right manner to deal with cannabis and its users. In 1994 and 2004, the Federal Constitutional Court reaffirmed the legal appropriateness of prohibition. However, since then, studies and data about the dangers and effects of cannabis use have quieted alarm, and Europe, alongside the once-prohibitive United States, has had its initial experiences with liberalised use of cannabis. Since the founding of the Schildower Kreis, a network of experts from science and practice, 122 German criminal law professors have petitioned the Bundestag for an Enquête Commission. The aim of this paper is, on the one hand, to provide insight into German narcotics law. On the other hand, the political arguments for sticking to prohibition are contrasted with the numerous empirical findings that are now available. The results of the empirical studies now challenge the Federal Constitutional Court and the legislature to review their previous course and possibly break new ground in drug policy. The basis of the Federal Constitutional Court’s decisions no longer exists. The Narcotics Act and constitutional discourse on cannabis prohibition need to be reviewed, as do political arguments about resources and high costs. Indications of a paradigm shift in drug policy, as required by the Global Commission on Drug Policy, are hesitantly appearing in Germany.
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Petrie, Duncan. "The Contribution of Scots to the Building of British Film and Television Institutions." Scottish Affairs 27, no. 3 (2018): 319–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2018.0246.
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The relationship between Scotland and the rest of the United Kingdom has become increasingly uncertain, due in part to growing levels of self-identified cultural difference on the part of Scots. However, this is a relatively new phenomenon and it is instructive to consider the role played by Scots in the founding or development of institutions that in turn have helped propagate discourses of British culture and values. That contribution has been particularly significant in the sphere of film and television. Indeed, Scotland's contribution to British film and television has been arguably far greater than basic demographics would have predicted. Has there been a discernible ‘Scottish’ influence in the history and character of these institutions, and what might this mean for understanding British cultural identity and its more common alignment with Englishness?
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Coaffee, Jon, and Pete Fussey. "Constructing resilience through security and surveillance: The politics, practices and tensions of security-driven resilience." Security Dialogue 46, no. 1 (2015): 86–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010614557884.
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This article illuminates how, since 9/11, security policy has gradually become more central to a range of resilience discourses and practices. As this process draws a wider range of security infrastructures, organizations and approaches into the enactment of resilience, security practices are enabled through more palatable and legitimizing discourses of resilience. This article charts the emergence and proliferation of security-driven resilience logics, deployed at different spatial scales, which exist in tension with each other. We exemplify such tensions in practice through a detailed case study from Birmingham, UK: ‘Project Champion’ an attempt to install over 200 high-resolution surveillance cameras, often invisibly, around neighbourhoods with a predominantly Muslim population. Here, practices of security-driven resilience came into conflict with other policy priorities focused upon community-centred social cohesion, posing a series of questions about social control, surveillance and the ability of national agencies to construct community resilience in local areas amidst state attempts to label the same spaces as ‘dangerous’. It is argued that security-driven logics of resilience generate conflicts in how resilience is operationalized, and produce and reproduce new hierarchical arrangements which, in turn, may work to subvert some of the founding aspirations and principles of resilience logic itself.
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Yarosh, Oleg. "Globalization of redemptive sociality: al-Ahbash and Haqqaniyya transnational Sufi networks in West Asia and Central-Eastern Europe." Journal of Eurasian Studies 10, no. 1 (2019): 22–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366518814915.
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This article examines historical connectedness inside West Asia, that is, Levant, and beyond the region, specifically to North Caucasus and Central-Eastern Europe (Germany and Ukraine) maintained through the translocal Sufi communities, that is, Naqshbandiyya-Haqqaniyya and al-Ahbash. The article demonstrates how these two Sufi networks that originated in the 1970s–1980s in Levant and later spread across the globe through migration routes, missionary activities, and conversions are contextualized in the Western sociocultural milieu in terms of discourses, practices, and institutionalization. While dealing with “redemptive sociality” in the Sufi communities as a form of collective solidarity based on allegiance to a charismatic Sufi Shaykh, this article conceptualizes a distinction between the general or founding charisma of silsila represented by its founders and spiritual leaders, and locally constructed charisma negotiated by local Sufi community and its spiritual leader.
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Misztal, Arkadiusz. "Dream Time, Modality, and Counterfactual Imagination in Thomas Pynchon’s Mason & Dixon." Polish Journal for American Studies, no. 14 (Spring 2020) (December 1, 2020): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/pjas.14/1/2020.03.
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This paper elucidates the structure and scope of Pynchon’s temporal imagination by studying the complex relations between narrative time and modality in his 1997 novel Mason & Dixon using the conceptual framework of contemporary narratology. It argues that Pynchon’s use of the subjunctive mode allows him not only to articulate the political and ideological concerns in his vision of America on the eve of its founding but also to address the problems of historicity, causality and irreversibility of time. By employing the subjunctive as a general narrative strategy, Mason & Dixon challenges the various temporal regimes and discourses of modernity, and projects imaginative re-figurations of time and space. In carrying this out, the novel moves beyond what Pynchon calls “the network of ordinary latitude and longitude” (Against the Day 250) and replaces a totalizing singularity with plurality of times and timescapes
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KADEROĞLU BULUT, Çağrı. "NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORY: AN ANALYSIS THE CONTEXT OF FOUNDING IDEAS, CONTENT AND CRITICISM." TURKISH ONLINE JOURNAL OF DESIGN ART AND COMMUNICATION 11, no. 1 (2021): 42–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.7456/11001100/003.
