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Nedjai, M. S. "The socio-educational experience of Algerian immigrants' children in France and Algeria." Thesis, University of Bath, 1989. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235317.
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Part A looks at a number of countries' experience in the field of immigrants1 children's education. An attempt is made to gain an understanding of these countries' experiences and to present the phenomenon in a world-wide perspective. Sane factors which are considered by researchers, in these countries, as contributory factors to the school failure of imnmigrants' children are isolated, discussed and analysed. This forms a platform of work for our own research. This part also examines sane aspects of the life of Algerian children in France and provides the reader with a clear picture of these pupils' lives, indispensable for the understanding of their socio-educational experience in France as well as in Algeria. Part B deals with the research design and the methodology used in our work. Part C is an analysis of the socio-educational experience of Algerian immigrants' children in France and an attempt to isolate and analyse the factors that make these children fail in the French educational system. Part D investigates the same factors as in Part B. However, it deals with Algerian pupils who have "returned" to Algeria and who are being schooled in the Algerian educational system. Part E draws sane recommendations for the improvement of these children's education and social life. These recommendations are evaluated and re-appraised in the light of experts' and officials' opinions in both Algeria and France.
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Rockett, Suzannah E. "Algeria in France : war and defeat in republican culture." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2011. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2097/.
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Algeria in France: War and Defeat in Republican Culture The contention of this thesis is that the Algerian war of 1954-62 and Algeria's subsequent independence have had a significant and lasting impact on the nature of French republicanism, and to a much greater extent than the historiography currently recognises. The Algerian war essentially altered the notion of French citizenship in a way which undermined the republican ideals of universalism and assimilation. By reconsidering the war and its aftermath within the broad context of French history since 1789, I argue that the founding of the Fifth Republic was not simply the culmination of French political history; it did not mark the end of the Revolution. Instead, it was itself a revolution and presented a fundamental challenge to republicanism's original ideals of universalism and assimilation. This thesis is a cultural history in the sense that its source material is derived primarily from novels and films, but its conclusions are socio-political. I identify an idiom of republican culture and trace the trends of republican historic and artistic representations of war and defeat. The basis of this study is longitudinal in the sense that it considers themes that have been present through modern French history. The three grandest themes are covered by the three chapters: citizenship, republicanism and the guerre franco-française. By considering these themes in relation to republican cultural representations of the Algerian war, this thesis identifies how the revolution in republicanism has been concealed and the history of the Franco-Algerian relationship has been rejected. This rejection has subsequently allowed the extreme right to control the race and immigration agenda because to challenge it requires a recognition of the revolution which occurred between 1959-1962.
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Flood, Maria Gemma. "Representing histories of violence : France, Algeria and the moving image (1961-2010)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.707902.
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Asseraf, Arthur. "Foreign news in colonial Algeria, 1881-1940." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8aac363c-86d6-48dc-888b-320fb4b6fc9e.
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This thesis looks at how news shaped people's relationship to the world in Algeria under French rule. This territory operated under an uncertain legal status that made it both a part of France and a colony, and within it lived a society divided between European settlers and Muslim natives. Accounts of recent events helped Algerians determine what was domestic and what was foreign in a place where those two notions were highly contested. Colonialism did not close Algeria off from the world or open it up, instead it created a particular geography. In a series of case-studies taken from across Algeria, this thesis investigates a wide range of types of news: manuscripts, rumours, wire dispatches, newspapers, illustrations, songs, newsreels, and radio broadcasts. It focuses on the period in which Algeria's legal status as part of France was most certain, from the end of the conquest and the consolidation of Republican rule in the 1880s to the outbreak of the Second World War. In this period, authorities thought the influence of outside events on Algeria was a bigger threat than disturbances within. Because of this, state surveillance produced reports to monitor foreign news, and these form the backbone of this study. But state attempts to manage the flow of news had unintended effects. Instead of establishing effective censorship, authorities ended up spreading news and making it more politically sensitive. Settlers, supposedly the state's allies, proved highly disruptive to state attempts to control the flow of information. Through a social history of information in a settler colonial society, this research reconsiders the relationship between changes in media and people's sense of community. From the telegraph to the radio, new technologies worked to divide colonial society rather than tying it together, and the same medium could lead to divergent senses of community.
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Pedigo, Nathan Welsz. "The Struggle for Terroir in French Algeria: Land, Wine, and Contested Identity in the French Empire." OpenSIUC, 2015. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1022.
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This dissertation explores the history of the French Algerian wine industry. The product of an ecological disaster in Europe the wine industry in French North Africa became the fourth largest producer of wine in the world by the mid-twentieth century. French Algeria played a leading role in "saving" the French wine industry during the Phylloxera crisis of the late nineteenth century. From 1863, this insect-borne disease had begun to spread in French vineyards. By the late 1870s, it had become a veritable epidemic, killing the vines that produced France's second most important product. French wine production, which had reached an all-time high in 1875, dropped by more than two-thirds before bottoming out in 1887. The devastation of French vineyards required that France import large amounts of wine from North Africa in order to replace the lost harvests. Scholars have recently turned their attention to the constructed relationship of drink, especially wine, to French identity. A tremendous gap exists in the cultural history of French Algeria, particularly where wine and empire are concerned. This dissertation seeks to redress this scholarly imbalance. Viewed as a conduit of "Frenchness" in French Algeria, debates about wine production in the region symbolized a broader intra-French struggle over French Algeria's place within "Greater France." This dissertation argues that the French Algerian wine industry played a significant role in the development of modern French identity.
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Perry, John H. "Marrying the Orient and the Occident: Shipping and Commerce between France and Algeria, 1830-1914." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1321838904.
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Perry, John H. "From Sea to Lake: Steamships, French Algeria, and the Mediterranean, 1830-1940." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1555500493058779.
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Koons, Casey Joseph. "Dynamics of Concealment in French/Muslim Neo-Colonial Encounters: An Exploration of Colonial Discourses in Contemporary France." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1218057001.
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Ivy, Janine. "Colonizing the Mind: The Effect of French Colonization on Education Systems in Algeria, Senegal, and Vietnam." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1994.
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This paper will examine the effects of French colonization on the education systems of three ex-colonies: Algeria, Senegal, and Vietnam. This will be accomplished by first exploring the goals of French colonial policy and the doctrines of assimilation and association. Then, the paper will examine three case studies of Algeria, Senegal, and Vietnam by looking at historical context of French colonization, independence, indigenous education, French colonial education, and finally modern day education within each country. Finally, this paper argues that the modern-day education systems in these three countries continue to represent the political and economic interests of their ex-colonizer, France.
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Franklin, Elise. "ASlow End to Empire: Social Aid Associations, Family Migration, and Decolonization in France and Algeria, 1954-1981." Thesis, Boston College, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107302.
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Thesis advisor: Julian BourgThe social and cultural aftershocks of the end of French empire in Algeria reverberated throughout the former colony and metropole long after independence in 1962. This dissertation illustrates the process of decolonization between the start of the Algerian war in 1954 and the election of François Mitterrand to the presidency in 1981. Rather than “forgetting Algeria” after 1962, French administrators, social aid workers, and the public were constantly confronted by traces of empire, and especially by the presence of Algerian migrant workers and families on metropolitan soil. I trace the evolution of a group of private social aid associations that were created to help integrate newly arrived families in the colonial era, and that continued their work even after it ended. These social aid associations acted as mediating bodies between Algerians and the French welfare state. They offered services to a growing population of Algerian workers and families to help them become more at home in France. As the number of Algerian families grew in the post-independence era, the colonial modernizing mission justified social aid associations’ interventions to “emancipate” Algerian women through social aid and education. The “slow end to empire” demonstrated by the growth of social aid for Algerians even after they were no longer citizens highlights the importance of studying not just the empire and the colony in a single analytic field, but also the post-empire and the post-colony. Furthermore, this dissertation reveals the social logic behind increasingly restrictive immigration protocols toward Algerians. Historians have argued that colonial and ex-colonial subjects created the potential for France’s economic growth during the Thirty Glorious Years. It would not have been possible without access to this cheap labor. Though the availability of employment helped to pave the way for migration initially, family and worker migration far surpassed this threshold in the 1960s and 70s. The perceived inability of Algerian families to integrate, which had allowed for the growth of social aid also led to its downfall. Paradoxically, the failures of social aid associations justified contracting Algerian family migration in the 1970s. Attention to integration alongside immigration reveals how the perceived social burden of welcoming Algerian families also conditioned their ability to resettle there. Against the backdrop of a faltering global economy and disintegrating Franco-Algerian relations, support for the specialized social welfare network for Algerians began to collapse in the late 1970s. As a result, the network reoriented its services to the whole body of migrants arriving in France. This “universalizing” republican approach to welfare conceived of social aid as a structural problem without regard to nationality. This approach, I argue, served the purpose of helping the French forget their colonial past in the years immediately preceding its supposed “resurgence.” The winnowing of the specialized social welfare network provided support for this revival, but not because France had yet to reckon with its colonial past. Rather, the French administration had litigated this past since Algerian independence in the context of social aid for Algerian families. The powerful return of “neo-republicanism” in the 1980s thus occurred as a result of the long process of decolonization
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Crandall, Kaitlyn. "The impact of French colonialism in North Africa : Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1386.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Guba, David Alan. "Empire of Illusion: The Rise and Fall of Hashish in Nineteenth-Century France." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2018. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/490468.
