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1

Gruszczynski, Mike. "Evidence of Partisan Agenda Fragmentation in the American Public, 1959–2015." Public Opinion Quarterly 83, no. 4 (2019): 749–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfz046.

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Abstract This research examines the extent to which partisan agenda fragmentation is occurring within the American public. Though numerous scholars of public opinion and political communication have warned of the deleterious effects of agenda fragmentation, to this point such fragmentation has been demonstrated only across a small number of issues over short periods of time. This research is the first to utilize both a large set of issues and a long time frame to assess the state of partisan agendas from 1959 to 2015 through the use of individual-level Gallup’s “Most Important Problem” polls.
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Kearney, Michael Wayne. "Analyzing change in network polarization." New Media & Society 21, no. 6 (2019): 1380–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444818822813.

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The growing influence of social media in an era of media fragmentation has amplified concerns of political polarization. Yet relatively few studies have analyzed polarization in user networks over time. This study therefore examines change in network polarization on Twitter during a highly contested general election. Using Twitter’s REST API, user networks of 3000 randomly selected followers of well-known partisan and entertainment-oriented accounts were recorded 17 times in the 7 months leading up to the 2016 general election. Results suggest that partisan users form highly partisan networks
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Smith, Michael G., and Johannes Urpelainen. "Windows of opportunity: legislative fragmentation conditions the effect of partisanship on product market deregulation." Journal of Public Policy 36, no. 1 (2015): 51–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x14000300.

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AbstractPrevious research on deregulation in industrialised countries emphasises differences between left-wing and right-wing parties, but data on product market regulation (PMR) indicate that these differences have been modest. If partisan preferences on the merits of deregulation differ sharply, why such modest differences? We argue that partisan differences only become pronounced when the government is strong and rules a relatively unified legislature. Thus, legislative fragmentation should reduce the left-right difference in PMR. We test this theory against PMR data in 29 industrialised co
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Atuire, Caesar Alimsinya. "Pursuing nation building within multi-partisan fragmentation: the case of Ghana." National Identities 22, no. 5 (2019): 533–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2019.1694498.

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5

Garrett, R. Kelly, and Paul Resnick. "Resisting Political Fragmentation on the Internet." Daedalus 140, no. 4 (2011): 108–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00118.

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Must the Internet promote political fragmentation? Although this is a possible outcome of personalized online news, we argue that other futures are possible and that thoughtful design could promote more socially desirable behavior. Research has shown that individuals crave opinion reinforcement more than they avoid exposure to diverse viewpoints and that, in many situations, hearing the other side is desirable. We suggest that, equipped with this knowledge, software designers ought to create tools that encourage and facilitate consumption of diverse news streams, making users, and society, bet
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Murillo, María Victoria. "Recovering Political Dynamics: Teachers' Unions and the Decentralization of Education in Argentina and Mexico." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 41, no. 1 (1999): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166226.

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This article compares union-government relations in Mexico and Argentina when education was decentralized in the early 1990s. The Mexican union accepted decentralization after obtaining concessions from the government that placated its opposition; but the Argentine teachers’ unions militantly resisted the reforms, only to see government officials ignore their demands. These cases illustrate the significance of partisan identities, union fragmentation, and leadership competition in the interaction of public sector unions and government officials.
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KLUS, MARTIN, and MARCEL MARTINKOVIČ. "THE FRAGMENTATION OF POLITICAL REPRESENTATION AT MUNICIPAL LEVEL IN SLOVAK REPUBLIC IN PERIOD 2002 - 2018." AD ALTA: 09/02 9, no. 2 (2019): 193–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.33543/0902193198.

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Presented study sheds light on the developments of political representation at municipal level and tries to identify the sources of its fragmentation. These sources are vested in electoral laws, in development of national party system and in public distrust towards partisan candidates including changes in decision-making dynamics of the electorate. All mentioned factors shape the popular preference to support independent candidates in achieving municipal offices. This phenomenon gained on intensity between 2002 and 2018. The trend of ever-increasing support for civic and non-partisan candidate
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Bakiu, Qashif, and Ylber Sela. "The Fragmentation of the Ethnic Segments in Plural Societies –the Macedonian Case." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 4, no. 1 (2015): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v4i1.p67-74.