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New social movements are one of the most discussed phenomena in social sciences since their emergence in the 1960s. These movements, which are considered as a reflection of the economic, political and social transformations experienced in contemporary societies, are discussed with their various characteristics and are subject to many theoretical approaches. This study examines the New Social Movements Theory, which is one of the most influential of these theoretical approaches. Two important names of the theory, Touraine and Melucci, evaluate new movements within the framework of post-industrial social theories and examine them in the context of transition from class-based movements to culture-identity-based movements. This approach lays the foundational idea of this theory. Elements such as the actors, goals, discourses, and organizational structures of the new movements are basically addressed on this ground and the differentiation between the new movements and the old movements is explained within this framework. This theory, which treats new social movements as a part of a new social construct, has been the subject of many criticisms. The analysis of this theory based on the post-industrial society and its explanation frames based on culture-identity have been criticized especially by Marxist approaches. Hence, this study examines the new social movements theory in the context of founding ideas, content, and criticism of the theory. In the study, firstly, the basic ideas of the theory in relation to social analysis are discussed, and then the approach of the movements towards the actors, values, goals and forms of organization is analyzed. Finally, the main criticisms of this approach are discussed. The main conclusion reached in the study is that the new social movements theory is insufficient to develop a comprehensive and accurate understanding of contemporary social movements.
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KADEROĞLU BULUT, Çağrı. "NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORY: AN ANALYSIS THE CONTEXT OF FOUNDING IDEAS, CONTENT AND CRITICISM." TURKISH ONLINE JOURNAL OF DESIGN ART AND COMMUNICATION 11, no. 1 (2021): 42–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.7456/11101100/003.
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New social movements are one of the most discussed phenomena in social sciences since their emergence in the 1960s. These movements, which are considered as a reflection of the economic, political and social transformations experienced in contemporary societies, are discussed with their various characteristics and are subject to many theoretical approaches. This study examines the New Social Movements Theory, which is one of the most influential of these theoretical approaches. Two important names of the theory, Touraine and Melucci, evaluate new movements within the framework of post-industrial social theories and examine them in the context of transition from class-based movements to culture-identity-based movements. This approach lays the foundational idea of this theory. Elements such as the actors, goals, discourses, and organizational structures of the new movements are basically addressed on this ground and the differentiation between the new movements and the old movements is explained within this framework. This theory, which treats new social movements as a part of a new social construct, has been the subject of many criticisms. The analysis of this theory based on the post-industrial society and its explanation frames based on culture-identity have been criticized especially by Marxist approaches. Hence, this study examines the new social movements theory in the context of founding ideas, content, and criticism of the theory. In the study, firstly, the basic ideas of the theory in relation to social analysis are discussed, and then the approach of the movements towards the actors, values, goals and forms of organization is analyzed. Finally, the main criticisms of this approach are discussed. The main conclusion reached in the study is that the new social movements theory is insufficient to develop a comprehensive and accurate understanding of contemporary social movements.
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KADEROĞLU BULUT, Çağrı. "NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORY: AN ANALYSIS THE CONTEXT OF FOUNDING IDEAS, CONTENT AND CRITICISM." TURKISH ONLINE JOURNAL OF DESIGN ART AND COMMUNICATION 11, no. 1 (2021): 42–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.7456/11101100/003.
Full textAbstract:
New social movements are one of the most discussed phenomena in social sciences since their emergence in the 1960s. These movements, which are considered as a reflection of the economic, political and social transformations experienced in contemporary societies, are discussed with their various characteristics and are subject to many theoretical approaches. This study examines the New Social Movements Theory, which is one of the most influential of these theoretical approaches. Two important names of the theory, Touraine and Melucci, evaluate new movements within the framework of post-industrial social theories and examine them in the context of transition from class-based movements to culture-identity-based movements. This approach lays the foundational idea of this theory. Elements such as the actors, goals, discourses, and organizational structures of the new movements are basically addressed on this ground and the differentiation between the new movements and the old movements is explained within this framework. This theory, which treats new social movements as a part of a new social construct, has been the subject of many criticisms. The analysis of this theory based on the post-industrial society and its explanation frames based on culture-identity have been criticized especially by Marxist approaches. Hence, this study examines the new social movements theory in the context of founding ideas, content, and criticism of the theory. In the study, firstly, the basic ideas of the theory in relation to social analysis are discussed, and then the approach of the movements towards the actors, values, goals and forms of organization is analyzed. Finally, the main criticisms of this approach are discussed. The main conclusion reached in the study is that the new social movements theory is insufficient to develop a comprehensive and accurate understanding of contemporary social movements.
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Tobin, David. "A “Struggle of Life or Death”: Han and Uyghur Insecurities on China's North-West Frontier." China Quarterly 242 (July 9, 2019): 301–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574101900078x.
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AbstractIn July 2009, nearly 200 people were killed in ethnically targeted mass violence between Turkic-speaking Muslim Uyghurs and Han Chinese in Urumqi, overshadowing the 60th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC). How have ethnic relations between Han and Uyghurs descended into mass violence among ordinary people? This paper argues that the party-state exacerbates ethnic tensions between Han and Uyghurs through ethnocentric security narratives. These narratives frame China's identity as being under threat from Turkic enemies within who are supported by Islamic terrorists and Western “enemies of China” from outside. Discourse analysis of official texts, participant-observation of security practices, and interviews with Han and Uyghurs reveal the interplay between official identity discourses and everyday security practices before, during and after the violence. Since July 2009, one official solution to ethnic violence has been the construction of a shared multi-ethnic identity, officially described as a “zero-sum political struggle of life or death.” However, Han-centric conceptualizations of ethnic unity promote Han chauvinism and portray the Uyghur as a security threat. The party-state thus creates hierarchical ethnic relations that exacerbate both Han and Uyghur insecurities and contribute to spirals of violence. China's extra-judicial internment camps in Xinjiang are the logical conclusions of the ethnocentric insecurity cycles analysed in this article.