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HistoryPh.D.
By exploring the history of cannabis in the French Empire, this dissertation builds on recent scholarly efforts to investigate the intersections of France’s national and imperial pasts. As scholar Gary Wilder argued in his seminal work, The French Imperial Nation-State (2005), “French historiography is traditionally guided by a national paradigm for which a correspondence between territory, population, and state is considered normal and the existence of colonies is treated as exceptional.” This fabricated barrier between France’s national and imperial pasts, he argues, conceals the reality that “the metropole and its overseas colonies exercised a reciprocal influence upon one another” and that both should be studied as one political and cultural unit, as what he terms the “imperial nation-state.” As this dissertation demonstrates, the history of drug use and prohibition in France is in large part a story of movement between colony and metropole. From the nation’s first imperial encounter with hashish during Napoleon’s invasion of Egypt in 1798 through the subsequent spread of cannabis use and cannabis-based medications in the French metropole during the middle 19th century to the creation of anti-cannabis laws in France and its North African colonies during the fin de siècle, the circulation of cannabis and ideas about cannabis use between colony and metropole drove the development of prohibition policies in France from the birth of the republic through the early 20th century
Temple University--Theses
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Phaneuf, Victoria. "Immigration, integration, and the response of two French-North African cultural associations." Thesis, Boston University, 2004. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27744.
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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
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Lacroix, Annick. "Une histoire sociale et spatiale de l'Etat dans l'Algérie colonisée : l'administration des Postes, Télégraphes, Téléphones du milieu du XIXème siècle à la Seconde Guerre mondiale." Thesis, Cachan, Ecole normale supérieure, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014DENS0051.
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Centrée sur l’étude d’une institution, l’administration des Postes, Télégraphes et Téléphones (PTT), cette recherche propose une histoire de l’État colonial ancrée dans les pratiques et dans le terrain algérien. Du milieu du XIXe siècle à la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la trame des lignes de communication et des bureaux de poste ne cesse de se densifier au nord – profitant d’abord aux populations européennes – et progresse vers le sud selon un modèle de front pionnier. La genèse de ce réseau révèle les logiques d’appropriation du territoire colonisé. Les acteurs locaux chargés du fonctionnement de cette administration reproduisent souvent des schémas métropolitains. Pourtant, le tableau d’ensemble apparaît nettement plus complexe que la simple diffusion d’un moule élaboré depuis un centre parisien et de nombreux bricolages sont justifiés par le contexte colonial. En prise directe avec le quotidien et au contact des populations, le service des PTT devient un observatoire des rapports sociaux en situation coloniale. La situation du personnel est particulièrement contrastée. Le monde des facteurs et des ouvriers des lignes apparaît bien plus masculin et « algérien » que celui des travailleurs de l’intérieur des bureaux (téléphonistes, receveurs). Le déplacement du regard du côté des services en usages nourrit une réflexion sur l’entrée en communication de populations rurales, défavorisées et colonisées. Malgré l’existence de circuits de l’information précoloniaux et la desserte tardive des douars, les PTT participent dans l’entre-deux-guerres à l’accélération des échanges et à la rencontre d’une frange nouvelle de la population avec l’écrit, l’argent et une certaine forme de modernité techniqueThrough a case study of the French Postal and Telecommunication administration (PTT), this dissertation undertakes a historical study of the colonial state focused on the Algerian territory and on social issues. Between the 1850s and the Second World War, the network of communications expanded continuously. The way this network was shaped provides insight into how France took control of the colonized territory and then used communication facilities as a tool of colonial settlement to the profit of the European population. While the PTT administration was mostly organized on the same model as in France, local decision-makers sometimes had to take into account specific features of the colonial context. The Postal and Telecommunication administration offers a complex picture of colonial society. Men and women, citizens and natives, and people from different social backgrounds were employed as mailmen, telephone operators, middle managers or postmasters. The users of these services were extremely varied, too. This dissertation offers a detailed analysis of interactions at work and within the colonial context. Gradually, letters, telegrams, money orders, and even voice circulated throughout Algeria. Although pre-colonial networks had already carried information and although the PTT waited until the interwar period to bring facilities to villages (douars), more and more Algerians gained access to literacy, money exchanges and a new kind of technical modernity
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Sparks, Benjamin J. "The War Without a Name: The Use of Propaganda in the Decolonization War of Algeria." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2011. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/2921.
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The Algerian war for independence, 1954-1962, also known as the War Without a Name due to its lack of recognition as a war by the French government, remains an indelible scar on the face of France. The Algerian war represents one of the most critical moments in modern French history since the French Revolution (Le Sueur 256), putting into question the motto of the French republic, "liberté, égalité, fraternité". This thesis will show that although the French won the war militarily they lost the war of ideas, that of propaganda and persuasion. Thus, this thesis will demonstrate that propaganda by the French for the aims of maintaining a French Algeria should have played a larger role than is evident. The use of propaganda and persuasion dates from the beginning of Greek analysis of rhetoric and has been used in various environments and circumstances throughout the ages in order to persuade the masses of the opinions and ideals of the propagandist. In Algeria, the message presented by the French through propaganda did not attain the desired result: maintaining a French Algeria. The combination of the Algerian determination for independence and the ineffective propaganda by the French resulted in a humiliating loss for the French forces and the loss of territory deemed integral to French society. After over 130 years of colonial rule, and eight grueling years of revolutionary war, Algeria received its independence.
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Atkins, Michael. "Reflections of Revolution: Le Figaro, Le Monde, and Public Opinion in France during the Algerian Conflict (1954-1962)." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3360/.
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This thesis is an examination of the printed media in France (1955-1963), as represented by two mainstream newspapers: Le Monde (left-centrist) and Le Figaro (right-centrist). Using these newspapers, as well as Gallup polls recorded at the time, this study explores correlations of what was reported in newspapers and how French public opinion evolved during the course of the war. These two major sources of information are shown to have given contradictory information, thus accounting for some of the paradoxes found in public opinion polls. Specifically, the paradoxes analyzed in the study concern the Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) and the Pieds-Noirs (the European population of North Africa).
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Saliba, Janine M. "Medical Approaches to Cultural Differences: The Case of the Maghreb and France." Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1272483157.
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Corbier, François. "Les écoles "françaises" de Tizi Ouzou : Émigration, politique et francité en Algérie." Thesis, Aix-Marseille 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AIX10193/document.
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A partir d'une enquête ethnographique conduite en Algérie puis en France, cette thèse d'anthropologie aborde le sujet des écoles privées de programme français à Tizi Ouzou. Elles apparaissent en septembre 1991, le lendemain de l'ouverture démocratique qui donnera lieu à la naissance du parti kabyle RCD, mais aussi à la veille de la victoire du FIS aux législatives de décembreThis doctoral thesis in anthropologie is based on an ethnographic inquiry conducted in Algéria and in France. This thesis tackles the issue of private schools following french programmes in Tizi Ouzou. The schools appeared in september 1991, immediatly after the democratic opening witch gave birth to the RCD but also shortly before the FIS victory at the legislative elections
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Mahlke, Helisane. "O Estado-Nação e a migração internacional de trabalhadores : uma reflexão sobre a imigração argelina na França." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/10766.
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L’importance de l’immigration dans le scénario international est grande, non seulement par le niveau du flux migratoire actuel, mais aussi par le fort impact socio-économique et culturel qu’il cause à la société. Outre cela, les phénomènes transnationaux, comme l’immigration, dégagent plusieurs discussions sur le rôle de l’État dans le système international mondialisé, parce qu’il suscite des questions sur la base même de l’État, ou bien, sa souveraineté au-dessus son territoire. Cette discussion s’impose dans un moment historique ou la relativité des frontières du pays et l’impact des événements externes dans la politique national, démontre l’existence d’un paradoxe entre l’origine transnationale des certaines problèmes et la capacité de l’État de les résoudre internement. Cet étude fait une réflexion sur les transformations qui l’État-Nation souffre aujourd’hui, en train d’analyser le rôle du flux migratoire de main d’ouvre comme un des agents qui contribuent à la construction de l’identité de l’État. Alors, en train de présumer qu’existe une modification de la souveraineté et de la territorialité dans le système international actuel, se discute quelle est l’attitude la plus adéquate pour l’État administrer l’immigration. Comme exemple de l’influence de l’immigration dans les préférence de l’État, s’observe le cas de l’immigration algérienne à la France, en train d’analyser les principales caractéristiques de ce flux migratoire spécifique et de la législation française et européenne sur l’immigration, pour comprendre comme ces deux agents, l’État Français et le flux migratoire algérien, produisent un impact réciproque dans la construction de leurs identités, le quelles irons déterminer leur comportement dans le système international.A importância da imigração no cenário internacional é grande não só pelo volume do atual fluxo migratório, mas também, pelo forte impacto sócioeconômico e cultural que causa nas sociedades envolvidas. Além disto, fenômenos transnacionais, como a imigração, trazem uma série de discussões acerca do papel que deve assumir o Estado no atual cenário internacional globalizado, pois questiona a atuação do mesmo a partir de sua base, ou seja, o exercício da soberania sobre seu território. Esta discussão se faz presente em um momento histórico em que a permeabilidade das fronteiras dos países e o impacto que acontecimentos externos exercem sobre a política interna de um país, demonstram existir uma discrepância entre a origem transnacional de determinados problemas e a capacidade que o Estado tem de resolvê-los internamente. Este estudo reflete sobre as transformações pelas quais o Estado-Nação atravessa nos dias de hoje, analisando o papel do fluxo migratório de mão-de-obra como um dos agentes que contribuem para a construção da identidade do Estado. Assim, partindo do princípio de que há uma modificação nas condições de soberania e territorialidade no atual sistema internacional, discute-se qual seria a postura política mais adequada ao Estado na administração da imigração. Para ilustrar como a imigração influencia as preferências do Estado, observa-se a imigração argelina na França, tomando por base a análise das principais características deste fluxo migratório específico e da legislação francesa e européia sobre imigração, para, através deste caso em particular, compreender como esses dois agentes, Estado Francês e fluxo migratório argelino, interagem produzindo um impacto recíproco na construção de suas identidades, o que irá determinar seu comportamento no cenário internacional.