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In cases where different parts of society live in geographical proximity, but in social aspect separated, the appearance of segmentation is one of the characteristics. Establishing the segments is done mainly on the ethnic grounds, but there are religious, linguistic, and racial based cases as well. Such a social phenomenon is present in Macedonia, wherein this phenomenon is more reflected in the relation between two major communities, the Macedonian and Albanian communities. If merely on social indicators researched so far, we can conclude that the ethnic communities are fragmented to a very
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9

Wehner, Joachim. "Institutional Constraints on Profligate Politicians: The Conditional Effect of Partisan Fragmentation on Budget Deficits." Comparative Political Studies 43, no. 2 (2009): 208–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414009347828.

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10

Zhang, Yini, Josephine Lukito, Min-Hsin Su, et al. "Assembling the Networks and Audiences of Disinformation: How Successful Russian IRA Twitter Accounts Built Their Followings, 2015–2017." Journal of Communication 71, no. 2 (2021): 305–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/joc/jqaa042.

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Abstract This study investigates how successful Russian Internet Research Agency (IRA) Twitter accounts constructed the followings that were central to their disinformation campaigns around the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Treating an account’s social media following as both an ego network and an audience critical for information diffusion and influence accrual, we situate IRA Twitter accounts’ accumulation of followers in the ideologically polarized, attention driven, and asymmetric political communication system. Results show that partisan enclaves on Twitter contributed to IRA accounts’
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Yadav, Stacey Philbrick. "Fragmentation, Disintegration, and Resurgence: Assessing the Islamist Field in Yemen." Middle East Law and Governance 12, no. 1 (2020): 14–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01201004.

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The well-developed literature on Islamist politics has tended to focus on partisan and welfare institutions within the context of existing states. Civil war raises important questions about whether and how the relevance of such institutions changes when the state itself fragments. This article seeks to understand Islamism in Yemen as a kind of post-organizational political field. At a theoretical scale, Yemen’s civil war and the transformation of the country’s Islamist politics offers lessons about the fixity of categorical distinctions within and across forms of Islamist activity. This articl
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Clark, G. L., and K. Johnston. "The Geography of US Union Elections 2: Performance of the United Auto Workers Union and the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers Union, 1970–82." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 19, no. 2 (1987): 153–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a190153.

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This paper is an extension of previous work on the geography of US union elections. It is largely an exercise in description. The issue here concerns the electoral performance of two unions, the United Auto Workers union and the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers union, over the period 1970–82. Relevant descriptive variables include location, scale, sector, state right-to-work legislation, and local economic variables. Two arguments are advanced. First, there are parallels between the electoral performance of US unions, and the partisan political process. Forces of electoral fragm
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Daguerre, Anne, and Tim Conlan. "Federalism in a Time of Coronavirus: The Trump Administration, Intergovernmental Relations, and the Fraying Social Compact." State and Local Government Review 52, no. 4 (2020): 287–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160323x21990881.

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This article examines Trump administration social welfare policies in order to better understand their implications for American federalism and the evolving welfare state. We focus particularly on the use of waivers and other administrative tools to promote work requirements and benefit restrictions in the two largest means tested spending programs: Medicaid and SNAP. These policies are accelerating the fragmentation of America’s welfare state and continued movement toward variable speed, “fend for yourself” federalism. This hyper-partisan, polarized, variegated model of federalism is resultin
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Greer, Scott L., and Phillip M. Singer. "The United States confronts Ebola: suasion, executive action and fragmentation." Health Economics, Policy and Law 12, no. 1 (2016): 81–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744133116000244.