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Demirović, Alex. "Gesellschaftskritik und Gerechtigkeit." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 47, no. 188 (2017): 389–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v47i188.68.
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Political parties and social movements activists refere to the notion of justice as founding principle of critism. Demirovi? argues that the norm of justice is not able to motivate criticism and action. The norm of justice plays an important role in professional moral philosophy as is the case in the approaches of Martha Nussbaum or John Rawls. The offer arguments for their claims to give people and states a moral perspective. But the claim of universality that is inherent in moral discourses, always fail. The implication is that people who expect moral philosophy to be an advising knowledge become disappointed and perplexed. This is confirmed by the outcome of empirical research on justice among workers. To explain the dilemma of justice – claiming for universality and being particularistic and part of historical state form – the article takes up arguments developed by Marx and Horkheimer on justice as an ideological form.
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Sharma, Ashwani, and Sanjay Sharma. "darkmatter: Racial Reconfigurations and Networked Knowledge Production." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 11, no. 2 (2013): 581–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v11i2.524.
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In the form of a discussion the founding editors of darkmatter journal reflect on the challenges of developing an online race project in the neoliberal context of knowledge production. The independent open access journal, operating at the borders of academia and cultural production, attempts to grasp the shifting contours of contemporary race and racism in a networked postcolonial world. Against the limitations of solely working within disciplines such as Postcolonial or Cultural Studies, darkmatter brings into dialogue a diverse range of conceptual frameworks to address the proliferation of race discourses. Interrogating and reworking the developments in digital publishing, the project constructs a space for the exploration and dissemination of race thinking and creating relations between different fields, sites and groups. The threats posed by the info-colonialism of corporate academic publishing are transversed through the evolution of darkmatter with its experiments in techno-cultural design and innovations in autonomous working practices.
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Sharma, Ashwani, and Sanjay Sharma. "darkmatter: Racial Reconfigurations and Networked Knowledge Production." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 11, no. 2 (2013): 581–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/vol11iss2pp581-588.
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In the form of a discussion the founding editors of darkmatter journal reflect on the challenges of developing an online race project in the neoliberal context of knowledge production. The independent open access journal, operating at the borders of academia and cultural production, attempts to grasp the shifting contours of contemporary race and racism in a networked postcolonial world. Against the limitations of solely working within disciplines such as Postcolonial or Cultural Studies, darkmatter brings into dialogue a diverse range of conceptual frameworks to address the proliferation of race discourses. Interrogating and reworking the developments in digital publishing, the project constructs a space for the exploration and dissemination of race thinking and creating relations between different fields, sites and groups. The threats posed by the info-colonialism of corporate academic publishing are transversed through the evolution of darkmatter with its experiments in techno-cultural design and innovations in autonomous working practices.
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Hale, F. "A Catholic voice against British imperialism: F C Kolbe's opposition to the Second Anglo-Boer War." Religion and Theology 4, no. 1-3 (1997): 94–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430197x00076.
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AbstractMany aspects of the remarkable career of the intellectually inclined Roman Catholic priest FC Kolbe of Cape Town have been documented, but little has been published about his opposition to British imperialism during the Second Anglo-Boer War. Particularly in his capacity as the founding editor of the South African Catholic Magazine he sought to influence popular opinion both before and after the eruption of hostilities in October 1899. The present article focuses on the expression of his position in that journal and compares Kolbe's stance with those taken by the editors of certain other religious periodicals and the secular press in the Cape. Also considered is Kolbe's involvement in the editing of Albert Cartwright's anti-war newspaper The South African News, especially his opposition to martial law. The secular reasons for Kolbe's objections to the war are evident; the theological, meta-ethical underpinnings are only obliquely implied in his discourses.
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Borschberg, Peter. "When was Melaka founded and was it known earlier by another name? Exploring the debate between Gabriel Ferrand and Gerret Pieter Rouffaer, 1918−21, and its long echo in historiography." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 51, no. 1-2 (2020): 175–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463420000168.
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A century ago, research on the Malay world was experiencing major breakthroughs on several fronts, but the greatest achievement at the time was without doubt George Coedès’ ‘rediscovery’, based on Asian sources, of a forgotten kingdom named Srivijaya. His book, published in 1918, saw a wave of publications follow in its wake. Sources were trawled in the hope of finding answers to unresolved issues and unidentified place names. Attention invariably also fell on Melaka. In a long article published by the French academic and diplomat Gabriel Ferrand in the same year, the question of Melaka's founding date came under the spotlight. What do the different surviving sources tell us? What about Gaspar Correia's claim that Melaka was a thriving port city for centuries before the arrival of the Portuguese? Was the city — just as in the case of Temasek (Singapore) — known by a different name in earlier times? Ferrand's publication provoked a response from the Dutch academic Gerret Pieter Rouffaer, director of the KITLV. What he planned to be a 20-odd page response to Ferrand swelled into a multifaceted argument running into hundreds of pages. The debate between Ferrand and Rouffaer that touched on Melaka and Temasek-Singapura's early history probably eluded most of their academic contemporaries who were not proficient in both Dutch and French, especially in the English-speaking world. The present article reconstructs the main points of this debate together with their echo in historiography. It makes a contribution to the ongoing discourses, especially in Malaysia, concerning the founding date of Melaka.