The importance of immigration in the international scenario is remarkable, not only for the high levels of the population flux, but also for the great cultural and social-economic impact that it causes on societies. Besides, as a transnational phenomenon, international migration brings a series of discussions about the role that the State must assume in this globalized world, questioning its own base, or its sovereignty on the exercise of its power over the territory. This discussion appears in a historical moment when the permeability of countries’ frontiers and the impact that external events provoke on the national politics, demonstrate that exists a paradox between the transnational origin of certain problems and the capacity of the State dealing with it internally. This study observes the transformations which the Nation-State suffers nowadays, analyzing the international migration of workers as an agent of the construction of State’s identity. Therefore, assuming that there is a modification on the State’s sovereignty and territoriality in the international system, it discusses the most adequate political attitude for the State to manage the migration flux. The illustration of how immigration influences the State’s preferences, is analyzed in this study the Algerian immigration in France, observing the main characteristics of this specific migration flux and the French and European legislation, for establishing a comprehension of how this two agents, the French State and the Algerian migration flux, interact producing an reciprocal impact in the construction of both their identities, which will determine their behavior in the international system.
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Kralfa, Ataouia. "La profession d'avocat en Algérie coloniale (1830-1962)." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0300/document.
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L’Algérie, c'est ce beau pays occupant la partie centrale de l'Afrique du Nord.Conquise par la France le 5 juillet 1830, elle fait partie intégrante de son passé colonial. Pourpermettre son essor, il a fallu la doter d'institutions propres, adapter à ses besoins les lois, lesusages, les services publics de la métropole. Cent trente deux ans d'occupation quil'imprègnent de cette volonté de faire de l’Algérie un prolongement de la métropole.L'étude la profession d'avocat en Algérie, de 1830 à 1962, permet d'en révéler lesorigines juridiques jusque-là inexplorées. L'une des révélations majeures est l'inexistence dela profession d'avocat en tant qu'organisation professionnelle réglementée par la loi. Uneétude qui met en lumière un demi-siècle de combat des avocats français installés en Algériepour conquérir les mêmes droits et prérogatives que leurs confrères métropolitains. Au-delà,elle contribue à mettre en évidence, dès le début du XXe siècle, le clivage entre Français etAlgériens dont les droits diffèrent incontestablement. L'avocat endosse alors le rôle derégulateur social pour apaiser les querelles et concilier les intérêtsAlgeria is this beautiful country making up the central part of North Africa.Conquered by France on July 5, 1830, Algeria belongs to its colonial past. In order forAlgeria to take its flight, it needed its own institutions but also, it needed to adapt the laws,uses and public services of France. One hundred thirty two years of occupation make up forthe desire to have Algeria be an extension of France.Studying the profession of lawyer in Algeria between 1830 and 1962 (date of itsindependance) allows to look at the legal origins never before explored. One of its majorrevelations is the inexistance of the profession of a lawyer as a professional organizationgoverned by laws. A study that brings to light half a century of a battle of French lawyers toconquer the same laws and prerogatives than the French. Furthermore, the thesis contributesto show, as early as the beginning of the twentieth century, the cleavage between France andAlgeria whose laws differ considerably. A lawyer has the role of a social mediator to quellconflicts and bring together the interests of all
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Théoleyre, Malcolm. "Musique arabe, folklore de France ? : musique, politique et communautés musiciennes en contact à Alger durant la période coloniale (1862-1962)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0038/document.
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Dans cette thèse, nous tâchons de démontrer que l’histoire de la musique à Alger entre les années 1860 et l’indépendance ne peut se passer d’une approche en termes de rencontre et de transferts entre les expressions musicales européennes et indigènes. Spectacle vivant et lieu de rencontre, la pratique musicale a été saisie très tôt au cours du XXe siècle comme un moyen de travailler au rapprochement des communautés ; un des principes auquel ont œuvré de nombreux acteurs de la société civile, appuyés de manière croissante par les autorités publiques. Le frottement soutenu entre les différents genres musicaux a contribué à en former et à en consolider les contours, de sorte que la musique dite aujourd’hui « çan‘a » ou « andalouse » d’Alger est le produit d’un dialogue entre Européens et indigènes. Ainsi, entre 1862 et 1962, il est possible de parler de chemin « franco-musulman » parcouru par les musiques d’Algérie ; chemin qui contribue à modeler leur forme et qui révèle que la portée historique de l’indépendance dans le champ musical est aussi limitée que sa force mémorielle est démesurée, quand on considère les discours nationalistes dont les musiques d’Algérie sont aujourd’hui investies. Cependant, le cas musical algérois est peut-être plus significatif dans le champ d’une histoire culturelle de la France : il révèle – contre toute attente ? – qu’en France, le multiculturalisme n’est pas une fonction de l’impérialisme. Considérer un instant qu’Alger n’est pas foncièrement « coloniale » entre 1862 et 1962, reconnaître qu’elle a un temps partagé le destin de l’hexagone et constater qu’elle est un lieu d’application d’une politique culturelle de la diversité interroge le jacobinisme français, dont on répète pourtant à l’envie, qu’il est congénitalIn this dissertation, we seek to demonstrate that the history of music in Algiers from the 1860s to independence must be apprehended in terms of meeting and transfers between European and indigenous musical expressions. Characterized by live performance and being a point of contact, musical practice has been understood, as early as the beginning of the 20th century, as a means to create and tighten ties between communities; a purpose to which many actors of civil society have worked, increasingly supported by public authorities. Rubbed together, the different musical genres were modelled and consolidated, so that the Algiers’s so-called “Andalusian” musical tradition was, in fact, shaped by the dialogue between Europeans and indigenes. Thus, from 1862 to 1962, one can speak of Algerian music’s “franco-muslim” path; a path which reveals that the historical significance of Algerian independence in the field of music is as limited as its memorial weight is overwhelming in contemporary nationalist narratives on Algerian music. However, the Algiers musical case might be more telling from a cultural history of modern France point of view: it shows – surprisingly? – that in France, multiculturalism is not tied to imperialism. If one considers for a moment that Algiers, from 1862 to 1962, is not fundamentally “colonial”, admits that it has for a time shared a common destiny with the hexagone, and yields to the fact that it hosted a genuine cultural policy aimed at the promotion of diversity, one is led to wonder if Jacobinism, as is often said, is consubstantial to France
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Boukhari, Rym. "Le contrat de transport maritime de marchandise sous connaissement contentieux France-Algérie." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01D014.
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Plusieurs accords internationaux ont été conclus pour tenter d'unifier les règles régissant le contrat de transport maritime dont il résulte une complexité qui les met parfois en doute. Mais comme en droit international privé, le droit maritime international est, selon la législation qu'on lui applique, interprété différemment selon pays. Cette divergence d'interprétation ressort des disparités notables dans les décisions des différents pays, notamment en ce qui concerne les clauses insérées au connaissement. Par ailleurs, la conteneurisation qui représente des avantages en ce qui concerne la sécurité et la rapidité des chargements et déchargements, soulève des difficultés en ce qui concerne les fausses déclarations et le règlement des surestaries, faces auxquelles, force est de constater qu'un manque de moyens subsiste aux ports algériens et français. Autant de problématiques, qui touchent le plus souvent soit le transporteur maritime, soit le destinataire de la marchandise et qui ne sont pas entièrement traitées par les Conventions en vigueur actuellement. Ces textes qui avaient pour ambition l'uniformisation du régime international du contrat de transport maritime sous connaissement, ne permettent toujours pas d'atteindre l'harmonisation recherchée. La présente thèse a dès lors pour ambition d'en faire la critique dans une perspective constructive du régime juridique international du contrat de transport maritime de marchandises sous connaissement et du contentieux qu'il engendre en particulier en ce qui concerne les transports en provenance ou à destination de l'AlgérieIn the last decades, the International maritime transport has been developed on a large scale. Several international agreements have been concluded in purpose of an unification of the rules governing maritime transport agreements, resulting in a complexity which sometimes raises doubts. However, as in the international private law, the international maritime law is, according to the legislation applied to it, interpreted differently according to country. This difference of interpretation is corning from significant disparities in the decisions of the different countries, particularly about the inserted clauses in the bill of lading. Furthermore, the containerization has Advantages in terms of safety and speed of loading and unloading, it presents difficulties regarding the false declarations and the settlement of demurrage, that they are facing, a lack of resources remains between the Algerian and French ports. All these problems, affects mostly the shipping carrier or the consignee of the goods and which are not fully covered by the current agreements in force. These texts were aimed standardization of the international regime of maritime transport of lading contract, are still not achieving the desired harmonization. This thesis aims to criticize in a constructive perspective of the international legal regime of the maritime transport contract of goods under bill of lading and litigation that creates especially regarding transport to and from Algeria
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Dahou, Chahrazed. "Identités linguistiques et représentations des langues en usage en Algérie (Enquête auprès de jeunes algériens en France et en Algérie)." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017MON30021.
