Relevant bibliographies by topics / Fragmentation partisane

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Fragmentation partisane'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 10 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Fragmentation partisane"

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Gruszczynski, Mike. "Evidence of Partisan Agenda Fragmentation in the American Public, 1959–2015." Public Opinion Quarterly 83, no. 4 (2019): 749–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfz046.

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Abstract This research examines the extent to which partisan agenda fragmentation is occurring within the American public. Though numerous scholars of public opinion and political communication have warned of the deleterious effects of agenda fragmentation, to this point such fragmentation has been demonstrated only across a small number of issues over short periods of time. This research is the first to utilize both a large set of issues and a long time frame to assess the state of partisan agendas from 1959 to 2015 through the use of individual-level Gallup’s “Most Important Problem” polls.
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Kearney, Michael Wayne. "Analyzing change in network polarization." New Media & Society 21, no. 6 (2019): 1380–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444818822813.

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The growing influence of social media in an era of media fragmentation has amplified concerns of political polarization. Yet relatively few studies have analyzed polarization in user networks over time. This study therefore examines change in network polarization on Twitter during a highly contested general election. Using Twitter’s REST API, user networks of 3000 randomly selected followers of well-known partisan and entertainment-oriented accounts were recorded 17 times in the 7 months leading up to the 2016 general election. Results suggest that partisan users form highly partisan networks
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Smith, Michael G., and Johannes Urpelainen. "Windows of opportunity: legislative fragmentation conditions the effect of partisanship on product market deregulation." Journal of Public Policy 36, no. 1 (2015): 51–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x14000300.

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AbstractPrevious research on deregulation in industrialised countries emphasises differences between left-wing and right-wing parties, but data on product market regulation (PMR) indicate that these differences have been modest. If partisan preferences on the merits of deregulation differ sharply, why such modest differences? We argue that partisan differences only become pronounced when the government is strong and rules a relatively unified legislature. Thus, legislative fragmentation should reduce the left-right difference in PMR. We test this theory against PMR data in 29 industrialised co
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Atuire, Caesar Alimsinya. "Pursuing nation building within multi-partisan fragmentation: the case of Ghana." National Identities 22, no. 5 (2019): 533–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2019.1694498.

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Garrett, R. Kelly, and Paul Resnick. "Resisting Political Fragmentation on the Internet." Daedalus 140, no. 4 (2011): 108–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00118.

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Must the Internet promote political fragmentation? Although this is a possible outcome of personalized online news, we argue that other futures are possible and that thoughtful design could promote more socially desirable behavior. Research has shown that individuals crave opinion reinforcement more than they avoid exposure to diverse viewpoints and that, in many situations, hearing the other side is desirable. We suggest that, equipped with this knowledge, software designers ought to create tools that encourage and facilitate consumption of diverse news streams, making users, and society, bet
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Murillo, María Victoria. "Recovering Political Dynamics: Teachers' Unions and the Decentralization of Education in Argentina and Mexico." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 41, no. 1 (1999): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166226.

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This article compares union-government relations in Mexico and Argentina when education was decentralized in the early 1990s. The Mexican union accepted decentralization after obtaining concessions from the government that placated its opposition; but the Argentine teachers’ unions militantly resisted the reforms, only to see government officials ignore their demands. These cases illustrate the significance of partisan identities, union fragmentation, and leadership competition in the interaction of public sector unions and government officials.
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KLUS, MARTIN, and MARCEL MARTINKOVIČ. "THE FRAGMENTATION OF POLITICAL REPRESENTATION AT MUNICIPAL LEVEL IN SLOVAK REPUBLIC IN PERIOD 2002 - 2018." AD ALTA: 09/02 9, no. 2 (2019): 193–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.33543/0902193198.

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Presented study sheds light on the developments of political representation at municipal level and tries to identify the sources of its fragmentation. These sources are vested in electoral laws, in development of national party system and in public distrust towards partisan candidates including changes in decision-making dynamics of the electorate. All mentioned factors shape the popular preference to support independent candidates in achieving municipal offices. This phenomenon gained on intensity between 2002 and 2018. The trend of ever-increasing support for civic and non-partisan candidate
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Bakiu, Qashif, and Ylber Sela. "The Fragmentation of the Ethnic Segments in Plural Societies –the Macedonian Case." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 4, no. 1 (2015): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v4i1.p67-74.

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In cases where different parts of society live in geographical proximity, but in social aspect separated, the appearance of segmentation is one of the characteristics. Establishing the segments is done mainly on the ethnic grounds, but there are religious, linguistic, and racial based cases as well. Such a social phenomenon is present in Macedonia, wherein this phenomenon is more reflected in the relation between two major communities, the Macedonian and Albanian communities. If merely on social indicators researched so far, we can conclude that the ethnic communities are fragmented to a very
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Wehner, Joachim. "Institutional Constraints on Profligate Politicians: The Conditional Effect of Partisan Fragmentation on Budget Deficits." Comparative Political Studies 43, no. 2 (2009): 208–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414009347828.