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AbstractThe United States’ experience with the Ebola virus in 2014 provides a window into US public health politics. First, the United States provided a case study in the role of suasion and executive action in the management of public health in a fragmented multi-level system. The variable capacity of different parts of the United States to respond to Ebola on the level of hospitals or state governments, and their different approaches, show the limitations of federal influence, the importance of knowledge and executive energy, and the diversity of both powerful actors and sources of power. Se
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González, Lucas. "Electoral Competition and Social Spending in the Argentine Provinces." Journal of Politics in Latin America 9, no. 1 (2017): 91–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1700900104.

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What is the effect of political competition on subnational social spending? Using descriptive statistics and regression models for original budget panel data for the 24 Argentine provinces between 1993 and 2009, the study finds that social spending increases the more electorally secure governors are and the longer they have been in office. It also finds that other arguments in the literature are relevant in explaining variations on types of spending, such as partisan fragmentation in the districts. The article discusses these findings for the Argentine provinces and explores their implications
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Terman, Rochelle, and Zoltán I. Búzás. "A House Divided: Norm Fragmentation in the International Human Rights Regime." International Studies Quarterly 65, no. 2 (2021): 488–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqab019.

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Abstract Although human rights are widely endorsed in the abstract, significant variation exists in the degree to which different states endorse different rights. To what extent is the international human rights community divided? This research note examines fragmentation in the international human rights regime using an inductive, data-driven approach. We trace states’ normative positions as they are expressed in the Universal Periodic Review (UPR), a UN mechanism where states “peer review” one another's human rights practices. We analyze over 56,000 recommendations from the first two cycles
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Rodden, Jonathan, and Erik Wibbels. "Beyond the Fiction of Federalism: Macroeconomic Management in Multitiered Systems." World Politics 54, no. 4 (2002): 494–531. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2002.0016.

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Recent research on federalism is extremely divided. While some tout the benefits of “market-preserving” federalism, others point to the fragmentation and incoherence of policy in federal states. This research bridges the divide by analyzing the political andfiscalstructures that are likely to account for the highly divergent economic experiences of federal systems around die world. To test these propositions, the authors use an original data set to conduct analyses of budget balance and inflation infifteenfederationsaround the world from 1978 through 1996. The empirical research suggests that
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18

De la Higuera-Molina, Emilio, Ana María Plata-Díaz, José L. Zafra-Gómez, and Cristina Campos-Alba. "A Dynamic Model for Analysing Partisan Political Corruption in Local Government: the Spanish Experience." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 18, no. 1 (2020): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/18.1.1-33(2020).

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Partisan political corruption behaviour has not been properly examined in the academic literature. Accordingly, the main aim of this paper is to determine the nature of the relationship between corruption and political ideology, doing so via a novel dynamic partisan approach which will enable us to measure the influence of the passage of time on the likelihood of the existence of political corruption and to determine whether this likelihood is stronger or weaker in progressive vs. conservative governments. This approach will also allow us to determine the influence of the different explanatory
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19

Grogan, Colleen M., Clifford S. Bersamira, Phillip M. Singer, et al. "Are Policy Strategies for Addressing the Opioid Epidemic Partisan? A View from the States." Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 45, no. 2 (2019): 277–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03616878-8004886.

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Abstract Context: In contrast to the Affordable Care Act, some have suggested the opioid epidemic represents an area of bipartisanship. This raises an important question: to what extent are Democrat-led and Republican-led states different or similar in their policy responses to the opioid epidemic? Methods: Three main methodological approaches were used to assess state-level policy responses to the opioid epidemic: a legislative analysis across all 50 states, an online survey of 50 state Medicaid agencies, and in-depth case studies with policy stakeholders in five states. Findings: Conservativ
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20

Teampău, Radu. "Theatre Performance in Postmodernism." Theatrical Colloquia 8, no. 1 (2018): 187–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/tco-2018-0001.

