Academic literature on the topic 'Fox Quesada, Vicente'

<p>El 27 de junio del 2000, el entonces candidato a la presidencia de la República de la coalición "Alianza por el Cambio", Vicente Fox Quesada, suscribió los "20 Compromisos para la Libertad y la Democracia Sindical, para el Cumplimiento de los Derechos Individuales y Colectivos y para la Agenda Laboral y el Programa de Gobierno".</p>

El presente trabajo revisa la reforma de 2001 sobre derechos y cultura indígena emprendida en México por el Gobierno de Vicente Fox Quesada. A tales efectos se utiliza el Convenio 169 de la OIT como punto de vista comparativo para analizar los avances y retrocesos que implicaron las modificaciones constitucionales realizadas, y se distribuye el análisis en los cuatro ejes de mayor relevancia: el carácter pluricultural de la nación mexicana, la configuración del régimen de propiedad sobre la tierra, el derecho a la libre determinación y el reconocimiento del derecho consuetudinario indígena. La reforma fue limitada y condicionada por las deficiencias estructurales que impiden la efectiva acogida de las garantías indígenas en el Estado mexicano

La creación de universidades interculturales en el país, durante el sexenio del presidente de la república, Vicente Fox Quesada, coordinadas por la Mtra. Sylvia Schmelkes, abrió de nuevo el debate sobre la educación diferenciada para los pueblos indígenas mexicanos. Discusión de largo aliento, pero que ponía el dedo en la llaga sobre la tan traída y llevada incorporación de los indígenas a la nación, pero ahora a través de instituciones universitarias que apelan a una educación intercultural de difícil definición, por supuesto, para hacer de los saberes locales un piso sólido y universal de crecimiento de un sector de la población mexicana; un reconocimiento de prácticas que trascienden la construcción occidental del proyecto educativo.

Durante el gobierno de Vicente Fox Quesada se implementó una política pública orientada al desarrollo de la agricultura protegida, en el marco de la estrategia para aumentar la competitividad del sector agrícola que es fuente de divisas y para complementar a las economías norteamericana y canadiense en el abasto de hortalizas y plantas de ornato. Creció la superficie, el número de estructuras y la producción a partir de entonces, pero en el gobierno de Andrés Manuel López Obrador, los productores agrícolas empresariales perdieron poder para dirigir la política en beneficio de sus intereses, como consecuencia de cambios en la correlación de fuerzas. El objetivo de este trabajo fue analizar cómo fue desaparecida dicha política durante el año 2020, con base en una perspectiva crítica del conflicto entre los grupos sociales por avanzar sus asuntos y bloquear los proyectos de sus rivales. El estudio se apoya en textos sobre producción e información de posturas de asociaciones de productores y del gobierno. Los resultados son una finalización de los apoyos a la producción y comercialización de la agricultura protegida.

The Date 2 July 2000 Represented A True Watershed In Mexican politics. For the first time in post-revolutionary Mexico an opposition candidate won the presidential elections. Since 1988, opposition parties on the left and right have slowly eroded the stranglehold on electoral politics of the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (the PRI), which has been in power since 1929. Vicente Fox Quesada's victory heralds the end of an era; or does it? A dominant theme in analyses of Mexican politics over the past twenty years has been the tension between continuity and change. In this article I argue that Fox's victory is an important, indeed essential, component of Mexico's slow democratization process; but it does not represent democracy in itself. There are three areas where the longer-term outcome of these elections will be measured: first there is the willingness of Fox to carry out further necessary reforms, particularly in the areas of judicial and fiscal reform. To date he has signalled that these will be important policies of his administration but we must wait for the results. Secondly, even where he is willing to deepen democratic reforms, one must ask to what extent will he be able to do so, both in terms of generating enough support within his own party and in overcoming resistance from the PRI, which still controls significant resources and retains a majority in the senate. And thirdly, it must be noted that Fox displayed some worrying tendencies towards populism in his presidential campaign which serve as a sobering reminder that his own democratic practices may be questionable.