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Cette recherche opère un renversement du mode de construction de l’objet de la recherche en sciences du langage. Elle tente de comprendre, à travers une enquête sociolinguistique par entretiens, le rapport subjectif de jeunes locuteurs algériens à l’égard de leurs langues (algérienne, arabe, tamazight, français). Bien que les attitudes à l’égard de ces langues se sont imposées à l’analyse pour préciser le statut particulièrement complexe des langues en usage en Algérie, cette recherche tente plus particulièrement de comprendre un rapport souvent considéré comme allant de soi : le rapport subjectif à leur langue dite de « religion », « la langue arabe » (sans autre précision). Nombreuses sont les questions qui ont animées l’enquête sociolinguistique et anthropologique à partir de laquelle part le questionnement centré sur le mythe du sacré dans la langue arabe.Intrinsèquement liée au Coran, ce corps d’une ‘Umma imaginaire à laquelle tout algérien s’imagine appartenir ou ne pas appartenir, la langue arabe suscite des positionnements ambivalents chez ses tenants : quelles sont les positions subjectives d’étudiants algériens motivés par la réussite, mus par leurs rêves, à l’égard de la langue arabe de religion ? La dimension diglossique qui inspire les désignations fluctuantes « langue/dialecte » entraineraient-elles des spécificités chez les locuteurs arabophones et/ou berbérophones algériens ? Si oui, quelles attitudes et représentations renferme cette idéologie dieu-glossique ? Les locuteurs assument-ils la désignation « sacré » associée à la langue arabe ? Cet imaginaire linguistique (« langue d’Adam, du Paradis, pure, NOtre langue, langue de l’intercompréhension ») serait-il de nature à influencer les comportements linguistiques des locuteurs arabophones ? En effet, qui mieux qu’un locuteur arabophone pour expliquer le clivage entre une sorte de respect exagéré de la forme de ce qui est désignée « langue » d’un côté, en même temps, sa stigmatisation de l’autre ? Serait-ce de l’ordre du fétichisme de la langue ? Le traitement de ces questions révèle la manière dont chacun et chacune des jeunes locuteurs et locutrices algériennes interrogé.e.s exprime son rapport subjectif à sa langue de religion et de scolarisation : sublime pour l’un, horrible pour l’Autre, la langue sacrée a « plus d’un tour dans son sacre »This research operates a change in the mode of construction of research object in the sciences of Linguistics. It tries to understand, through an anthropological and sociolinguistic survey by interviews, the subjective relationship of young Algerian speakers with regard to their languages (Algerian, Arabic, Tamazight, French). Although attitudes towards these languages have been imposed on the analysis in order to clarify the particularly complex status of the languages used in Algeria, this research attempts more particularly to understand a relationship often taken for granted: the subjective relationship to their so-called language of "religion", "the Arabic language" (without further specification). Many questions have prompted the sociolinguistic and anthropological inquiry from which the questioning centered on the myth of the sacred in the Arabic language begins.Intrinsically linked to the Koran, this body of an imaginary Umma to which all Algerian Arabic and Berber speaker imagine belonging to or not, the Arabic language creates ambivalent positions among its speakers. What are the subjectives positions of Algerian students motivated by success, driven by their dreams, with regard to the Arabic language of religion? Does the multi-diglossic dimension that inspires the fluctuating positions ("language / dialect") designations lead to specificities among Algerian-speaking and / or Berber-speaking speakers? If so, what attitudes and representations contain this god-glossic ideology? Do the speakers assume the "sacred" designation associated with the Arabic language? Is the linguistic imagination (the language of Adam, of Paradise, pure, our language, the language of intercomprehension) likely to influence the linguistic behavior of Arabic speakers? Indeed, who better than an Arabic speaker to explain the cleavage between a kind of exaggerated respect for the form of what is designated "language" on one side, at the same time, its stigmatization on the other. Could it be the order of the fetishism of language? Answering these questions reveals how each of the young Algerian speakers interviewed expresses their subjective relationship to their language of religion and schooling: sublime for one, horrible for the Other, the sacred language has "More than one trick up its sleeve "
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Hamaizia, Mohamed. "Evaluation of new towns in the context of a national human settlements strategy for Algeria : arising from a critical study of new town developments in Britain, France and Egypt." Thesis, London South Bank University, 1989. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.618694.
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Eldridge, Claire. "The mobilisation and transmission of memories within the Pied-Noir and Harki communities, 1962-2007." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/903.
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Focusing on the legacies of the Algerian War of Independence (1954-62), this thesis challenges the perception that this was the ‘war without a name’ by exploring the ways in which memories have been preserved, mobilised, and transmitted by those who experienced the conflict, but who have generally operated under the radar of public consciousness. In particular, it examines the pieds-noirs, the former European settlers of Algeria, and the harkis, Algerians who fought for the French as auxiliaries during the war. Finding their lives in Algeria untenable upon independence, both populations migrated en masse to France where they have organised collectively as diaspora communities to challenge the hegemony of official narratives in order to legitimate their own interpretations of this contentious past. The purpose of such an investigation is to re-evaluate the conventional historical periodisation of a ‘forgotten’ war that made a dramatic return to public attention during the 1990s by revealing a continual presence of memory and commemorative activity within these communities. Through consultation of a wide range of sources, including extensive use of previously neglected audiovisual material, the historical recollections of these two communities are reconstructed in detail and examined from a comparative perspective. This thesis also seeks to analyse and historicize the present guerres de mémoire phenomenon whereby as the public profile of the war has risen in recent years, the different historical interpretations held by groups such as the pieds-noirs and harkis have increasingly come into open conflict, particularly over the issue of commemoration with each seeking to see their version of the past enshrined in official rituals and monuments. Finally, the thesis offers new historical context intended to contribute to enhancing understanding of the ongoing process by which France continues to ‘face up’ to its colonial past and deal with the complex contemporary legacies of this era.
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Artino, Serene. "To Further the Cause of Empire: Professional Women and the Negotiation of Gender Roles in French Third Republic Colonial Algeria, 1870-1900." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1342622253.
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Katzer, Valentin. ""L'Algérie, c'est la France" Quoi qu'il en coûte ? : die französische Nordafrikapolitik in der IV. Republik (1946-1958) zwischen Anspruch und Realität." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010593.
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La présente thèse analyse la cohérence de la politique nord-africaine de la France sous la IVe République (1946-1958). Se focalisant sur la politique d’intégration en Algérie, l’auteur prend aussi en considération les imbrications entre la question algérienne et la politique de coopération au Maroc et en Tunisie ainsi qu’avec la crise de Suez en 1956. D’un côté, il s’agit de comparer les ambitions de la France au Maghreb avec l’engagement politique et économique concret. De l’autre, l’auteur analyse le bienfondé des exigences officielles face aux données régionales, nationales et internationales. L’étude examine si, en France comme en Afrique du Nord, il y a eu une motivation suffisamment grande pour accepter les conséquences multiples de la politique poursuivie et si des alternatives crédibles ont été proposées dans le débat contemporain. Globalement, l’auteur cherche à savoir comment la présumée détermination de la IVe République à défendre l’Algérie française, quoi qu’il en coûte, s’est transformée sous la Ve République en un calcul comptable des coûts qui, finalement, mène à l’indépendance de l’Algérie en 1962The present thesis examines the coherence of France’s North Africa policy during the Fourth Republic (1946-1958). The author focuses on the economic dimension of the so called “integration policy” in Algeria. Furthermore, its impacts on the French relations with Morocco and Tunisia as well as on the Suez Crisis in 1956 are being analyzed. On the one hand, the study compares France’s ambitious goals in the region with its actual political and economic commitment. On the other hand, it investigates the plausibility of these goals against the background of the local, national and international situation. The author verifies if politicians and citizens were willing to accept the multiple consequences of France’s political ambitions and if realistic alternatives were proposed in the discussion at that time. Moreover, the thesis offers an explanation why the presumed great determination of the Fourth Republic to keep French Algeria whatever the cost finally turned into a sober cost-benefit analysis in the Fifth Republic which led to Algerian independence in 1962
Die vorliegende Dissertation untersucht die Kohärenz der französischen Nordafrikapolitik in der IV. Republik (1946-1958). Der Fokus liegt auf der sogenannten Integrationspolitik in Algerien. Ferner werden deren Einflüsse auf die französischen Beziehungen mit Marokko und Tunesien und auf die Suezkrise 1956 analysiert. Dabei geht es zum einen darum, die weitreichenden Ansprüche Frankreichs in der Region dem tatsächlichen politischen und ökonomischen Engagement gegen- überzustellen. Zum anderen wird die Plausibilität der offiziellen Ambitionen vor dem Hintergrund der regionalen, nationalen und internationalen Rahmenbedingungen überprüft. Damit verbunden sind die Fragen nach der Bereitschaft in Politik und Gesellschaft, die vielfältigen Konsequenzen der Nordafrikapolitik zu tragen, und nach alternativen Handlungsoptionen zu den getroffenen Ent- scheidungen. Darüber hinaus erforscht die Studie, wie aus der von großer Entschlossenheit geprägten Maxime der IV. Republik, Französisch-Algerien um jeden Preis zu verteidigen, in der V. Republik eine dem Anschein nach nüchterne Abwägung von Kosten und Nutzen zugunsten der algerischen Unabhängigkeit im Jahr 1962 werden konnte
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Cadiot, Aliénor. "Vichy et les Algériens : Indigènes civils musulmans algériens en France métropolitaine (1939-1944)." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0131.