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Ranki, Andras. "Theories on socialist realism and socialist music culture in the 1960s in Hungary." Muzikologija, no. 26 (2019): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz1926125r.
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In the 1960s, the quantity of publications on aesthetics of music significantly increased in Hungary. The variability of the subjects, the approaches and the opinions are result of an explicit ideological reordering based on the consequently articulated politics of anti-Stalinism. By the mid-sixties the economic founding and sustainability of socialism and its optimized operation became the crucial problem for the power, hence the importance of natural and social sciences increased in the public discourses. The arts were no longer treated as mere illustrations of the political power and its intentions. I focus on the main contributions to aesthetics of music of the so-called creative Marxism written by three internationally acknowledged Hungarian scholars of this period: Jozsef Ujfalussy, Denes Zoltai and Janos Marothy. Selected texts are analized from theoretical points of view and interpreted in the context of the Hungarian cultural policy and the national and international career of their authors as well.
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Barbesino, Paolo, and Salvino A. Salvaggio. "How is a Sociology of sociological Knowledge possible?" Social Science Information 35, no. 2 (1996): 341–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/053901896035002010.
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By deconstructing Merton's distinction between the history and systematics of sociological thought, this paper aims first at uncoupling the process of legitimation of sociology as a scientific discipline from classical narratives commonly arranged around the “founding fathers”. Second, a constructivist approach to the history of sociology is deployed by dealing with issues of reflexivity. Drawing on the concept of autopoiesis, internal links are highlighted between the chance of persistence of a scientific domain and the conditions of its possibility. In line with Steve Woolgar, a reflexive Sociology of sociological Knowledge (SsK) is said to be possible by deconstructing the standard view of science, and its implementation within social sciences. This requires an integration of: (a) the post-structuralist concept of “discipline” as put forward by Michel Foucault; (b) postmodern theories prompting an understanding of cognitive differentiation of scientific discourses as a kind of “self-similarity” within a given episteme; and (c) Niklas Luhmann's systems theory focusing on the functional differentiation of science.
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Cotoi, Calin. "Cholera, Health for All, Nation-Building, and Racial Degeneration in Nineteenth-Century Romania." East Central Europe 43, no. 1-2 (2016): 161–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04302005.
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The emergence of social modernity in the Romanian principalities can be traced to the founding of quarantinist outposts against the last waves of plague and the first waves of cholera. The crisis of this sanitary arrangement opened the way for a series of failed but productive projects of modernization. The collective political body was imagined and created through the nationalization of the medical profession and the attempts to create a sanitary social body. The failure to connect urban and rural bodies inside a democratic all-embracing network opened up spaces for discourses questioning the identity of the collective body. Was there a “Romanian element”? What did that mean and was it degenerating? Demographic anti-Semitism and the first attempts to think of socioeconomic and sanitary failures in terms of racial degeneracy emerged from the fissures of the national sanitary system. Bacteriology was able to partially absorb these critiques and propose a larger interventionist project in the space opened by the old-style sanitary police.
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Messaoudi, Alain. "Au seuil de l’École de Tunis." Manazir Journal 2 (April 1, 2021): 82–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.36950/manazir.2020.2.6.
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On the occasion of the inauguration of the first gallery founded by artists in Tunis, the painters Moses Levy, Pierre Boucherle, Antonio Corpora and Jules Lellouche published in 1936 a manifesto affirming their autonomy, beyond mercantile logics and national assignments. However, a national reading of their works prevailed in the press, at that time. This article proposes to put this founding event of the « École de Tunis » into context, by reinscribing it in a century-old history. This past is marked by the presence of French and Italian artists between 1840 and 1880, by the failure of a policy of asserting a French artistic model with an aborted project for a French museum around 1890, and by the affirmation of an artistic life characterised since the 1910s by its pluralism and even its eclecticism. This article thus intends to contribute, through the example of pictorial production, to the historicisation of discourses on the plurality or cultural identity of Tunisia, which are still today objects of debate.
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Khosravi, Hamed. "CIAM Goes East: The Inception of Tehran’s Typical Housing Unit." Urban Planning 4, no. 3 (2019): 154–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v4i3.2172.
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The aftermath of WWII not only marked the beginning of a new geopolitical order but also once again brought discourses of architecture and planning back to the frontline of the confrontations between the West and the Soviet blocs. Although the immediate need for post-war reconstruction left almost no time for contextual theoretical development in architectural and planning principles, the “occupied” and “liberated” territories became laboratories in which the new concepts of urban form, domestic architecture, and forms of life were tested. During 1945–1967 Tehran became one these experimental grounds in which these planning principles were tested and implemented; a battleground where the socialist and the capitalist ideologies met. The key to this urban development project was an ideologically charged repercussion of the CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne) discourse, specifically on Existenzminimum (1929) and Rationelle Bebauungsweisen (1930). While the CIAM’s agenda had already found its way to Iran through one of its founding members, Gabriel Guevrekian, it became operative through the activities of the Association of Iranian Architects who were in charge of major housing developments in Tehran since 1945. Thus, CIAM guidelines were translated into building codes, regulations, and protocols that had the fundamental role in shaping the Middle East’s first modern metropolis. New housing models were developed and proposed by the Association of Iranian Architects that cut ties with the traditional typologies and proposed a radically new urban form, architecture, and forms of life. This project at large, of course, was not politically neutral. This article reviews the role of two protagonists in introducing and revisiting the CIAM discourse in shaping the post-war neighbourhoods and housing typologies in Tehran.