A partir de 1988 se comienza a hablar de México de la transición a la democracia. Es más, hay una corriente muy importante de politólogos, llamados los "transitólogos", para quienes esta transición a la democracia se consolida en el año 2000, con el triunfo electoral de Vicente Fox Quesada en las elecciones presidenciales Nuestra hipótesis es que en el procesos político de los últimos años se va construyendo no la transición a la democracia, sino la alternancia política acompañada de una democracia electoral.

La autora analiza los cambios surgidos en las relaciones bilaterales de México con Cuba y los Estados Unidos de América, a la luz de los principios normativos de la política exterior mexicana previstos en la fracción X del artículo 89 de la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos. Lo anterior, a partir de la toma de posesión del presidente Vicente Fox Quesada, sobre todo, en lo relativo al acercamiento y posterior distanciamiento con el presidente estadounidense George Bush y a las tensas relaciones con el mandatario cubano Fidel Castro Ruz.

El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar las premisas teóricas y metodológicas del Programa de la Cruzada Nacional por la Calidad de los Servicios de Salud, que de manera explícita se formulan y de manera implícita se identifican en el propio discurso y las acciones de evaluación y monitoreo de la calidad en los servicios públicos de salud realizadas inicialmente. Este programa forma parte de los implementados durante lo que ha corrido del sexenio 2000-2006, del presidente Vicente Fox Quesada. El análisis se realiza desde el marco teórico de Michel Foucault, particularmente en lo concerniente a la construcción y uso del discurso y del poder en las instituciones.

En el artículo se analizan las políticas instrumentadas en los gobiernos de Vicente Fox Quesada y de Felipe Calderón Hinojosa para la ampliación de la oferta pública de educación superior en los niveles de técnico superior universitario y licenciatura, así como las variaciones de la cobertura que se observaron en las entidades federativas y su desigualdad. Se revisan las estrategias compartidas en ambos sexenios para la creación de instituciones con orientación tecnológica (universidades tecnológicas, universidades politécnicas e institutos tecnológicos), bajo arreglos políticos federalistas, que si bien impulsaron la desconcentración territorial de la oferta, plantean interrogantes sobre la solidez de los procesos de planeación para la expansión del sistema de educación superior con una visión de largo plazo. Se concluye con la identificación de algunos desafíos que se presentan al inicio del gobierno de Enrique Peña Nieto.

El autollamado “gobierno del cambio” iniciado en el año 2000, con el triunfo del Partido Acción Nacional (pan) en la Presidencia de la República, sentó las bases del proceso de reactivación de la industria azucarera en México. Primero con el Decreto Presidencial de expropiación de 27 ingenios azucareros en el año 2001 y un plan de rescate de dicha industria propuesto por el presidente Vicente Fox Quesada. Segundo, con el establecimiento de un Acuerdo de Modernización de la Industria Azucarera signado en el año 2007 entre la Cámara Nacional de Industria Azucarera y Alcoholera, el Sindicato de Nacional Azucarero de filiación cetemista y el entonces titular del poder ejecutivo, Felipe Calderón Hinojosa, también de extracción panista. Desde la mirada y el discurso de obreros y líderes sindicales, en este artículo se analiza el proceso mediante el cual, durante esta docena de años del pan en el poder ejecutivo, se fijaron nuevas reglas en la industria azucarera para la regulación de las relaciones obrero-patronales, tendientes a la flexibilización laboral, la pérdida del control obrero sobre el proceso de producción, la cancelación de cláusulas contractuales y, en suma, la precarización del trabajo obrero azucarero, así como también el manejo patrimonialista y obscuro de dicha industria.

En este trabajo se analiza el discurso de los programas de la administración pública federal del sexenio del Dr. Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de león al sexenio del Lic. Vicente Fox Quesada. Al trabajo le guían las siguientes interrogantes ¿en base a la Nueva Gestión Pública, qué cambios operaron en los programas de la Administración Pública? ¿Fueron de forma o de fondo, en que consistieron? ¿O solo existe continuidad entre ambos sexenios?