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La présence en métropole de dizaines de milliers d’Algériens entre 1939 et 1944 est un fait connu mais qui n’a pas été étudié avec précision, ni par l’historiographie de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, ni par celle du fait colonial français. A priori considérée comme statique, l’immigration algérienne est en réalité un phénomène dynamique. En effet entre 1939 et 1942, trois vagues migratoires eurent lieu entre les deux rives de la Méditerranée. L’Algérie est à la veille de la guerre un territoire travaillé par des forces politiques puissantes et opposées, allant de l’indépendantisme à l’assimilationnisme. A la fin de l’année 1939 et au début de l’année 1940, la Troisième République met en place un recrutement en Algérie pour les besoins de l’économie de guerre, dans le cadre d’un recrutement plus large dans différentes colonies. Dans ce contexte, l’installation du régime de Vichy en Algérie est un phénomène complexe, qu’il serait artificiel de séparer de la métropole. En parallèle des questions relatives à la main-d’œuvre, une intense surveillance des populations estampillées « nord-africaines », dans leur immense majorité, algériennes, est organisée : le régime de Vichy met en effet en place un service secret dont le but est de surveiller la propagation de la propagande nazie sur les deux rives de la Méditerranée (le Service des affaires algériennes, SAA). Ce service est créé à Marseille, point nodal de toutes les questions touchant à l’Algérie pendant les années de guerre : en effet, au delà du SAA, les services de la main-d’œuvre nord-africaine (MONA) de tout le territoire sont également largement chapeautés par celui de Marseille, qui a en charge la gestion du flux migratoire à travers la Méditerranée. Car juste après l’armistice, le tout nouveau régime de Vichy initie un rapatriement des Algériens vers l’Algérie, qui s’intensifie de l’été 1940 au début de l’année 1941, notamment dans l’espoir de réduire le chômage en métropole. Puis, à l’inverse, à partir de l’année 1942, dans le contexte plus large de la mise au travail de l’Europe par l’Allemagne, un nouveau recrutement pour la métropole est organisé en Algérie, alors que de nombreux Algériens tentent de fuir des formes de travail qui ne leur conviennent pas. Ce recrutement est particulièrement intense pour le secteur minier. En zone occupée, c’est sur Paris que se concentrent les efforts de surveillance : la ville est particulièrement suspecte. En effet, alors que les institutions parisiennes dédiées à l’administration des « Nord-Africains » dans la région sont aux prises avec les conditions de l’occupation, un certain nombre d’Algériens sont en contact à la fois avec les partis collaborationnistes et avec les autorités d’occupation, que ce soit pour des raisons politiques ou commerciales. Après le débarquement en Afrique du Nord le 8 novembre 1942 et l’invasion de la zone sud trois jours après, alors que l’entièreté du territoire métropolitain est occupée et que l’Algérie est passée aux mains des Alliés, l’État français s’emploie à refondre les services métropolitains en charge de l’administration des « Nord-Africains », inventant de fait un nouveau contenu au syntagme. Jusqu’aux derniers jours de l’occupation, cette administration fera en sorte de s’accorder la « loyauté » des « Nord-Africains » à l’Empire et à la FranceThe presence of tens of thousands of Algerians in metropolitan France between 1939 and 1944 is a known fact but one which has not been studied with precision, neither by the historiography of the Second World War, nor by that of the French colonial empire. Considered static, Algerian immigration is in reality a dynamic phenomenon. Indeed, between 1939 and 1942, three migratory waves took place between the two shores of the Mediterranean.On the eve of the war, Algeria is a territory worked by powerful and opposing political forces, ranging from separatism to assimilationism. At the end of 1939 and at the beginning of 1940, the Third Republic set up recruitments in Algeria for the needs of the war economy, as part of a wider recruitment process in various colonies. In this context, the installation of the Vichy regime in Algeria is a complex phenomenon, and it would be artificial to separate Algeria from the metropole.Simoultaneously, an intense surveillance of the populations considered as "North Africans", in majority Algerians, is organized: the Vichy regime sets up a secret service whose aim is to monitor the propagation of Nazi propaganda on both shores of the Mediterranean (the Algerian Affairs Service, SAA). This service is created in Marseilles, the nodal point of all questions relating to Algeria during the war years: indeed, beyond the SAA, the North African workforce services (MONA) of the whole metropole are also largely headed by that of Marseilles, which is in charge of managing the migratory flow across the Mediterranean. Indeed, just after the armistice, the new Vichy regime initiated a repatriation of Algerians to Algeria, which intensified from the summer of 1940 to the beginning of 1941, in the hope of reducing unemployment in the metropole. Conversely, from the year 1942 and in the broader context of forced recruitment of european workers by Germany, a new recruitment for the metropole is organized in Algeria, while many Algerians try to flee forms of work that do not suit them. This recruitment is particularly intense for the mining sector.In the occupied zone, surveillance efforts concentrate on Paris. The city is particularly suspect. Indeed, while the Parisian institutions dedicated to the administration of "North Africans" in the region are grappling with the conditions of the German occupation, a certain number of Algerians are in contact with both the collaborationist parties and with the occupation authorities, whether for political or commercial reasons. After the landing in North Africa on November 8th, 1942 and the following invasion of the southern zone three days later, as the entire metropolitan territory passed under German occupation and Algeria into the hands of the Allies, the Etat français makes efforts to overhaul the metropolitan services in charge of the administration of "North Africans", in fact inventing a new content for the phrase. Until the last days of the occupation, this administration will ensure that "North Africans" remain "loyal" to the Empire and to France
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Vermeren, Hugo. "Les Italiens à Bône : migrations méditerranéennes et colonisation de peuplement en Algérie (1865-1940)." Thesis, Paris 10, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA100052.
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À la croisée de l’histoire coloniale et de l’histoire de l’immigration en France, cette thèse se propose d’aborder sous un angle neuf le rôle des Italiens dans la colonisation et le peuplement des villes du littoral oriental de l’Algérie à travers le cas de Bône (Annaba). Elle s’appuie sur un corpus de sources récoltées en France (Paris, Aix-en-Provence, Toulon, Marseille), en Italie (Rome, Pouilles, Sardaigne) et en Algérie (Annaba, Constantine). Un premier axe est consacré à l’étude des politiques migratoires mises en place des deux côtés de la Méditerranée au cours du XIXe siècle pour réguler et contrôler les circulations croissantes entre l’Italie et l’Algérie. Un second s’articule autour des modalités d’installation des Italiens à Bône. Par le biais d’une étude socio-quantitative, les spécificités de l’installation et de l’intégration des étrangers sont étudiées dans un cadre urbain et colonial. Le troisième volet porte sur la place des Italiens dans la société coloniale algérienne de l’entre-deux-guerres. Il permet de resituer l’Algérie dans la politique africaine de l’Italie libérale et fasciste, et plus largement dans les rapports franco-italiens au MaghrebAt the cross-road of the colonial history and immigration history in France, this PHD thesis proposes to address under a new angle the role of the Italians in the colonisation and settlement of the cities of Algerian western coastline, through the case of Annaba. It is based on a corpus of sources gathered in France (Paris, Aix-en-Provence, Toulon, Marseille), Italy (Rome, Puglia, Sardinia) and Algeria (Annaba, Constantine). A first axis is dedicated to the study of migration policies adopted in both sides of the Mediterranean Sea during the 19th century, which aimed at regulating and controlling the growing circulation between Italy and Algeria. The second axis deals with the modalities of settlement of Italians in Annaba. Through a socio-quantitative study, the specificities of the settlement and integration of foreigners are studied from an urban and colonial perspective. The third axis addresses the status of the Italians in the Algerian colonial society of the inter-war period. It enables to place back Algeria in the African policy of the liberal and fascist Italy, and furthermore in the relationships between Italy and France in Maghreb
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Lorková, Aneta. "Pozice Francie ve středomoří a v severní Africe." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113977.
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The aim of this thesis is to introduce the Maghreb countries and the historical background and current events to clarify the common issues between the two shores of the Mediterranean Sea. Specifically, this thesis introduces the relations between Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Mauritania, Libya with their former colonial power, France. Although Libya differs in many aspects from the other Maghreb countries, it cannot be isolated in the region. Thus this thesis, with the emphasis to the differences, takes Libya also in account. This thesis also aims to define the current foreign policy of France towards the Maghreb countries and outlines the strengths and weaknesses of current and future mutual cooperation.
