Journal articles: 'France. Algeria'

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Hubbell, Amy. "Made in Algeria: Mapping layers of colonial memory into contemporary visual art." French Cultural Studies 29, no. 1 (January 12, 2018): 8–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155817739751.

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In 2016, the Musée des Civilisations de l’Europe et de la Méditerranée in Marseille hosted the ‘Made in Algeria: Généalogie d’un territoire’ exhibition which gathered cartographic depictions of Algeria from the earliest European encounters to modern images of an independent culture still bearing colonial remnants. The contemporary pieces, notably by Franco-Algerian artists Zineb Sedira and Katia Kameli, expose multiple layers of the past as they reformulate what had been erased by colonisation and what had been silenced by the subsequent ruptures of independence. Their images, like the artists who have migrated back and forth between Algeria and France across time, show accumulated layers of colonial memory enmeshed in contemporary images of the Algerian people and landscape. By assessing the marks still visibly mapped onto Algeria in the exhibition, this article explores how what is ‘Made in Algeria’ remains heavily marked by France.

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Cooper, Austin R. "“A Ray of Sunshine on French Tables”." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 49, no. 3 (June 1, 2019): 241–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2019.49.3.241.

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The French citrus industry in Algeria grew rapidly in terms of land area and fruit production from the 1930s until Algerian Independence in 1962. This article contends that technical expertise regarding citrus cultivation played a role in colonial control of Algeria’s territory, population, and economy. The French regime enrolled Algerian fruit in biopolitical interventions on rural ways of life in Algeria and urban standards of living in France. Technical manuals written by state-affiliated agronomists articulated racial distinctions between French settlers and Algerian peasants through attention to labor practices in the groves. A complex legal, technological, and administrative infrastructure facilitated the circulation of citrus fruit across the Mediterranean and into metropolitan France. This nexus of scientific research, economic profit, and racial hierarchy met criticism during the Algerian War for Independence. In the aftermath, expert discussions about citrus production reflected uncertainties and tensions regarding Algeria’s future. Citrus’ place in scientific, technological, and economic changes in twentieth-century Algeria illuminates the politics of technical expertise under colonialism and during decolonization.

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Matallah, Siham. "Sino-Algerian Strategic Cooperation:Towards a New Stage of Development." China and the World 01, no. 03 (September 2018): 1850017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2591729318500177.

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Algeria strongly welcomed cooperation with China along with its search for an economic and political partner that respects Algeria’s sovereignty, ethnicity, religious, and cultural peculiarities, especially as Algeria suffered a bitter experience under the French colonial rule that deprived it of a window into global markets even after the achievement of independence, and China’s partnership seemed like an auspicious beginning for the Algerian economy. Indeed, China opened its arms to Algeria and became its largest trading partner, surpassing France that has traditionally been Algeria’s number one supplier. Both countries are committed to carrying forward their friendship in a spirit of equality and mutual respect, mutual trust, mutual benefit, and common gain. On the one hand, China attaches great importance to its bilateral relations with Algeria, which were raised to a comprehensive strategic partnership level in February 2014, and on the other hand, the Algerian government played a very important role in encouraging Chinese companies to invest in various fields, adding new depth to the Sino-Algerian relationship.

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Pine, Savannah. "Conscription, Citizenship, and French Algeria." Undergraduate Research Journal for the Humanities 1, no. 1 (September 1, 2016): 44–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17161/1808.21406.

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This paper questions why the Third Republic of France imposed conscription on Muslim Algerians in 1912. This action is peculiar because conscription was a tenant of French citizenship, which the French thought that Muslim Algerians were too inferior to have. A politician named Adolphe Messimy, the members of the Third Republic in control of the government in 1912, and a group called the Young Algerians convinced France to contradict its laws and beliefs to impose conscription. They did so because the self-interests of all three groups met at one moment in time and wanted conscription. This paper meticulously explains the motives of Adolphe Messimy, the Third Republic, and the Young Algerians to explain why each agreed to conscription. This research fits into the broader schematic of French Algerian history because it argues that Algeria, in part, gained its independence in 1962 due to the imposition of conscription in 1912.

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Katz, Ethan B. "Jewish Citizens of an Imperial Nation-State." French Historical Studies 43, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-7920464.