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Abstract The present paper aims to investigate, in brief, the controversial relationship between postmodernism and modernism; to outline, synthetically, the specific procedures of conceiving theatre performance in postmodernity; to analyze the performance narrative that, in postmodern era, reveals the indicible and the existential fragmentation. The research is carried out taking into consideration the end of postmodernism which was announced since the middle of the first decade of the 21st century. At the same time, besides the attempt to observe the phenomenon in its theatrical implications,
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21

Martínez, Christopher A. "Presidential survival in South America: Rethinking the role of democracy." International Political Science Review 38, no. 1 (2016): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512115604904.

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Since 1979, one in every six South American presidents has failed to complete his constitutional term. These ‘presidential failures’ occur when elected presidents are forced out of office but without compromising the democratic order. This article seeks to discover the factors that underlie presidential failures through a survival analysis of 65 South American presidencies between 1979 and 2012. We argue that ‘democratic stock’, assessed by taking a historical perspective on democracy, significantly affects presidential survival, a finding which has not been observed in previous studies. It is
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22

Viera Berriel, Acaymo, and Diego Mo Groba. "Los efectos de la campaña electoral de las elecciones generales de 2015 y 2016 en el voto / The effects of the election campaign of the general elections of 2015 and 2016 in the vote." MARCO (Márketing y Comunicación Política) 4 (September 20, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15304/marco.4.4972.

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Las elecciones generales de 2015 suponen una ruptura del sistema bipartidista español. Dos fuerzas políticas emergentes, Podemos y Ciudadanos, irrumpieron en el sistema de partidos. En este trabajo se aborda un análisis sobre la influencia de las campañas electorales de las elecciones generales de 2015 y 2016 en el voto, considerando un escenario de alta fragmentación partidista. Se buscará, además, delimitar los factores explicativos de los efectos de la campaña electoral en el voto.The general elections of 2015 represent a rupture of the bipartisan system that prevailed until that moment.
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23

BARTHO, JONATHAN. "Reagan’s Southern Comfort: The “Boll Weevil” Democrats in the “Reagan Revolution” of 1981." Journal of Policy History 32, no. 2 (2020): 214–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030620000044.

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Abstract:In 1981, around fifty conservative southern Democrats in the House of Representatives, the so-called Boll Weevils, played a crucial role in the enactment of President Ronald Reagan’s economic agenda. The significance of this episode has thus far been underappreciated. This article illustrates the importance of the Boll Weevils’ support to the early success of Reagan’s presidency, as well its implications for both the South’s political landscape and for the national Republican Party.Though short-lived, this coalition would prove to be a significant rupture in the Democratic Party’s sup
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Davis, Diane E. "Undermining the Rule of Law: Democratization and the Dark Side of Police Reform in Mexico." Latin American Politics and Society 48, no. 1 (2006): 55–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2006.tb00338.x.

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AbstractThis article asks whether democratization, under certain historical conditions, may relate to the deteriorating rule of law. Focusing on Mexico City, where police corruption is significant, this study argues that the institutionalized legacies of police power inherited from Mexico's one-party system have severely constrained its newly democratic state's efforts to reform the police. Mexico's democratic transition has created an environment of partisan competition that, combined with decentralization of the state and fragmentation of its coercive and administrative apparatus, exacerbate
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Borges, André. "The Illusion of Electoral Stability: From Party System Erosion to Right-Wing Populism in Brazil." Journal of Politics in Latin America 13, no. 2 (2021): 166–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x211005164.

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Although comparative research has relied heavily on electoral volatility as a proxy for party system institutionalisation (PSI), this measure cannot account for the patterns of interparty interactions that are key to determine the degree of party system stability. I develop a new measure – the party bloc volatility (PBV) index – to account for consistency in the ideological positions and in the partisan composition of the government and opposition blocs. I demonstrate the limitations of the index of electoral volatility by analysing the case of Brazil. Although electoral volatility substantial
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Steppat, Desiree, Laia Castro Herrero, and Frank Esser. "News Media Performance Evaluated by National Audiences: How Media Environments and User Preferences Matter." Media and Communication 8, no. 3 (2020): 321–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v8i3.3091.