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Zhang, Yini, Josephine Lukito, Min-Hsin Su, et al. "Assembling the Networks and Audiences of Disinformation: How Successful Russian IRA Twitter Accounts Built Their Followings, 2015–2017." Journal of Communication 71, no. 2 (2021): 305–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/joc/jqaa042.

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Abstract This study investigates how successful Russian Internet Research Agency (IRA) Twitter accounts constructed the followings that were central to their disinformation campaigns around the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Treating an account’s social media following as both an ego network and an audience critical for information diffusion and influence accrual, we situate IRA Twitter accounts’ accumulation of followers in the ideologically polarized, attention driven, and asymmetric political communication system. Results show that partisan enclaves on Twitter contributed to IRA accounts’
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Fragmentation partisane"

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Kostovska, Tanja. "Les partis politiques en Macédoine d’après 1990 : du monopartisme idéologique au pluralisme politique." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011BOR40006.

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Les partis politiques macédoniens ont été relativement peu étudiés. Les problèmes de la construction du nouvel Etat, à la fois dans un environnement difficile et quant à l’intégration de l’importante minorité albanaise, ont éclipsé ceux du nouveau système politique. L’attention portée à l’ingénierie constitutionnelle y a contribué. Pourtant, les partis sont au cœur de la démocratie pluraliste.En dehors de la problématique commune de la formation des partis politiques dans les transitions post-communistes, le cas macédonien présente des originalités par le rôle des racines historiques pour les
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Dostálová, Kristýna. "On the demand and supply of local public goods : a quasi-experimental approach." Thesis, Rennes 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019REN1G003.

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L'objectif de cette thèse de doctorat est d'étudier l'adéquation entre l'offre de biens publics locaux et la demande des citoyens. D'un point de vue théorique, les modèles analysant la demande de service public, tel le modèle de l'électeur médian ou l'hypothèse de Meltzer et Richard, démontrent que les caractéristiques de l'électorat ainsi que ses préférences sont les principaux déterminants des choix publics. Les modèles analysant l'offre de service public concluent au contraire que c'est la composition du gouvernement (nombre de partis, idéologie des élus) qui joue un rôle décisif. Cette rec
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Rebello, Maurício Michel. "Partidos e governos nas sombras : clareza de responsabilidade, responsabilização eleitoral e sistema partidário no Brasil." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/90166.

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O Brasil possui uma característica incomum entre as democracias, seu altíssimo número de partidos políticos. Em sentido clássico, muitos partidos poderiam significar várias clivagens sociais. Na teoria, uma ampla participação partidária na arena política favoreceria uma democracia mais consensual, mais benevolente. Por outro lado, elevado número de atores partidários inibiria a clareza de responsabilidade de quem é governo, dificultando, com isso, a responsabilização eleitoral. Utilizando-se de dados eleitorais, como o índice de volatilidade eleitoral, o índice de coerência partidária e o índi
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Books on the topic "Fragmentation partisane"

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Kenny, Paul D. Broker Autonomy and the End of Indian National Congress Party Dominance. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198807872.003.0005.

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This chapter examines how India’s patronage-based system became unstable, connecting the increase in broker autonomy that followed Nehru’s death in 1964 to a shift in partisan control away from the Congress at the subnational level. The increase in broker autonomy following Nehru’s death was subtle but highly significant. With the separation of the dual government and party authority that had allowed Nehru to arbitrate between competing factions at the state level, Congress factions could compete more openly and prosper as distinct parties, resulting in the fragmentation of the patronage netwo
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Johansen, Bruce, and Adebowale Akande, eds. Nationalism: Past as Prologue. Nova Science Publishers, Inc., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52305/aief3847.

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Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living t
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Book chapters on the topic "Fragmentation partisane"

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Chiche, Jean, Florence Haegel, and Vincent Tiberj. "Chapitre 7. La fragmentation partisane." In La démocratie à l'épreuve. Presses de Sciences Po, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/scpo.grunb.2002.01.0203.

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Fieldhouse, Edward, Jane Green, Geoffrey Evans, et al. "The Rise of the Volatile Voter." In Electoral Shocks. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198800583.003.0004.

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In this chapter we show how the twin processes of partisan dealignment and party system fragmentation have underpinned the increase in electoral volatility. Fragmentation creates volatility because smaller parties consistently lose a much higher proportion of their voters between elections than the major parties. Partisan dealignment matters because there is a strong and consistent relationship between a voter’s level of partisanship and the likelihood of them switching parties at the next election. While this accounts for a substantial proportion of the trend in volatility, it is less clear why partisan identification has itself declined. We show a clear pattern of generational replacement in partisan identification, with newer cohorts entering with lower levels of partisanship and remaining relatively stable over time.
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"The suppression of the adolescent partisan movement – Partisan losses, the fragmentation of units and forced withdrawal to Soviet lines." In The War Behind the Eastern Front. Routledge, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203499559-19.