Le développement démocratique engendre-t-il un changement dans la politique étrangère du Mexique ?La politique étrangère « traditionnelle » mexicaine est réputée pour être passive, légaliste et nationaliste, telle la définie le Parti Révolutionnaire Institutionnel au début du XXème siècle, jusqu’à la fin des années 1990. Depuis cette date, la politique étrangère mexicaine est en pleine transition sous l’effet d’un nouvel ordre mondial et du processus de démocratisation interne.En 2000, l’élection du président Fox jouit d’une légitimité internationale qui lui permet de renouveler la politique extérieure en se focalisant sur la défense des droits de l’Homme et de la démocratie. Ce changement diplomatique marque une rupture politique avec le régime précédent.Par le biais de la révision du ALENA, il cherche d’une part, à approfondir l’intégration avec les États-Unis avec la négociation d’un accord migratoire, et d’autre part, à développer une activité multilatérale, en particulier au sein des forums de l’ONU. Cette politique vise à réduire la dépendance du Mexique vis-à-vis des États-Unis en intensifiant sa présence multilatérale. Cet objectif sera néanmoins fortement perturbé par des éléments internes, comme l’inertie bureaucratique, et externes, avec les attentats terroristes du 11 septembre.Cette recherche s’appuie sur la littérature politiste spécialisée sur la politique étrangère mexicaine.Elle critique les analyses qui s’attachent exclusivement à démontrer le manque d’habilité et les erreurs diplomatiques de l’administration Fox. La thèse soutient au contraire, que ces changement sont permis de mettre sur l’agenda politique des dossiers fondamentaux comme la politique migratoire, les droits de l’Homme et la coopération pour le développement
Has Mexican foreign policy changed with the advent of the new democratic rule in Mexico?Traditional Mexican Foreign Policy, known as passive, reactive, legalistic, and nationalistic, was installed by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) from the start of the 20th century to the late90s. Since that date, Mexican foreign policy faces a double transformation dynamic: the external,with the establishment of a new world order; and the internal, with the Mexican democratization process.2000 elections, depicted as a transparent process, gave president Vicente Fox sufficient international legitimacy to modify foreign policy agenda, introducing the protection of human rights and democratic values. These changes produce a political rupture with the previous regimeand triggered a change in the foreign policy behaviour.The new foreign policy program includes a complementary strategy: first, widen the regional integration within the United States, by the revision of the NAFTA, with a negotiation of amigration agreement; second, deploying a strong multilateral activity (mainly United Nationsforums). This stratagem seeks to reduce Mexico’s U.S. dependence, by intensifying its multilateral presence. But, internal and external causalities, inertial bureaucratic practices and the effects of September 11 reversed this policy.This research is based on political literature specialized in Mexican foreign policy. It critically analyzes the classic approach that focus exclusively on the lack of diplomatic skill and blunders of Fox’s administration. This thesis argues instead that these changes have helped set the politicalagenda of fundamental issues as migration policy, human rights and development cooperation
¿Hubo cambio en la política exterior de México con la llegada de la democracia?La política exterior “tradicional” de México, conocida como pasiva, legalista y nacionalista,instalada a inicios del siglo XX por el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) se enfrenta, en los años noventa, a un doble contexto de transición: el externo, ante la influencia de un nuevo orden mundial; y el interno, con el proceso de democratización. La elección del 2000, considerada un proceso electoral transparente y equitativo, le otorga algobierno de Fox una legitimidad internacional que le permite proponer una agenda de política exterior “nueva”, centrada en la protección de los derechos humanos y la democracia. Esto representa una ruptura política con respecto al régimen anterior y un signo de cambio en el comportamiento hacia el exterior.El nuevo programa de política exterior incluye una estrategia complementaria: primero, profundizar la integración con Estados Unidos, mediante la revisión del TLCAN, con la negociación de un acuerdo migratorio; y segundo, una actividad multilateral, particularmente en los foros de la ONU. Esta política busca reducir la dependencia de Estados Unidos, intensificando su presencia multilateral. Este objetivo es revertido a causa de factores tanto de causalidad interna como externa,como las inercias burocráticas y los efectos de los atentados del 11 de septiembre.Esta investigación se basa en la literatura especializada sobre la política exterior mexicana, y criticalos análisis enfocados exclusivamente en la falta de habilidad y los errores diplomáticos de la administración Fox. Esta tesis sostiene lo contrario, que estos cambios permitieron meter en la agenda política temas fundamentales como la política migratoria, los derechos humanos y la cooperación para el desarrollo