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Byrnes, Melissa K. "French like us? municipal policies and North African migrants in the Parisian banlieues, 1945-1975 /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (ProQuest) Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2008. http://worldcat.org/oclc/436291981/viewonline.
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Tsaki, Amira. "L'évolution des politiques urbaines et leurs influences sur la criminalité : regards croisés Algérie-France." Thesis, Valenciennes, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018VALE0015/document.
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La métropolisation que connait le monde depuis quelques décennies a créé une hypertrophie urbaine, faisant de la sécurité urbaine un enjeu primordial pour les Etats. Après avoir démontré l’existence d’un lien fort entre urbanisation et criminalité, nous avons examiné l’influence des politiques urbaines sur la criminalité urbaine. Les études criminologiques et sociologiques menées par de nombreux chercheurs dont Durkheim, Szabo, Shaw et McKay, nous ont servi de base scientifique afin de mener des travaux de recherche sur le terrain. De Lyon à Oran, notre analyse compare l’évolution et l’efficience des politiques urbaines françaises et algériennes. Les résultats de nos recherches démontrent l’influence des politiques urbaines de constructions massives sur le développement de zones urbaines anomiques et socio-économiquement ségréguées, mais également l’impact de l’hyper sécurisation sur le sentiment de sécurité et la cohésion urbaineThe metropolisation that the world has known for a few decades has created an urban hypertrophy, making urban security a major issue for the Nations. After highlighting a strong connection between urbanization and crime, we’ve studied the influence of urban policies on urban crime. The criminological and sociological studies conducted by many researchers, including Durkheim, Szabo, Shaw and McKay, have served as a scientific basis for conducting field research. From Lyon to Oran, our analysis compares the evolution and effectiveness of French and Algerian urban policies. The results of our research works illustrate the influence of massive urban construction policies on the development of urban anomic and socio-economically segregated areas, but also the impact of hyper-security on the sense of security and urban cohesion
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Champrenault, Julie. "Cultures et empire, une société théâtrale en situation coloniale ? : Algérie 1946-1962." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015IEPP0046.
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Cette thèse porte sur la vie théâtrale en Algérie entre 1946 et 1962 et répond à la problématique suivante : Quelle société théâtrale s’est déployée en Algérie dans un contexte marqué par le délitement progressif de l’emprise coloniale française et dans quelle mesure a-t-elle été façonnée par les enjeux politiques et identitaires qui caractérisaient les circulations transméditerranéennes des lendemains de la Seconde Guerre mondiale à l’indépendance algérienne ? À la libération, la vie culturelle française entre dans une phase de renouveau. Le mouvement de décentralisation mené par Jeanne Laurent, sous-directrice des spectacles et de la musique au ministère de l'Éducation nationale, est lancé pour répondre à des objectifs de popularisation et de démocratisation du théâtre. L'outre-mer français et plus particulièrement l'Algérie sont cependant tenus à l'écart de ces réformes. Entre 1946 et 1962, l'Algérie passe brutalement du statut de colonie-refuge, hôte de la souveraineté française sous l'occupation, à celui de territoire impérial séditieux. La vie culturelle et les évènements politiques et militaires s'imbriquent sur ce territoire qui subit les contradictions de son statut hybride d'espace à la fois national et colonial. Cette thèse se situe donc au croisement de trois histoires, politique, coloniale et culturelle et s'organise autour de trois axes de recherche : une description du paysage théâtral de l’Algérie coloniale, une interrogation sur l’existence d’une politique culturelle pour le territoire algérien et enfin une analyse de la politisation du théâtre en Algérie dans les dernières années de la domination coloniale françaiseThis Ph.D dissertation about the theatrical life in Algeria between 1946 and 1962 aims at answering the following questions: what sort of theatrical community managed to develop in Algeria in the context of the gradual disintegration of France’s colonial power? To what extent was it shaped by the political issues and national identity stakes which characterised cross-Mediterranean flows in the aftermath of World War II until Algeria’s independence? After the Liberation, France’s cultural life started renewing. A project of decentralisation was launched to democratise drama and bring it to the general public, led by deputy director of Performing Arts and Music at the Ministry of Education Jeanne Laurent. However France’s overseas territories, and more specifically Algeria, were kept aside of this set of reforms. Between 1946 and 1962, Algeria moved from the status of a colony of refuge – which hosted the French sovereignty during the Occupation – to that of an insurrectionary imperial territory. Cultural life and political and military events were interwoven in this territory which was subjected to the contradictions inherent to its hybrid position as both a national and a colonial space. Therefore this dissertation lies at the heart of three facets of history – political, colonial and cultural history. It is thus organised around three axes of research, aiming at depicting colonial Algeria’s theatrical scene, questioning the existence of a cultural policy dedicated to the Algerian territory, and analysing the politicisation of drama in Algeria in the final years of France’s colonial domination
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Bensalem, Boutaïna. "La presse française et l'espace marocain 1822-1912." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BOR30054.
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Au début du XIXe siècle, la presse française connaissait peu le Maroc, certes ce dernier avait un traité de paix avec la France et un mouvement commercial existait entre les deux pays, mais ce n’est qu’à partir de la conquête d’Alger en 1830, que les quotidiens de Paris vont s’intéresser particulièrement à cet espace avec lequel désormais la France partageait des frontières. Ces dernières ouvertes et mouvantes seront la source de beaucoup de froissements entres les deux pays. La donne sécuritaire influencera ainsi le regard des journaux sur l’espace marocain. Ce dernier de plus en plus présent dans les éditions des grandes feuilles françaises intéressait les journalistes, académiciens et hommes politiques français de l’époque. Inconstant et turbulent, il dérangeait et fascinait à la fois. Observant l’espace marocain à travers la presse française, cette thèse nous éclaire sur l’évolution des relations franco-marocaines à partir du XIXe siècle jusqu’à la signature du protectorat en 1912. Elle explore la place qu’occupait le Maroc dans les relations internationales de l’époque. Les tensions entre Paris et le makhzen se répercutaient sur leurs relations avec les autres puissances d’Europe influent ainsi la dynamique qui liait les Etats dans leur environnement méditerranéen et surtout continentalIn early 19th Century, the French press was not particularly familiar with the Moroccan empire, despite old economic and diplomatic relations between France and Morocco. It is only after the colonization of Algeria that the French newspapers became interested in the old empire. France newly shared borders with Morocco created many tensions and speculations. The press started then to report concerns about the impact Morocco might have on the security of the new French colony. Journalists, men state and scholars turned their eyes toward this new turbulent neighbour. The old empire fascinated as much as it troubled and concerned them. The object of this thesis is to give us an insight into the Moroccan and French relations during the 19th century until 1912 through the particular perspective of the French press. It focuses on tensions and dynamics between the two countries and how they shaped the current international relations at both the Mediterranean and European levels
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MENOUER, MUSTAPHA. "Les dirigeants d'entreprises publiques : etude de droit compare france-algerie." Paris 10, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA100145.
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Cette these comprend trois parties : la premiere partie, intitulee "le statut des dirigeants" determine les elements composant ce statut et les analyse. Ces elements sont : le mode d'investiture etatique (nomination et revocation par l'etat), le systeme de remuneration et la responsabilite disciplinaire. La seconde partie, intitulee "les pouvoirs des dirigeants", analyse l'exercice des pouvoirs des dirigeants a travers la triple relation que ces derniers entretiennent avec les organes internes a l'entreprise (conseils d'administration ou de surveillance pour la france, conseil de direction pour l'algerie). Avec l'etat (evolution vers une plus grande autonomie des organes dirigeants et par consequent vers une plus grande responsabilite); avec les salaries (exercice des pouvoirs du chef d'entreprise et evolution des rapports entre dirigeants et travailleurs subalternes) la troisieme partie intitulee, "les responsabilites des dirigeants" analyse les responsabilites civiles, penale et pecuniaire des dirigeants des entreprises publiques en france et en algerie a travers la jurisprudence
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Marynower, Claire. "Être socialiste dans l'Algérie coloniale : pratiques, cultures et identités d'un milieu partisan dans le département d'Oran, 1919-1939." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0042/document.