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Media fragmentation and polarization have contributed to blurring the lines between professional and non-professional journalism. Internationally, more fragmented-polarized media environments are often associated with the emergence of non-professional news providers, the weakening of journalistic standards, and the segmentation of audiences along ideological leanings. Furthermore, these environments are home to partisan and alternative news media outlets, some of which try to actively undermine the credibility of traditional mainstream media in their reporting. By following an audience-centric
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Carlitz, Ruth D. "Who gets what – and how efficiently? Assessing the spatial allocation of public goods." Research & Politics 6, no. 3 (2019): 205316801987935. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168019879355.

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Governments frequently face distributive pressures that can lead them to allocate resources along partisan or ethnic lines. Such patterns of distribution can run counter to welfare maximization. It is therefore important to incorporate distributional concerns into the measurement of government performance. This paper outlines a method for doing so, adapting standard techniques for measuring government efficiency. The proposed method’s utility is demonstrated with data from Tanzanian local governments. The application illustrates how failing to take distributional concerns into account can bias
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28

Decker, Frank, and Jared Sonnicksen. "Coalitions and Camps in the German Party System after the 2009 Bundestag Election." German Politics and Society 28, no. 3 (2010): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280306.

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The recent Bundestag election in Germany warrants consideration for a number of reasons, not the least of which is that the results are indicative of several trends developing since unification and that will continue to play an important, if not ever increasing role in German politics. These developments include the intensifying fragmentation of the German party system and German voters' growing electoral volatility, both of which are hampering the parties' ability to form government coalitions. In the following article, we distill five fundamental aspects of the election. Building upon this a
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McKinlay, John B., and Lisa D. Marceau. "The End of the Golden Age of Doctoring." International Journal of Health Services 32, no. 2 (2002): 379–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/jl1d-21bg-pk2n-j0kd.

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Eight interrelated reasons for the decline of the golden age of doctoring are discussed in this article. Major extrinsic factors (generally outside the control of the profession) include (1) the changing nature of the state and loss of its partisan support for doctoring, (2) the bureaucratization (corporatization) of doctoring; (3) the emerging competitive threat from other health care workers; (4) the consequences of globalization and the information revolution; (5) the epidemiologic transition and changes in the public conception of the body; and (6) changes in the doctor-patient relationshi
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30

Jurkynas, Mindaugas. "Populist Parties in Lithuania: Curious Case of Party Order and Justice and its Leadership." Polish Political Science Review 7, no. 1 (2019): 120–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2019-0008.

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AbstractThe article discusses conceptualisation of populism, Lithuania’s party system and electoral dynamics and their relation to the sustainability of populist parties. Special attention is given to Party Order and Justice, a former populist and protest party, and its leadership, namely to the issues related to scope and competencies of a leader’s intra-partisan power, leadership selection rules and history, development of leaders’ political careers and their electoral activity. The L ithuanian party system now exhibits moderate fragmentation without centrifugal tendencies. Voter volatility
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Béland, Daniel, Philip Rocco, Shih-Jiunn Shi, and Alex Waddan. "Paths to (de)centralization: Changing territorial dynamics of social policy in the People’s Republic of China and the United States." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 36, no. 5 (2017): 897–915. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654417725527.

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Drawing on the existing welfare state literature, this article offers a comparative analytical framework to account for the territorial dynamics of social policy in the United States and the People’s Republic of China, two countries that are most dissimilar in terms of political regime but that may exhibit similar territorial patterns of social policy fragmentation. A promising way to explore such patterns, we argue, is to analyze how changes in the architecture of major governing institutions affect the territorial dimension of social policy. In the United States, state governments and a terr
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32

Clifford, Scott, Yongkwang Kim, and Brian W. Sullivan. "An Improved Question Format for Measuring Conspiracy Beliefs." Public Opinion Quarterly 83, no. 4 (2019): 690–722. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfz049.