Ce travail de recherche s'intéresse à deux thèmes principaux: la mise en place du modèle néolibéral dans la politique mexicaine et la telenovela El Candidato, diffusée en parallèle à la campagne présidentielle de 2000, où Vicente Fox, du PAN, a mis fin à 71 ans de domination du PRI. L'axe politique met au jour des indices d'un arrangement entre les dirigeants du PAN et les cercles des deux derniers présidents issus du PRl, arrangement ensuite consacré par les urnes. L'élection de Fox a révélé la soif de changement social. Dans le panorama politico-électoral, ce politicien s'est imposé comme le candidat non pas d'un parti politique mais d'une idéologie dominante; bien qu'appartenant à un parti d'opposition, il était le seul candidat à pouvoir assurer la continuité du système. Son mandat présidentiel en atteste car, au lieu d'une rupture, il a représenté la pérennité du modèle qu'il prétendait remplacer. Le rôle joué par la telenovela El Candidato en faveur de Fox est totalement inconnu. Des spécialistes en sciences sociales ont fourni des explications assez logiques et plutôt traditionnelles mais, jusqu'à maintenant, personne n'a démontré scientifiquement le rôle du cerveau, des récits culturels, des émotions et de cette telenovela dans ce processus électoral. Avec des exemples provenant de séquences d'El Candidato, nous tentons de démontrer comment cette fiction a construit des configurations cognitives incitant les téléspectateurs/électeurs potentiels à voter pour Fox plutôt que pour un autre candidat. Notre thèse met en évidence la source commune d'une campagne présidentielle et d'une telenovela, source qui se trouve dans le blending des récits culturels et des émotions
This dissertation focuses on two main themes: the implementation of the neo-liberal system in Mexican politics and the telenovela El Candidato, broadcasted during the presidential campaign of 2000 in which Vicente Fox, of the PAN, ended 71 years of domination of the PRI. The political axis reveals indications of an agreement between the PAN leaders and the last two PRl presidents' close circles, an agreement then validated at the poIls. The election of Vicente Fox revealed the desire for social change. In the 2000 electoral political panorama, Vicente Fox established himself as a candidate, not from a political party but of dominant ideology. Although he represented the opposition, he was the only candidate able to ensure the continuity of the system. His presidential mandate proved that, instead of breaking away from the model that he c1aimed he would replace, he represented the continuity of it. The role that the telenovela El Candidato played in favor of Fox is completely unknown. Social science scholars have provided logical and traditional explanations, however until now, no one has scientifically shown the role of the brain, of cultural narratives, of emotions and of the telenovela in this electoral process. Using examples from El Candidato sequences, this research attempts to show how fiction constructed cognitive configurations that encouraged its audience/voters to vote for Vicente Fox rather than for another candidate. The dissertation underlines the common source of a presidential election and of a telenovela, a source found in the blending of cultural narratives and emotions