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Badir, Sémir. "Semiotics and Discourse Studies." Gragoatá 22, no. 44 (2017): 1049–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/gragoata.v22i44.33548.
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In this paper, I would like to discuss the contribution that post-structuralist semiotics has brought to the analysis of academic discourse. The semiotic model was developed initially for the analysis of tales and myths. It has been gradually extended to various forms of fiction (novels, short stories), and then, according to "a growing degree of complexity and abstraction", to all "forms of social production of meaning" (p. 5). This is the project stated in the first pages to a book entitled “Introduction to Discourse Analysis in Social Sciences” (A.J. Greimas & E. Landowski eds, 1979). The generalized extension is based on a typology of discourses that has been illustrated by specific analyses published in the 1980s (Bastide 1981, Bastide & Fabbri 1985, Landowski 1986, Bordron 1987). One may be considered that the research project led by Greimas and Landowski is thus located at the farthest point of development and initial application of the model and it is therefore a test for the narrative hypothesis. In doing so, the semiotic approach took the risk of being confronted with other models of analysis, such as they were elaborated in theoretical frameworks resulting from rhetoric (renewed in the 1950s by Chaim Perelman and his school ), pragmatics (cf Parret 1983 & 1987), sociology of knowledge (from the founding work of Berger & Luckmann 1966), or as they relate to other theoretical currents in the language sciences (in particular, In France, the Althusserian discourse analysis). For the discourse in social sciences, these models offer two advantages over that of semiotics: on the one hand, it seems that the theoretical postulates on which they are worked out are more directly in accord with this type of discourse; on the other hand, they can count on a solid tradition of studies to ensure the sustainability of the results. Nevertheless, the model of semiotic analysis is original and it has also an advantage: it is general. I will put forward the benefits of this generality. ---DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/gragoata.2017n44a1033
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Rajangam, Krupa. "Bridging Development and Heritage: Expert Gaze, Local Discourses, and Visual Aesthetic Crisis at Hampi World Heritage Site." Journal of South Asian Development 16, no. 1 (2021): 75–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09731741211007291.
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In this article, I explore the complex trajectory of two bridges that were proposed for construction across the River Tungabhadra in the early 1990s at locations that now fall within the boundary of Hampi, a UNESCO Cultural World Heritage Site (WHS) in India. The proposed bridges were considered improper forms of infrastructure development in the visual context of a WHS, and the site was placed on the World Heritage in Danger List in the late 1990s. Popular media framed the controversy as a ‘classic clash’ between heritage and development where conservation goals and developmental needs opposed one another. Heritage experts, agencies, and activists read the crisis as one of ‘heritage or development’, normatively typecasting residents north of the river as ‘uneducated, ignorant locals’ wanting development at the cost of heritage. However, drawing on ethnographic fieldwork and archival material covering nearly three decades, I demonstrate that residents wanted the bridges not as physical infrastructure towards some obscure development goals, but as the means to link their overlooked contributions to the founding of the Vijayanagara Empire, the capital region and its contemporary remaking as a WHS. In this instance, the binary opposition lay in the ‘expert gaze’, not in local discourses. It was experts, rather than ‘local people’, who saw conservation and development as inherently opposed to each other. I explicate how various views on what constitutes heritage and development intersect with each other, and suggest that dissonance need not be the inevitable result but may be built into the gaze of expertise.
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MENON, NANDAGOPAL R. "Communal Harmony as Governmentality: Reciprocity, peace-keeping, state legitimacy, and citizenship in contemporary India." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 2 (2014): 393–429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000109.
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AbstractDebates about secularism in post-independence India have often revolved around the visions of two of the country's founding fathers—M. K. Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru. A sharp distinction is drawn between them by those who argue that the Gandhian model (or, what in common parlance and state discourses is called communal harmony) stems from Indian cultural and religious values, and lies beyond the realm of the state. The Nehruvian model, however, is a state project through and through. This article transcends this dichotomy to show that the association of Nehru and Gandhi with these models does not necessarily mean that secularism and communal harmony faithfully reflect their ideas and, despite the differences in their aims and methods, both models are united in the discourses and practices of the state as strategies of ‘governmentality’. After redefining the core of communal harmony as reciprocity (rather than tolerance), I show how it is performed, how it supplements the state's efforts to keep the peace in a religiously plural society by the force of law, and shores up the state's legitimacy deficit. However, the state's simultaneous involvement in Nehruvian and Gandhian projects is not an innocuous fact because it undermines the state's constitutional and secular obligations to non-discriminatory citizenship in the Indian nation. The argument is that the state's endorsement ofdargah-centred Islamic piety as an exemplary site of communal harmony and particular ideas of the Indian nation legitimized by communal harmony ‘problematizes’ the national belonging of certain kinds of pious Muslims.
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Svenungsson, Jayne. "Christianity and Crisis." Eco-ethica 8 (2019): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ecoethica202042917.
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This article examines how European narratives of crisis have been related to religion in different periods by different factions and with varying purposes. It first takes a look at some tendencies in the pre- and interwar era, during which religion was used both as part of a conservative, nationalistic narrative of crisis and as part of a progressive anti-nationalistic narrative of crisis. Secondly, it revisits some of the post-war debates, in which religion—or the biblical legacy—was commonly depicted as the root of the ideological perversions that had caused Europe’s recent crises. Yet at the same time, religion was also laid claim to as a constructive force in the building of post-war Europe, not least by the founding fathers of the European Union. Thirdly, the paper seeks to map the contemporary European landscape with regard to religion in various political and cultural discourses. Like in previous eras, religion is today laid claim to for various and often conflicting purposes. Against this backdrop, the paper ends by briefly pondering the critical role of theology in contemporary Europe.