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Abstract In an era of increasing partisan polarization and media fragmentation, interest in the causes of conspiracy beliefs has been growing rapidly. However, there is little consensus on how to measure these beliefs. Researchers typically present respondents with a conspiratorial statement, then assess their endorsement of the statement using an agree-disagree scale, a true-false scale, or some other variant. Researchers sometimes include a no-opinion response option and sometimes do not. Yet, there is little evidence as to the best format. In this article, we argue that common measures not
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Birnir, Jóhanna Kristín, and David M. Waguespack. "Ethnic inclusion and economic growth." Party Politics 17, no. 2 (2011): 243–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068810391149.

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Is ethnic social diversity relevant to cross-national variation in economic development, or is the inclusion or exclusion of said groups in political decision-making the more salient factor? We argue that deleterious policy effects resulting in diminished economic growth are caused by exclusion of mobilized ethnic groups from the policy process and not just ethnic social diversity per se. Conversely, a positive impact of ethnicity as more groups are included in the policy process with increasing access to cabinet is due, first, to the fact that a population finding its preferences represented
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Pirch, Kevin A. "Incumbent Failure and Partisan Strength: An Explanation of the Emergence and Support of Major Third Party Presidential Candidates in the United States." American Review of Politics 28 (July 1, 2007): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2007.28.0.97-117.

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A strong disapproval among the electorate of both major party challengers is one common explanation for the periodic emergence of major third party presidential candidates in the United States. Simply put, if neither candidate is acceptable, then another candidate will find support among a large portion of the voters. However, this is not necessarily the case. Because modern third party candidates are political entrepreneurs, these candidates will look for fragmentation in the party coalitions and exploit them. Using data from the American National Elections Study, this article will disaggrega
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Di Virgilio, Aldo, and Junko Katô. "Factionalisme, coalitions et fragmentation politique. Qu'est-ce qui a vraiment changé dans le système partisan au Japon et en Italie dans la décennie 1990 ?" Revue française de science politique 51, no. 4 (2001): 587–619. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfsp.2001.403652.

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36

Barzilai, Gad. "Analysis of Israelis [Jews and Arab–Palestinians]: exploring law in society and society in law." International Journal of Law in Context 11, no. 3 (2015): 361–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552315000191.

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AbstractAttributing a great deal of attention to global and local knowledge, this paper is focused on law and society scholarship that has been published by Israelis, both Jewish and Arab-Palestinians. It attempts to unveil and to map some of the major issues that have characterised the scholarly debates and intellectual discourse, primarily critical questions on law and political power, the nation-state, legal rights discourse and equality. More specifically, the paper analyses socio-legal research on various local issues, such as multiculturalism and national rifts on the backdrop of the 196
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37

Imbeau, Louis M. "Public Deficits and Surpluses in Federated States: A Review of the Public Choice Empirical Literature." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 23, no. 3 (2004): 123–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569204x15664514694005.

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Abstract The purpose of this paper is to review the empirical public choice literature explaining deficits levels in federated states. First, I describe theoretical constructs, showing how new theories have developed by releasing one of the basic Ricardo-Barro assumptions. Empirical results bearing on die federated states of Australia, Canada, Germany, Switzerland, and the United States are then reviewed to assess which hypothesis, in which setting, is confirmed by systematic observation. On the whole, this literature shows that economic cycles have an impact on budget balances. It also shows
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Imbeau, Louis M. "Public Deficits and Surpluses in Federated States: A Review of the Public Choice Empirical Literature." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 22, no. 3 (2004): 123–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569204x15668904587205.