碩士
靜宜大學
西班牙語文學系
106
After Mexico’s governance of the Revolutionary Institution (PRI) Party for 71 years, the Mexican National Action Party (PAN) had as President Fox, who was pursuing the slogan of liberal economics, trying to reverse Mexico’s political system and economic conditions. For the people, the Harvard Business School graduate symbolized a hope of democracy without dictatorship or opposition. The people expected him to bring a new beginning for Mexico by overturning Mexico’s dictatorship history. However, the long-term dictatorship had been constrained by Mexico’s political system, and the majority of the posisitions of parliament were still occupied by the Revolutionary Institutional Party (PRI) as opposed to the National Action Party (PAN), which significantly reduced the possibilities of President Fox implementing reforms. Fox advocated major reform as a campaign slogan. In terms of political reforms, he advocated safeguarding the legal system and decentralization; in terms of social reforms, he promised to increase employment opportunities, develop education, and reduce the number of people living in poverty. In terms of the economy, he would control inflation and raise the economic growth rate. In terms of promoting relations with the United States, it advocates the promotion of the integration of North American trade zones and actively addresses immigration issues. In the first chapter of this document, in addition to discussing President Fox’s campaign promises, I will also discuss the major political and social reforms proposed by President Fox during the period of his administration, and analyze what he did to the people through historical comparisons; whether his promises were consistent with the final result. The second chapter begins with the discussion of Mexico's economic policy governance under the leadership of Fox's regime, as well as the economic ups and downs, finally result in economic changes. The last chapter focuses on Mexico’s diplomatic efforts. It particularly discusses the relationship between the United States and Mexico, helping to understand the development and changes that occurred in the US-Mexico relations during this period.