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Guerra, Lillian. "El Último Aldabonazo: Fulgencio Batista’s “Revolution” and Renewed Struggle for a Democratic Cuba, 1952–1953." In Heroes, Martyrs, and Political Messiahs in Revolutionary Cuba, 1946-1958. Yale University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300175530.003.0003.

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This chapter shows that partisan fragmentation characterized Cuba's political scene in the years after Chibás's death. Foremost among its causes was General Batista's unexpected seizure of power on March 10, 1952. With the near full support of Cuba's armed forces, Batista's coup led to the subsequent cancellation of the election that, by all accounts, the Ortodoxos would have won by a landslide. Indeed, Eddy Chibás's final public words were a prophecy: “el último aldabonazo” turned out to be the blow to democracy that the coup represented. Batista's actions quickly became a wake-up call to fight for what generations had longed for and believed in: a different, better, socially just, and more egalitarian Cuba.
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Hutcheson, Derek S. "The party system." In Parliamentary Elections in Russia. British Academy, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197266281.003.0004.

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It is contended in this chapter that Russia’s post-Soviet party system has gone through three phases – fragmentation (1993–c.2002), consolidation (2002–2009) and cartelisation (c.2009 onwards). The Yeltsin era witnessed the prevalence of many independent candidates and the proliferation of minor parties without any societal or institutional roots. One of Putin’s key aims on coming to power was to change that. Since the mid-2000s, the political system has been dominated by United Russia, the ‘party of power’ set up with Putin’s sponsorship. It has served as a partisan front for the executive, at the same time as acting as a ‘clearing house’ for the resolution of intra-elite conflict and resource distribution. Alongside it, three other parliamentary parties survived by acting alongside UR in a cartel-like arrangement. These four parties have continued to dominate the party system even after recent liberalisation of the rules on party registration. Many of the numerous new parties established before the 2016 election fizzled out and proved largely insignificant.
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Laurent, Annie. "Chapitre 6 - Des effets de l'inversion du calendrier électoral sur la fragmentation du système partisan français (1967-2012)." In Institutions, élections, opinion. Presses de Sciences Po, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/scpo.deloy.2014.01.0119.

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Plough, Alonzo L. "Conclusion." In Culture of Health in Practice. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190071400.003.0018.

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This concluding chapter looks at the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation’s (RWJF) renewed resolve to highlight connections, rather than differences, when it talks about common problems, and to take evidence-based action grounded in that shared understanding. Despite an abundance of political rhetoric, this book has shown that there is ample enthusiasm for doing just that. A cross-sectional movement to address climate change is on the rise, bringing together businesses, hospitals, and activists. The opioid epidemic and its intersections with rural health and mass incarceration are gaining attention across partisan divides. Medical systems are integrating the social determinants of health into their care interventions, and novel payer initiatives are making it feasible to pilot test and evaluate innovation. Resilience also has come to the forefront as people learn more about the risks associated with childhood trauma, weather-related and human-spawned disasters, and community fragmentation, as well as the protective factors that can counter those stressors and foster personal and collective renewal. Ultimately, the pursuit of health equity remains the underpinning of everything the RWJF does. As they explore further the cultural aspect of a Culture of Health, they are bolstering their commitment to empower historically marginalized people.
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Winter, Lieven De, and Patrick Dumont. "Belgium: From Highly Constrained and Complex Bargaining Settings to Paralysis?" In Coalition Governance in Western Europe. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198868484.003.0004.

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While Belgium undoubtedly had the most complex coalition bargaining system in Western Europe during the period 1946–1999, it has become much more difficult for parties to form federal governments ever since. Contrary to a number of European countries, government formation complexity did not peak due the emergence of brand-new parties, nor of any new cleavage. Rather, in Belgium the main ingredients pre-existed: party system fragmentation—which was already high since unitary parties had split along linguistic lines—skyrocketed as the mainstream parties around which post-war coalitions were formed further declined in size, confronting some (in)formateurs with up to ten coalitionable parties. Their task has been further complicated by the growing saliency and Flemish radicalization of the community cleavage which led to the rise of the independentist N-VA, whose positions remain unacceptable for any French-speaking party. As a result, Belgium has often been left without a fully empowered government, the partisan composition of coalitions broke away from previous patterns, and the coalition compromise model, which was already solidly entrenched in the consociational norms and practices since the 1960s, was further elaborated. Coalition partners keep tabs on each other through compromise mechanisms and policy-monitoring devices such as long and detailed coalition agreements, the enhanced role of the inner cabinet composed of the PM and the vice-PMs of each coalition party, and strictly enforced coalition discipline in legislative matters. But, given the increasingly unbridgeable divides between Flemish- and French-speaking parties, the deadlock observed could well lead to the demise of Belgium.
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