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Abstract The purpose of this paper is to review the empirical public choice literature explaining deficits levels in federated states. First, I describe theoretical constructs, showing how new theories have developed by releasing one of the basic Ricardo-Barro assumptions. Empirical results bearing on the federated states of Australia, Canada, Germany, Switzerland, and the United States are then reviewed to assess which hypothesis, in which setting, is confirmed by systematic observation. On the whole, this literature shows that economic cycles have an impact on budget balances. It also shows
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39

Peng, Yilang, and Tian Yang. "Anatomy of audience duplication networks: How individual characteristics differentially contribute to fragmentation in news consumption and trust." New Media & Society, February 15, 2021, 146144482199155. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444821991559.

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While partisan selective exposure could drive audience fragmentation, other individual factors might also differentiate news diets. This study applies a method that disentangles the differential contributions of the individual characteristics to audience duplication networks. By analyzing a nationally representative survey about US adults’ media use in 2019 ( N = 12,043), we demonstrate that news fragmentation is driven by a myriad of individual factors, such as gender, race, and religiosity. Partisanship is still an important driver. We also distinguish between media exposure and media trust,
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Barbosa, Leon Victor de Queiroz, and Ernani Carvalho. "The Supreme Federal Court as Queen of Chess: Partisan Fragmentation and Judicial Empowerment in Brazil." Revista de Sociologia e Política 28, no. 73 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1678-987320287307en.

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ABSTRACT Introduction: This article deals with the Supreme Federal Court’s empowerment trajectory, exploring exogenous variables in order to explain what made the Supreme Court so institutionally powerful, and how it happened. After the classic studies on the global expansion of the judicial power, that pointed to a myriad of causes as a result of the phenomenon, several recent researches have indicated the political-party fragmentation as the main cause of judicial empowerment. Seeking to corroborate these analyses, the present work analyzes the institutional empowerment of the Brazilian Judi
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Bodart, Vincent, Thierry Bréchet, Jean Hindriks, et al. "Numéro 50 - avril 2007." Regards économiques, October 12, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.14428/regardseco.v1i0.15743.

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Regards économiques a aujourd’hui 5 ans et 50 numéros ! Le comité de rédaction de la revue a décidé de fêter l’évènement en rassemblant, pour ce 50ème numéro, 5 articles dans lesquels des économistes de l’UCL livrent leur réflexion par rapport à un certain nombre d’enjeux économiques qu’ils estiment importants pour les années à venir et qui, de ce fait, attendent le prochain gouvernement fédéral. Cette initiative s’inscrit tout à fait dans le projet de Regards économiques, qui vise à impliquer davantage les économistes dans le débat public en posant leur regard sur des questions concrètes de p
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Bodart, Vincent, Thierry Bréchet, Jean Hindriks, et al. "Numéro 50 - avril 2007." Regards économiques, October 12, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.14428/regardseco2007.04.01.

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Regards économiques a aujourd’hui 5 ans et 50 numéros ! Le comité de rédaction de la revue a décidé de fêter l’évènement en rassemblant, pour ce 50ème numéro, 5 articles dans lesquels des économistes de l’UCL livrent leur réflexion par rapport à un certain nombre d’enjeux économiques qu’ils estiment importants pour les années à venir et qui, de ce fait, attendent le prochain gouvernement fédéral. Cette initiative s’inscrit tout à fait dans le projet de Regards économiques, qui vise à impliquer davantage les économistes dans le débat public en posant leur regard sur des questions concrètes de p
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43

Bishara, Dina, and Sharan Grewal. "Political, Not Partisan: The Tunisian General Labor Union under Democracy." Comparative Politics, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041522x16240414667941.

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Under what conditions do trade unions participate in elections during democratic transitions? Conventional explanations focus on unions’ economic interests, organizational power, and militancy in the lead-up to democratization. The behavior of the Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT), however, challenges these expectations. Despite its organizational strength and prominent role in the country’s transition, as well as the presence of economic incentives for participation, the UGTT has eschewed formal electoral participation. This article leverages this case to theorize an additional factor shapi
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KLUS, MARTIN, and MARCEL MARTINKOVIČ. "THE FRAGMENTATION OF POLITICAL REPRESENTATION AT MUNICIPAL LEVEL IN SLOVAK REPUBLIC IN PERIOD 2002 - 2018." AD ALTA: Journal of Interdisciplinary Research, December 31, 2019, 193–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.33543/2.0908193198.