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Neuburger, Mary. "Difference Unveiled: Bulgarian National Imperatives and the Re-dressing of Muslim Women, 1878-1989." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 1 (1997): 169–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408495.
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Recent scholarship has poignantly argued that the founding of modern “Western” nation-states is to a large degree a product of their drawn out colonial encounters with “the East.” It is convincingly argued that “the West” constructed its own self-assured, national and supra-national identities in the process of “discovering” and “inventing” the exotic yet inferior “East.” Furthermore, a diverse body of scholarship has delineated the central role of discourses on gender and sexuality in the development of Western societies and, in particular, nation-states. If the image of “pious mother” became key to Western national self-images, it was the counter-image of the women of the harem—veiled, oppressed, and mysterious—that typified representations of Eastern barbarism. Furthermore, Western economic and political penetration of its colonies was to a large degree justified by the “gendering” of the “irrational Orient” versus the “rational Occident.” The “liberation” of Islamic women from their “oppression” as typified by the veil became central to Western “civilizing” missions, which had far-reaching echoes on the frontiers of European society.
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Huard, Samuel. "Decolonizing the convent: Transnationality, North–South domination and sisterhood among the Sisters of Our Lady of the Holy Rosary." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 49, no. 4 (2020): 564–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429820916157.
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Transnational congregations are ambiguous and complex social spaces as they are both divided (notably around the North–South axis) and united (around a same charism, a same founding figure). This article seeks to understand how sisters from Quebec and Central America belonging to the same transnational congregation construct their interpersonal relations, given that they live in a social field marked by both North–South domination and religious sisterhood. Based on two months of fieldwork within the congregation at the Order’s mother house in Quebec and at some of its mission houses in Honduras, it explores this issue through a brief presentation of the history of the congregation and an analysis of the discourses of the sisters interviewed. It concludes that the intra-congregational relationships are rooted in the continuous negotiation between the verticality of North–South domination and the horizontality of sisterhood. In the present context of vocational decline, the congregation faces two options: to decolonize or to remain trapped in contradictions that could stop it from adapting to its new reality.
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Trémon, Anne-Christine. "Local capitalism and neoliberalization in a Shenzhen former lineage village." Focaal 2015, no. 71 (2015): 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2015.710107.
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This article examines the process of neoliberalization in the Shenzhen special economic zone in Guangdong Province, China. Building on the case study of a former peasant and almost single-lineage village that has become a part of the city of Shenzhen, I show how neoliberal principles aimed at advancing the transition to capitalism are combined with and countered by other ethical traditions. Owing to the long-standing conception of the lineage as an enterprise, the maintenance of the lineage structure in the transformation of the rural collectives has offered fertile ground for the emergence of a local capitalist coalition. Yet the current discourses on the necessity of obliterating the remains of the collective economy and introducing individual ownership run counter to the collectivist values of the lineage village community and the embeddedness of its economy in kinship and territorial ties. I further illustrate this discordance by the way in which the villagers managed to save their founding ancestor's grave site following government requests to clear the land by removing tombs. These policies form a complex blend of state interventions in the economy, neoliberal governance, and Confucian principles.
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Pasty-Abdul Wahid, Marianne. "Bloodthirsty, or Not, That Is the Question: An Ethnography-Based Discussion of Bhadrakāḷi’s Use of Violence in Popular Worship, Ritual Performing Arts and Narratives in Central Kerala (South India)1". Religions 11, № 4 (2020): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11040170.
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Violence is a characteristic that has somewhat become definitional for the Hindu goddess Kālī. But looking at it through the lens of folk narrative and the popular, devotion-infused and highly personalised opinions of her devotees shows that not only the understanding, but also the acceptance of this violence and the connected anger and bloodthirst that are usually attached to it, as well as the feelings of fear and danger that arise from them on the devotees’ end, are subjects open to discussion. This article, at the juncture between anthropology, performance, and Hindu studies, analyses and compares discourses about her Malayali counterpart, Bhadrakāḷi, drawing simultaneously on various versions of her founding myth of Dārikavadham (‘The Slaying of Dārikan’), ritual routines of her temples in Central Kerala as well as ritual performing arts that are conducted in some of them. The concluding discussion of her alleged thirst for blood and identification of the ’real‘ addressee of blood offerings made to her particularly illustrates how far the negotiation of Bhadrakāḷi’s use of violence and her very definition as violent goddess reaches deep into the worshipper/deity relationship that lies at the heart of popular worship.
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Fontanille, Jacques. "Praxis and enunciation: Greimas, heir of Saussure." Sign Systems Studies 45, no. 1/2 (2017): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sss.2017.45.1-2.04.
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Enunciative praxis was defined as comprising all the operations that produce, through assuming the system of narrative deep structures, semiotic configurations sufficiently stabilized to be available for other uses. The practice of enunciation implies an operations chain, organized in collective time, and a capacity for creation and renewal in meaning figures production, under the constraint of cultural conditions.This conception of enunciation is not an invention of Greimassian semiotics in general. It is present already in Saussure, when he describes signs praxis and life of languages. The founding moment of his reasoning is the substitution of substance by action: the sign is not an abstraction obtained by discretization of the substance, the sign is a “class of executions”, a praxeological class.The Greimassian enunciative praxis can be defined as all acts by which discourses are convoked, selected, handled and invented by each particular enunciation. This conception strengthens the relationship with Saussure’s speaking mass, since the praxis in question belongs to no one, and it is not even assignable to a precise linguistic community.Finally, we may propose to analyse enunciation praxis as a sequence of reflection and exploration, which mediates between primary experience and the semiotic object.