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Ce travail s’intéresse au milieu des militants de la SFIO dans le cadre du département d’Oran dans l’entre-deux-guerres, dans une « approche sociétale » qui dépasse les frontières du parti pour s’intéresser à son inscription dans l’environnement. L’évolution idéologique du groupe mise en lumière – le passage d’une réticence extrême face au nationalisme à une ouverture aux revendications des organisations de la population colonisée créées à cette époque, Association des ‘ulamā musulmans et Fédération des élus musulmans en tête – est restituée dans ses multiples réalités, politique mais aussi culturelle, sociale et sociabilitaire. Le changement des discours et des idées fut en effet à la fois accompagné et permis par une évolution des pratiques, des langues utilisées à la façon de mobiliser en passant par le vêtement, aussi bien que par celle des identités, avec l’entrée de militants issus de la population colonisée à la SFIO mais aussi l’évolution des réseaux militants, rapprochant le Parti socialiste des organisations revendicatives algériennes. Les principales conclusions de ce travail permettent d’élargir les récits du nationalisme algérien, en prenant en compte les transferts réciproques, organisationnels et théoriques, entre la gauche française et les premières organisations politiques algériennes. Elles éclairent aussi notre compréhension des sociétés coloniales, en montrant comment le Parti socialiste fut au cœur, en Algérie, d’une « transaction hégémonique impériale » : tout en contestant la façon dont la colonisation française fonctionnait, il en assura paradoxalement la solidité, en faisant vivre le langage, largement fictionnel, de l’assimilation, par delà la frontière colonialeMy dissertation deals with the French Socialist group in the Western department of Algeria, Oran, during the interwar period. At first very reluctant about any proposition that could be considered similar to nationalism, this group progressively opened up to wider views: in the mid 1930s, it included a significant number of Algerian members and had added some of the major claims of the proto-nationalist movements to its political platform – mainly those of the Federation of Muslim elected representatives and the Association of Algerian Muslim ‘Ulamā. The process of cultural change in the Oran socialist milieu was accompanied and facilitated by mutations in both the socialist practices and sociability. Thus socialist ways of operating – mobilizing, campaigning and demonstrating – evolved: during the 1930s, the Socialists increasingly positioned themselves to attract the native Algerian population. But socialist ways of being – identities and social configurations – also mutated considerably, as the Socialist Party grew closer to the Algerian proto-nationalist organizations. The Socialist Party in Algeria can be understood as constituting an interstitial world, challenging the binary division of colonial societies into colonizing and colonized populations. The socialist activists of the Oran region challenged the “colonial border” in a significant albeit limited way. They opened a dialogue around the idea of colonial reform in a coercive context and constituted a “hegemonic imperial transaction”. The study of this short-lived community challenges the historiography as it analytically recalibrates the genesis of Algerian nationalism, taking into account a form of “colonial encounter” with the French left
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Recanati, Alice. "Thermochronométrie basse température (U-Th-Sm)/He : méthodologie et applications géodynamiques." Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SACLS038/document.
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Une première partie de cette thèse est méthodologique: elle vise à améliorer la thermochronométrie (U-Th-Sm)/He sur apatite et les modèles de diffusion actuels. Nous avons étudié le cas du Massif Armoricain (France), et celui des Alpes Suisses. Nos travaux montrent que la rétentivité en hélium des apatites est plus élevée que prévu par les modèles traditionnellement utilisés. Une approche statistique comprenant des algorithmes d'apprentissage montre que la composition chimique des grains ne semble pas jouer sur la rétentivité des apatites en hélium. Le principal paramètre contrôlant la dispersion des âges hélium est l'état d'endommagement des cristaux. Nous proposons une approche de physique/minéralogie expérimentale pour le caractériser à l'échelle nanométrique. Dans la dernière partie de la thèse, nous avons appliqué la méthode (U-Th-Sm)/He sur apatite au cas de la marge algérienne. Nous mettons en évidence une phase majeure de dénudation dans la région des Petites Kabylies au cours du Tortonien. Cette phase marque probablement le début de l'inversion de la marge, bien plus précocement que suggéré jusqu'alorsThe first part of the thesis aims at improving the methodology and the models involved in apatite (U-Th-Sm)/He thermochronology. For this purpose, we studied two geological cases: the Armorican Massif (France) and the Swiss Alps. Our work suggests that apatite helium retentivity is higher than predicted in traditional models. A statistical approach using machine learning algorithms evidences that the apatite chemical composition of grains does not influence helium retentivity. The key parameter is the parent radionuclide and the crystal damage contents. We suggest an experimental procedure in order to characterize damage in apatite at the sub-micrometer scale. In the last part of the thesis, we applied the (U-Th-Sm)/He method to the Algerian Margin. We evidenced a major denudation phase in Petite Kabylie ("Lesser Kabylia") during the Tortonian times. This phase likely corresponds to the initiation of the margin inversion, earlier than previously suggested
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McConaghy, Kieran. "Terrorism and the state : intra-state dynamics and the response to non-state terrorism." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6535.
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Although there has been a wealth of academic literature which has examined counter-terrorism, both in the general sense and in case study focused approaches, there has seldom been an engagement in terrorism studies literature on the nature of the state itself and how this impacts upon the particular response to terrorism. Existing literature has a tendency to either examine one branch of the state or to treat (explicitly or implicitly) the state as a unitary actor. This thesis challenges the view of the state as a unitary actor, looking beneath the surface of the state, investigating intra-state dynamics and the consequences for counter-terrorism. I highlight that the state by its nature is ‘peopled', demonstrating through comparative analysis of case studies from Spain, France, and the United Kingdom, how the individual identities and dispositions of state personnel at all levels from elites to entry level positions determine the nature and characteristics of particular states. I show that if we accept that the state is peopled, we must pay attention to a series of traits that I argue all states exhibit to understand why campaigns of counter-terrorism take the shape and form that they do. I posit that we must understand the role that emotional and visceral action by state personnel in response to terrorism plays, how the character of particular state organisations can impact upon the trajectory of conflicts, and how issues of intra-state competition and coordination can frustrate even the best laid counter-terrorism strategies. Furthermore, I show how the propensity for sub- state political violence to ‘terrorise' populations makes the response to terrorism a powerful political tool, and how it has been deployed in the past for political gain rather than purely as an instrument to improve security. I conclude that future academic analyses of counter-terrorism must take this into consideration, and likewise, state personnel must be mindful of the nature and character of their state should they wish to effectively prevent terrorism and protect human rights and the rule of law.
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Bonora, Camille. "France's Algeria policy (1988-1995) : discourse, motives and means." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1995. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/510/.
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France's Algeria Policy (1988-1995). Discourse, Motives and Means is a study of the French response to political upheavals in Algeria. The October 1988 riots in Algeria sparked off a fast-track democratisation process which was, however, rapidly brought to an end. Following Algeria's Winter 1991/92 first free parliamentary elections through which Islamism imposed itself as the most popular form of political change, a coup d'etat was staged by the Military -- the everlasting nucleus of power in Algeria. Since the coup d'dtat in January 1992 and the subsequent clobbering of the Islamist opposition, Algeria has foundered in a sea of violence. Until now, all political initiatives to bring back the country on the path of civil peace have failed. Starting from the premise that France's long-run foreign policy objective has always been to preserve its rank as Algeria's "senior foreign partner", this study seeks to determine what policy France implemented in order to achieve its goal in the context of Algeria's turmoil. The central finding brought to the fore in this thesis is that France's Algeria policy was a shifting policy. From the 1992 coup d'dtat until the May 1995 French presidential elections, shifts in policy occurred both under the Left and the Right. In successive stages, the socialist Cresson and Beregovoy governments as well as the right-wing Balladur government supported both "conciliation" and "eradication" in Algeria, which translated into varying degrees of support to the Algerian new rulers. France's shifts from supporting conciliation to backing eradication (January 1993) and from buttressing eradication to calling for conciliation (September 1994) are analysed in the light of three themes that permeate this study : discourse, motives and means.
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Zora, Gülnihal. "Les relations franco-turques à l'epoque du Général De Gaulle (1958-1969)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA087/document.
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Les rapports entre les deux pays sont l’une des plus longues relations diplomatiques de l’histoire française. C’est avec René Massigli, un personnage diplomatique, que ces relations ont été réanimées. Son court séjour entre 1939-1940, juste avant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, témoigne d’une période charnière. Il a été nommé ambassadeur à Ankara, la nouvelle capitale de la Turquie moderne tout juste fondée par Atatürk. La visite officielle de de Gaulle en 1968 représente également une date importante dans les relations des deux pays.Peut-on parler d’un rapprochement stratégique des deux pays pendant la période gaullienne ? Quels étaient les divers facteurs et limites de ce rapprochement ? Peut-on parler de la montée de l’anti-américanisme, à partir du milieu des années 1960, dans les deux pays comme un de ces facteurs de leur rapprochement ? Est-ce que les Etats-Unis avaient un rôle catalyseur dans les relations bilatérales franco-turques ? Que pensait de Gaulle de la Turquie d’Atatürk? Est-ce que les situations respectives de la France et de la Turquie leurs offraient les meilleurs raisons de rapprocher leurs politiques au cours de la période de 1958 à 1969 ? Comment de Gaulle, qui jugeait que le système des blocs hégémonies divisant l’Europe et s’étendant sur l’Orient devait faire place à la détente, l’entente et la coopération internationale, considérait-il la Turquie par rapport à l’Europe ? À travers ces questions, notre problématique se cristallise par : comment la vision gaullienne a-t-elle influencé les rapports franco-turcs ?Le prolongement de cette vision gaullienne jusqu’à nos jours est une des plus importantes conséquences de cette période. « La saison de la Turquie » de 2011 en France à l’initiative du président Chirac, qualifié de vrai gaullien, dont l’objectif était de permettre à la Turquie d’être mieux connue par les Français à travers des événements culturels, économiques et intellectuels sur l’ensemble du pays, témoigne d’un certain effet de cet héritage gaullien dont la vision vis-à-vis de la Turquie était de la rapprocher de l’Europe. Que signifient les autres conséquences de cette vision sur la politique extérieure française et plus spécifiquement sur les relations franco-turques ?The relationship between France and Turkey are one of the longest diplomatic relations of French and Turkish history. By a diplomatic character, René Massigli, these relationships were revived. His short stay in Ankara between 1939-1940, during the first two years of Second World War, constitutes a transition period. He was appointed ambassador to Ankara, which is the capital of the newly created modern Turkey by Atatürk. Also, the official visit of De Gaulle to Turkey in 1968, is a milestone in the relations between two countries.Can we speak of a rapprochement between the two countries in the de Gaulle era? What is the opinion of De Gaulle on Atatürk's Turkey? Did their respective situations provide them an opportunity to converge their foreign policies in the 1940-1968 period? How did De Gaulle in whose opinion international blocks formed around hegemonies divided Europe and spanned towards the East should give way to détente, understanding and international cooperation see Turkey?The most important issue in this context is that the consequences of this Gaullist vision still survives today. The Season of Turkey in France in 2011, initiated by a decision of President Chirac who has regarded as a true Gaullist, is one of the most tangible results. What other consequences of this vision on the French foreign policy, and especially on the Franco-Turkish relations can be seen today?