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Presented study sheds light on the developments of political representation at municipal level and tries to identify the sources of its fragmentation. These sources are vested in electoral laws, in development of national party system and in public distrust towards partisan candidates including changes in decision-making dynamics of the electorate. All mentioned factors shape the popular preference to support independent candidates in achieving municipal offices. This phenomenon gained on intensity between 2002 and 2018. The trend of ever-increasing support for civic and non-partisan candidate
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Wehner, Joachim. "Institutional Constraints on Profligate Politicians: The Conditional Effect of Partisan Fragmentation on Budget Deficits." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1281082.

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Sanfilippo, Madelyn Rose, and Yafit Lev-Aretz. "Topic polarization and push notifications." First Monday, August 31, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5210/fm.v24i9.9604.

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In the fake news era, a combination of politics, big technology, and fear and animosity are blamed for the media mistrust and filter bubbles that are entrenching fragmentation in the public sphere. A partisan divide in the media and extreme political disagreements are nothing new, but new technology, such as social media and mobile push notifications, influences these years-old phenomena and plays an important role in current concerns. This paper explores how stories are represented differently by topic and across platforms, examining representation, polarization, and objectivity. Specifically
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Trein, Philipp, and Christopher K. Ansell. "Countering fragmentation, taking back the state, or partisan agenda‐setting ? Explaining policy integration and administrative coordination reforms." Governance, October 30, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gove.12550.

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Cherny, Nicolás, Germán Feierherd, and Marcos Novaro. "El presidencialismo argentino: de la crisis a la recomposición del poder (2003-2007)." América Latina Hoy 54 (May 6, 2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/alh.6954.

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RESUMEN: El trabajo analiza el proceso político mediante el cual la presidencia de Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) cambió la debilidad electoral y fragmentación partidaria por una fuerte concentración del poder en el presidente. Para ello, en primer lugar, se revisan los debates académicos sobre los rasgos de los presidencialismos latinoamericanos. Luego, el trabajo analiza el poder del presidente argentino y las características del liderazgo presidencial y se enfoca en las estrategias que llevó adelante en relación con su propio partido para la conformación de una mayoría legislativa disciplinada
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Auvachez, Élise. "Citoyenneté européenne, transnationale ou globale : penser la citoyenneté au-delà de l’État. Analyse critique d’un débat." Review of European and Russian Affairs 2, no. 3 (2006). http://dx.doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i3.173.

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Objet politique pas toujours identifié, mais souvent controversé, la citoyenneté européenne, près de 15 ans après son introduction dans le Traité de Maastricht, continue de susciter le débat : quelle citoyenneté pour quelle Europe ? Quelle autonomie pour une citoyenneté européenne dont l’acquisition reste soumise à des règles nationales ? Finalement, la citoyenneté européenne est-elle possible ? La présente communication propose de lire la problématique de la citoyenneté européenne à la lumière d’un prisme élargissant l’intégrant dans un questionnement dépassant le débat spécifiquement europée
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Auvachez, Élise. "Citoyenneté européenne, transnationale ou globale : penser la citoyenneté au-delà de l’État. Analyse critique d’un débat." Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies, September 1, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.22215/cjers.v2i3.2420.

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Objet politique pas toujours identifié, mais souvent controversé, la citoyenneté européenne, près de 15 ans après son introduction dans le Traité de Maastricht, continue de susciter le débat : quelle citoyenneté pour quelle Europe ? Quelle autonomie pour une citoyenneté européenne dont l’acquisition reste soumise à des règles nationales ? Finalement, la citoyenneté européenne est-elle possible ? La présente communication propose de lire la problématique de la citoyenneté européenne à la lumière d’un prisme élargissant l’intégrant dans un questionnement dépassant le débat spécifiquement europée
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