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Amara, Ahmad. "Civilizational Exceptions: Ottoman Law and Governance in Late Ottoman Palestine." Law and History Review 36, no. 4 (2018): 915–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248018000342.
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AbstractThis article examines the Ottoman extension of rule and jurisdiction to the Beersheba frontier of southern Palestine. As part of itsTanzimatreform policies, the Ottoman administration founded the new town and sub-district of Beersheba in 1900, and sought to implement a legal reform. Deviating from the formal law that requires the founding of a civil-nizamiye court, the Ottoman instituted a form of legal exception and authorized the local administrative council to sit as a judicial forum and for its Bedouin Shaykh members to serve as judges. Studies of Ottoman Beersheba have typically focused on Bedouin autonomy and tribal law. The few studies that discussed the judicial order, have mistakenly assumed the Ottoman institution of a “tribal court,” and its persistence thereafter. Interestingly, what began as a simple grant of legal exception, justified by civilizational discourses of ignorance and savagery, grew into a judicial complexity. Very soon jurisdictional tensions arose, integrating questions across various webs of legal orders, jurisdictions, and political networks that shaped the reform in Beersheba and beyond. In following various legal disputes from Beersheba to Gaza, Jerusalem, and Istanbul, the article challenges some of the prevailing research categories, dichotomies, and approaches in the study of Ottoman legal history and tribal societies, including the concept of ‘legal pluralism.’
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Velasco, Alejandro. "“A Weapon as Powerful as the Vote”: Urban Protest and Electoral Politics in Venezuela, 1978–1983." Hispanic American Historical Review 90, no. 4 (2010): 661–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2010-045.
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Abstract Scholarship on Venezuela has long cast the first decades after the founding of democracy in 1958 as a period of popular passivity, when citizen demands were effectively channeled through elections and state institutions before these broke down in the late 1980s. This article complicates such a reading and considers the role that street protest played in expanding the meaning of democracy among urban popular sectors to include a more dynamic interplay of institutional and extrainstitutional, legal and illegal protest. It focuses on a weeks-long hijacking of public service vehicles in the early 1980s by residents of Venezuela’s largest urban housing project, the 23 de Enero in downtown Caracas. Coupling archival data and oral history interviews, the article reconstructs the protest and its context to show how residents balanced a formerly contradictory experience of electoral support for the democratic regime on one hand and violent antiestablishment opposition on the other to mobilize the state around their demands. In particular it considers how residents seized on new discourses of accountability and participation emanating from political elites to lend their protest legitimacy, showing that the process to recalibrate Venezuelan democracy involved greater interaction between popular and elite-level actors than hitherto recognized.
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Poole, Ralph. ""Huck Finn at King Arthur's Court"." JAAAS: Journal of the Austrian Association for American Studies 1, no. 1 (2020): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.47060/jaaas.v1i1.70.
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F. O. Matthiessen was a key player in an event which took place at Schloss Leopoldskron in Salzburg in the summer of 1947 and which launched the legendary Salzburg Seminar and may be considered the birth of American studies in Europe. Matthiessen's reflections on this remarkable session, From the Heart of Europe, remains outstanding in its conjuring of a humanist vision amidst ruins. This travelogue, his last major—if largely forgotten—work published shortly before his suicide, has been variously reassessed as an elegiac document of his tragic failure, as a politically deluded scholar, and as a groundbreaking foray into sketching out a radically alternate transnational understanding of American studies avant la lettre. These highly diverging perspectives on Matthiessen's final book, in particular, and on the professional and personal troubles during his last years, more generally, account for the lasting myth-making fascination with Matthiessen, which has left its mark not only on academic discourses ranging from socialist criticism to queer theory but may also be found in the novels of May Sarton (Faithful Are the Wounds) and Mark Merlis (American Studies). Hence, this article reflects on Matthiessen's impact on the 1947 seminar and traces the legacy of this controversial founding father of American studies.
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Hatem, Mervat. "What do women want? A critical mapping of future directions for Arab Feminisms." Contemporary Arab Affairs 6, no. 1 (2013): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.756631.
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This paper was the Keynote Address to the conference organized by the Lebanese Women Researchers in October 2009 whose theme was ‘Arab Feminism: A Critical Perspective’. The conference held in Beirut, Lebanon, was attended by many scholars and activists interested in Arab feminism. It offered a critical overview of the literature, discourses and the agendas used to explore and analyse the history of Arab feminism available in Arabic and in English, the two languages with which the author is familiar. A conscious effort was made to be inclusive by making reference to as many of the works and authors available in this field as possible to shed light on the lessons to be learned from the gender struggles in different Arab states. Intellectually, the paper critically examined the founding myths of the modern history of Arab women, especially the role that men played in it, as well as the contributions that modernization and nationalism made to their roles and rights. It also addressed how the state emerged as an important agent in the definition of, response to and the appropriation of the agendas of women following decolonization. Finally, it assessed the rise of political Islam and how it contributed to new discursive and political divisions among middle-class women whose activism was historically identified with the development of Arab feminism.
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Shen, Huijia. "A Study on the Readability of the English Versions of Chinese Red Tourism Based on Readers’ Response." Journal of Practical Studies in Education 2, no. 3 (2021): 5–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.46809/jpse.v2i3.23.