This three-paper dissertation aims to contribute to the study of the Mexican presidency, in particular, to the understanding of the origins and use of presidential polling, its role in the policy activity of the president, and the dynamics of presidential approval between 1989 and 2011. The dissertation draws upon the presidential polling, opinion-policy and approval research done in the United States. The first paper explores a topic that has not received much attention in Mexico, the origins and use of the presidential polling unit (PPU). The second paper focuses on presidential approval in Mexico, and the third analyzes, yet another understudied topic, the relationship between government spending (used as proxy for policy) and public opinion (collected by the PPU). The first paper relies on crosstabulations, text analysis, wordclouds and cluster analysis. Additionally, to offer an insider's view, I conducted a series of interviews to seven presidential staffers during the administrations of Presidents Carlos Salinas de Gortari (Dec/1988-Nov/1994), Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León (Dec/1994-Nov/2000), and Vicente Fox Quezada (Dec/2000-Nov/2006). The second and third papers made use of vector autoregression models to account for feedback effects among the spending and opinion variables, controlling, at the same time, for a possible `backwards' process in the opinion variables. The main assumption is that the variables are connected: all variables depend and/or explain each other.The first paper entitled "Origins and Use of Presidential Polling in Mexico" addresses the questions of what caused the creation of a government office dedicated to gauge public opinion, what poll information the presidents collected, and how it was used. I will argue that the institutionalization of public opinion within the presidency responded to the dynamics of the political system, in particular, to the changes in the electoral system and the outcome of the presidential election of 1988. The election of 1988 changed Mexico's electoral map and reconfigured the party loyalties against the ruling party PRI. Aware of this new political context, President Salinas used polling not only to study the political behavior of the Mexican voters but also as an alternative to verify electoral results. In fact, the first mandate of the presidential polling unit was to track political preferences. Eventually the use of public opinion polls expanded to other issues and became part of the presidential policy toolkit. As Jacobs and Shapiro (1995) pointed out in the case of the Kennedy administration, the Mexican presidency had now an office with "routinized procedures" to research and collect public opinion data. To identify the type of polling information collected by the presidents, in addition to interviews to presidential staffers, I applied text analysis on titles of all presidential polls conducted between 1989 and 2006. While all presidents collected opinion data on their approval ratings and customized their polling operations according to their own policy agenda, there were some overall differences. President Salinas centered his field polling operations around policy, and his phone polls for elections and presidential image. President Zedillo used field polls mostly for electoral issues and phone polls for image and communications. President Fox focused the field polls for government evaluation and customer satisfaction, and his phone polls for image and evaluation of political figures. How public opinion information was used remains an open chapter. All presidential insiders mentioned that information from public opinion polls was not specifically used to design policy but rather to test it, and to see what worked and what did not work. Polling was used to find ways to convince the public of the benefits of the presidential policies and actions. From this analysis, the conclusion is similar to what Jacobs (1992) argued in his paper on recoil effect. The presidents did use polling to try to move public opinion to their side, but also polling was used to understand what was in the mind of the public. Eventually, these efforts, I believe, made a significant contribution to the development of political public opinion and, most importantly, to the development of democratic values among the political elites.The second paper entitled "Presidential Approval in Mexico" looks at the factors that influence presidential approval using as reference research done in the United States and Mexico. I am looking for evidence that presidential approval in Mexico depends on factors directly connected to policy outcomes (Erikson, MacKuen and Stimson 2002). The risk of manipulation is at the center of this connection. The president may create the illusion of meeting the public's expectations (Kernel 1997) and/or opinion elites may misled the public against the president (MacKuen, Erikson and Stimson 1992). The argument here is that as long as presidential popularity is rooted in objective measures related to policy or economic outcomes, approval may actually be a reliable indicator of citizen's response to government actions and, therefore, a reliable measure of the president's political capital. Thus, the research question is whether approval depends on objective measures of the economy (and the overall situation of the country) or relies on the public's perceptions about the current conditions of the country. Furthermore, are those perceptions retrospective or prospective? Do they rely on what has been done or what is expected to be done? The findings presented in this paper confirm the expectations that the popularity of the Mexican president depends mostly on how the economy is doing and how the president deals with current salient issues like public safety (Buendia 1996; Gómez-Vilchis 2012). At the level of perceptions, prospective evaluations of personal well-being have a positive impact on approval but only among the richer segments of the population. It is important to notice that these perceptions are strongly influenced by the unemployment rates. The overall conclusion is that presidential approval in Mexico is rooted in macroeconomic, salient and subjective measures that are also connected to the dynamics of leading economic indicators. Presidential approval in Mexico depends, so far, on the president's capacity to solve problems.The third paper entitled "Government spending and public opinion in Mexico" explores the relationship between policy and public opinion. While this paper draws upon the opinion-policy research done in the United States, it departs from the policy preference approach to a perspective centered on policy outcomes. The main opinion variables included in the models refer to retrospective and prospective evaluations of personal well-being. These are generic and, in the question wording, do not refer to any issue in particular. One of the goals is to find whether these opinion variables are directly connected to trends in leading economic indicators (like growth of GDP percapita, unemployment, inflation). If such connection exists, then they may represent citizen's responses to current state of affairs of which the president and the government in general are perceived as responsible. This is, the opinion variables can be taken as responding to policy outcomes. The main underlying logic follows the Mood and Thermostatic models suggested by Erikson, MacKuen and Stimson (2002) and Soroka and Welzien (2010) respectively. If people started to feel that things are getting worse, then I would expect the government to increase spending, for example to stimulate the economy. Conversely, if people feel things are getting better, then I would expect the president to scale back on spending. The models show feedback in the economic but not in the public safety models (this is, the reciprocal effect between opinion and spending). In the models where economic spending is the contemporaneous outcome variable, positive prospective evaluations of personal well-being and perceptions that the economy is the most important problem (MIP) facing the nation show significant effects on spending. In the case of spending on public safety, negative prospective evaluation of personal well-being and the perceptions that public safety is the most important problem in the country play a significant role (but there is no feedback). An important finding is that the public attentiveness to economic issues (MIP) does explain a significant portion of the variance in spending on the economy. Regarding the impact of opinions by socioeconomic status, there is not enough evidence to conclude that the President listens more to a particular segment of the population. The results, however, seem to indicate a marginal difference in favor of the public with lower income and education levels. Overall, the findings presented here show a connection between presidential spending activity and public opinion. This suggests some responsiveness towards public opinion. Regardless of their own personal agendas, presidents have worked to improve the conditions of the citizens and responded to their perceptions of the general situation of the country. The fact that most of the population is still poor combined with the fact that polling is here to stay (along with the new impact of social media), has forced politicians to be responsive to the needs and wants of the public. As long as the public remains connected to its economic reality and pay attention to their immediate environment, any attempt of manipulation will not last long. The Mexican public is wise and, repeatedly in electoral processes, it has demonstrated strong and reasonable political culture. Mexican politicians are catching up with the public and this is a good thing. However, as democracy consolidates in Mexico, it may be possible to see the nature of responsiveness changing as the influence of traditional political elites fades and other forms of influence start taking over. Mexico is still in a democratic honeymoon.