Türkiye-Fransa diplomatik ilişkileri, Fransız tarihinin en uzun ilişkileridir. İki ülke arasındaki bu ilişkiler, Diplomatik bir karakter olan René Massigli sayesinde canlanmıştır. Hemen İkinci Dünya Savaşı öncesindeki kısa sureli kalışı bu önemli dönemin dönüm noktası olmuştur. Atatürk tarafından kurulan modern Türkiye’nin yeni başkenti Ankara’ya Büyükelçi olarak atanmıştır. Buna benzer şekilde, 1968 yılında General de Gaulle tarafından Türkiye’ye gerçekleştirilen resmi ziyaret de bu ilke ilişkileri açısından bir başka önemli donum noktasıdır.Charles de Gaulle döneminde iki ülkenin stratejik yakınlaşmasından bahsedebilir miyiz? Bu yakınlaşmanın çeşitleri faktörleri ve sınırları nelerdir? 1960li yılların ortasından itibaren her iki ülkede de yükselişe geçen Amerikan karşıtlığı bu stratejik yakınlaşmada bir faktör olabilir mi? Avrupa’yı ikiye bölen ve Doğu’ya da uzanan iki kutuplu dünyanın yerini yumuşama, anlaşma ve uluslararası işbirliğine bırakması gerektiğini düşünen General de Gaulle, Türkiye’nin Avrupalılığı hakkında ne düşünüyordu? Bu sorular ışığında sorunsalımız şu şekilde somutlaşıyor: General de Gaulle’ün dünya görüşü Türkiye-Fransa ilişkilerini nasıl etkiledi?Bu görüşün sonuçlarının günümüze kadar uzanması, General de Gaulle döneminin ve vizyonunun Türkiye Fransa ilişkileri açısından en önemli sonuçlarından birisidir. 2011 yılında, gerçek bir gaullist olarak nitelendirilen Fransa Cumhurbaşkanı Chirac öncülüğünde gerçekleştirilen, gerçek amacının Türkiye’nin Fransızlar tarafından kültürel ve ekonomik faaliyetler aracılığı ile daha iyi tanınması olan “Türkiye sezonu”, General de Gaulle’ün günümüze kadar uzanan mirasıdır. Bu vizyonun, Fransız dış politikası ve özellikle Fransa-Türkiye ilişkileri üzerindeki diğer sonuçları ne ifade etmektedir?
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Lewis, Jonathan George. "Conflict and remembrance in Franco-Algerian literature, 1981-1999." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3687.
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The Algerian War of Independence (1954-62), which brought an end to over a century of French colonial dominance in Algeria, is widely viewed as one of the most violent wars of decolonisation, the repercussions of which continue to prove pertinent to contemporary French society. After a thirty-seven year period of widely acknowledged state amnesia in France, the French government finally recognised the Franco-Algerian conflict as a war in 1999. This phase of forgetting persisted in spite of the visible reminder constituted by the sizeable population of Algerian origin living in France: a population that bears the legacy and memory of the war and transmits it to subsequent generations. The hesitation of the state to confront its colonial past in this way has exacerbated the sense of exclusion of France’s Algerian population, and has hindered its capacity to integrate into French society. Through a study of literature, this thesis addresses these issues of remembrance and exclusion. Taking as its primary corpus novels by four authors who embody the divisive past shared by France and Algeria – Azouz Begag, Mehdi Charef, Mounsi, and Leïla Sebbar – this study investigates the ways in which Franco-Algerian literature has represented the marginalisation of France’s ethnic Algerian population, and posited routes of escape from this marginalisation. Furthermore, it analyses the extent to which the primary texts challenge the history of silence maintained for so long by the French government, and bring to light instead a complex, plural historical narrative as opposed to the monolithic version of history put forward by the state. By examining texts published between 1981 and 1999, the thesis traces the increased presence of the children of Algerian migrants in French society during the 1980s, which leads into a greater attention to history and a wave of remembrance in the 1990s, prefiguring the eventual official acknowledgment of the Algerian War by the French government in 1999.
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Kydjian, Maïlys. "Mémoires croisées : retour sur l'expérience coloniale et la guerre d'indépendance à travers trois générations d' "Algériens", "Harkis" et "Pieds Noirs"." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016TOU20062/document.
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En France, aujourd’hui, cohabitent des protagonistes de l’histoire franco-algérienne qui ont pu occuper des positions antagonistes, ainsi que leurs descendants ; ils sont communément appelés « algérien », « harki » et « pied-noir ». Cette thèse présente l’étude croisée des processus de construction mémorielle après la guerre d’indépendance algérienne dans ces trois groupes socio-historiques. Les récits des histoires de famille ont été confrontés à l’Histoire écrite par les historiens. Le corpus se compose de personnes nées pendant la période coloniale, ayant vécu la guerre et la migration vers la France hexagonale, ainsi que des personnes de la génération de leurs enfants et de leurs petits-enfants.A partir de la constitution des familles, y compris dans leur dimension transnationale, nous proposons d’interroger les processus de transmission des souvenirs et leurs réappropriations par les individus de ces trois générations. A travers le croisement de ces mémoires, la pertinence de la catégorisation socio-historique est questionnée, qu’il s’agisse de constructions mémorielles ou d’appartenance. Ces mémoires, souvent opposées dans leur regard sur les événements, s’inscrivent sur un territoire au récit national commun, mais dans lequel elles ne se retrouvent pas toujours. Nous nous intéressons également aux représentations de soi et de l’Autre, construites à partir de cette histoire franco-algérienne et à leurs conséquences sur la cohésion sociale aujourd’huiProtagonists of the French-Algerian History, as well as their descendants, which occupied antagonistic positions during the independence war, cohabit in France nowadays. They are commonly called « Algerians », « Harkis » and « Black Feet people ». This thesis presents a cross-study of memorial construction processes after the Algerian Independence War within these three socio-historical groupes. Family history narratives have been confronted to History written by historians. The corpus is composed of persons born during the colonial period, having experienced the war and the migrations towards France, as well as their children and grandchildren.We examine the mechanisms of transmiting memories and their re-appropriation by individuals belonging to these three generations. We take into account families relationships and their transnational dimension. By crossing these memories, the relevance of the socio-historical categories is questioned, checking whether they reflect a memorial construction or a sense of belonging. These memories, often in opposition to each other, take part of a common national narrative into which people don’t completely identify themselves. We are also interested in the representations of oneself and otherness as an outcome of French-Algerian history and in their consequences on current social cohesion
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Aït-Chaalal, Amine. "L'Algérie, les États-Unis et la France : des discours à l'action /." Paris : Publisud, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37208055w.
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Le, Baron Jules. "Lésions osseuses de l'homme préhistorique en France et en Algérie." Paris : BIUM, 2003. http://www.bium.univ-paris5.fr/histmed/medica/cote?20937.
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Ageron, Charles-Robert Meynier Gilbert. "Les Algériens musulmans et la France, 1871-1919 /." [Saint-Denis] : Éd. Bouchene, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb399971360.
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Thèse doctorat--Lettres--Paris, 1966.Publ. dans le cadre d'un hommage à C.-R. Ageron. Précédemment publ. en 1968 aux Presses universitaires de France. Bibliogr. vol. 2, p. 1257-1283. Notes bibliogr. Glossaire et index à la fin du vol. 2.
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Haouam, Zakia. "Etude comparée de l'enseignement pré-scolaire en Algérie et en France." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb375948007.
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Boucif, Khaïra-Naïma. "Etude comparée des systèmes d'enseignement supérieur en Algérie et en France." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37596283k.
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Bouveresse, Jacques. "Un parlement colonial ? : les délégations financières algériennes, 1898-1945." Mont-Saint-Aignan : Publications des universités de Rouen et du Havre, 2008. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41371460s.
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Féraud, Henri. "Les Commandos de l'air : contribution à l'histoire des commandos parachutistes de l'air en Algérie, 1956-1962 /." Paris : Nouv. éd. latines, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb34951673m.
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Th. univ.--Montpellier III--Histoire, 1984.Thèse soutenue sous le titre : "Contribution à l'histoire des commandos parachutistes de l'air en Algérie" Contient un choix de documents. Bibliogr. p. 323-327.
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Alimazighi, Kamel. "L'émigration algérienne en France, histoire et problèmes culturels /." Alger : Office des publications universitaires, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb366829225.
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