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The year 2021 is the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China. With the rapid development of red tourism in China, the importance of red publicity translation has become increasingly prominent. How to evaluate the readability of red publicity translation has gradually become a hot issue. Taking the English versions of Museum of the War of Chinese People’s Resistance against Japanese Aggression, Jinggangshan Revolution Museum, Chongqing Hongyan Revolution History Museum and Nanhu Revolution Memorial Museum as examples, this article collects 16 target language readers’ feedbacks on the red tourism publicity translations through questionnaire and interview. The results show that the readability of the translation is influenced by many factors such as the quality of the text, the length of the text and the background of the readers. Due to the lack of understanding of the target language and text functions, there are various problems in the translation of words, sentences and discourses. Studies show that the emphasis of the importance of target language readers in quality assessment of red tourism publicity texts may effectively prevent researchers from substituting their own subjective judgments for readers’ feedback, thus; it is important to provide a more readable publicity text. This article attempts to improve the readability of red publicity translation, so as to better promote Chinese red tourism and spread Chinese red culture.
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Isaac, Jeffrey C. "Nature and Politics." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 2 (2013): 363–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713001023.
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The broad theme of “nature and politics” has been ubiquitous at least since Aristotle's Politics, the fourth century BCE text often considered the founding work of political science. Long before “political science” took the distinct disciplinary and institutional forms with which we are familiar, the effort to understand the sources and the range of political experience was typically linked to reflection on nature—the nature of politics, the nature of human beings, the nature of existence, and the nature of “nature” itself. In contemporary, post-World War II political science in the United States, much of this reflection about nature has until recently been linked to the work of Leo Strauss and his followers, who saw themselves as heirs to a philosophical discourse at odds with modern social science. At the same time, serious consideration of nature as a theme of political science never disappeared and in recent decades has dramatically expanded. (And of course interpretations of the science of nature, i.e., “science,” have been at the center of political science, especially since the advent of behavioralism.) One source of this expansion of interest in nature has no doubt been the growing politicization of “the environment” and heightened attention to the natural world as both the setting in which human interaction takes place and the object of extraordinary human transformation and degradation. Another source has been the politicization of identities—race, gender, sexuality—that had long been considered natural and whose contestation raised anew questions about “human nature” and its limits, variations, and transformations. A third source has clearly been the technological and theoretical development of “the natural sciences” themselves, and the growth of new discourses—evolutionary psychology, behavioral economics, neuroscience—that raise new questions about the complex relationships between the non-human dimensions of nature—physics, chemistry, biology and especially neurobiology—and human individuals and the social worlds that human individuals inhabit.
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Capper, Charles. "EDITORIAL NOTE." Modern Intellectual History 10, no. 3 (2013): 515–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244313000292.
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Before Tony La Vopa had joined Nick Phillipson and me in founding Modern Intellectual History in 2004, Tony had successfully traveled in the spiral spirit of Vico's philosophy of history. Born in the Bronx to a Catholic Italian-American father and Irish-American mother, educated at the Jesuit Boston College and later at Cornell University, Tony launched his scholarly career as an intellectually inflected social historian with his book Grace, Talent, and Merit: Poor Students, Clerical Careers, and Professional Ideology in Eighteenth-Century Germany (Cambridge UP, 1988). Then, while much of the historical profession was abandoning social history for the seemingly more capacious field of cultural history, he deepened further his strongly intellectual and social history approach in his Mosse Prize-winning rendering of the identity and career of a single poor but tremendously ambitious young philosopher. In Fichte: The Self and the Calling of Philosophy, 1762–1799 (Cambridge UP, 2001), he embedded his striving scholar in a thick web of political and religious discourses, which Fichte tried both to penetrate and transcend through his rigorously soaring philosophy of the Transcendental “I.” Currently, Tony is completing a manuscript titled Manly Thoughts. The Labor of the Mind and the Specter of Effeminacy in Enlightenment Cultures. Promising to offer a fascinating further extension of his socio-intellectual method, the book will serve as a timely capstone of his career as one of the Enlightenment's preeminent historians working today.
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Mellors, Sarah. "Less Reproduction, More Production: Birth Control in the Early People’s Republic of China, 1949–1958." East Asian Science, Technology and Society 13, no. 3 (2019): 367–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/18752160-7755346.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract In the early People’s Republic of China (PRC), Communist officials initially placed strict constraints on birth control use, encouraging high fertility rates. However, in an effort to enhance agricultural and industrial productivity, such restrictions were gradually repealed and by the 1970s, aggressive promotion of family planning had become the norm. Drawing on both archival and oral history, this article considers the lived experience of birth control use from the founding of the People’s Republic until 1958, a period that is often overlooked in studies of reproduction and contraception in modern China, but that had important implications for later trends. Despite claims that discussion of sexuality was suppressed in the PRC and an early ban on certain publications related to sexual hygiene, a considerable amount of literature on sex and birth control was published in major cities in the 1950s. Narratives on sex and birth control in women’s magazines and sex handbooks, however, varied widely and access to birth control and surgeries, such as abortions and sterilizations, differed dramatically according to location, class, and education level. This essay probes the circumstances under which women or couples practiced birth control while demonstrating the diversity of contraceptive discourses and practices in the early People’s Republic. Though underexplored, the early years of the PRC remain critical to histories of reproduction in China because many of the gender dynamics, socioeconomic pressures, and cultural preferences that informed contraceptive practices in the 1950s continued to do so for decades to come.