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Abstract This article draws on the work of recent years on Jews and Algeria to map a French-Algerian frame as a new approach to French Jewish history. The article thinks through the implications of two key ideas from the “new colonial history” for the history of Jews in France and Algeria and posits that Jews in French Algeria can profitably be understood as colonial citizens. After focusing briefly on the French-Algerian War and decolonization, a period for which recent scholarship has developed robustly in suggestive ways, the article turns to a case study from a different era: World War II and the Holocaust. It addresses the history of the majority-Jewish resistance movement in Algiers that paved the way for the success of Operation Torch. Finally, the article considers how this French-Algerian framework might reshape our thinking about certain basic issues in the field of French Jewish history. Cet article s'appuie sur les travaux des dernières années sur les juifs et l'Algérie pour tracer un modèle franco-algérien comme nouvelle approche de l'histoire des juifs en France. L'article examine les implications de deux idées clés de la « nouvelle histoire coloniale » pour l'histoire des juifs en France et en Algérie, et pose comme principe que les juifs de l'Algérie française peuvent à juste titre être compris comme des « citoyens coloniaux ». Cet article commence par aborder brièvement une période que l'historiographie récente a développé de manière suggestive—la guerre franco-algérienne et la décolonisation—avant de passer à l'étude d'une autre époque, la Deuxième Guerre mondiale et l'Holocauste. L'article analyse l'histoire du mouvement de résistance à majorité juive qui a ouvert la voie au succès de l'opération Torch. Enfin, l'article discute de la manière dont ce cadre franco-algérien pourrait modifier notre réflexion sur certaines questions fondamentales pour l'histoire des juifs en France.

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Voisin, Patrick. "Albert Camus’ Mediterranean: An Answer to “Murderous Identities”." Human and Social Studies 6, no. 3 (October 1, 2017): 51–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hssr-2017-0024.

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Abstract Identities were “murderous” in Algeria, to borrow an expression from Amin Maalouf. However, through this process, Algeria won its independence. Albert Camus, a son of France and a child of Algeria, caught between his two mothers’ identities, was torn apart and sometimes had to make choices; he was blamed for his Franco-French vision of Algeria and, above all, in the crucial hours, for preferring his biological mother to his cultural one. In other words, Camus had a poor record in Algeria. And yet, there is something like a tuning fork vibrating in unison at the sound of “Camus” and “Algeria”: it is Camus’ Mediterranean, with its timeless and universal present, which takes its sense and essence from the “Algerian Mediterraneanness”. It is a fact: Algeria allows us to understand Camus, but Camus also allows us to know Algeria. Questionable dark areas lie within either of them, but would not it be better if we imagined that Camus and Algeria could find together a world beyond the absurd and revolt, on a quest for universality that would not abolish identities which are still asserted but played down today?

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Perego, Elizabeth. "Veil as Barrier to Muslim Women’s Suffrage in French Algeria, 1944–1954." Hawwa 11, no. 2-3 (June 9, 2014): 160–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341246.

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In 1944, women in metropolitan France and across the French empire gained full citizenship. That same year, French officials enfranchised Algerian Muslim men. Yet, under pressure from the European settler community in Algeria, the French refused to give Algerian Muslim women citizenship. Why did the settler community want to withhold political rights from these women, and how did the French justify their exclusion while permitting everyone else across the empire to become citizens? This paper will argue that, due to settler resistance to seeing the Algerian electorate expanded, members of Algeria’s European community and French officials exploited the veil to emphasize how Muslim society “repressed” its women to the point that they were unfit to exercise political rights. In the process, the veil came to symbolize a barrier between these women and modernity, a constructed meaning that continues to drive secular campaigns against Muslim headcoverings in France and North Africa.

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Shepard, Todd. "ALGERIAN NATIONALISM, ZIONISM, AND FRENCH LAÏCITÉ: A HISTORY OF ETHNORELIGIOUS NATIONALISMS AND DECOLONIZATION." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 3 (July 30, 2013): 445–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813000421.

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AbstractThe Algerian war resituated the meaning of “Muslims” and “Jews” in France in relation to religion and “origins” and this process reshaped French secular nationhood, with Algerian independence in mid-1962 crystallizing a complex and shifting debate that took shape in the interwar period and blossomed between 1945 and 1962. In its failed efforts to keep all Algerians French, the French government responded to both Algerian nationalism and, as is less known, Zionism, and did so with policies that took seriously, rather than rejected, the so-called ethnoreligious arguments that they embraced—and that, according to existing scholarship, have always been anathema to French laïcité. Most scholars on France continue to presume that its history is national or wholly “European.” Yet paying attention to this transnational confrontation, driven by claims from Algeria and Israel, emphasizes the crucial roles of North African and Mediterranean developments in the making of contemporary France.

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Boutaleb, Chamyl. "Heroes and Villains: an Algerian Review of Tocqueville and Emir Abd al-Qadir." Review of Middle East Studies 45, no. 1 (2011): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2151348100001890.

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The history of Algeria’s colonization by France is closely linked to resistance (from 1832 to 1847) led by the Algerian hero Emir Abd al-Qadir (1808–1883), and to the ideology of the French agent Alexis de Tocqueville concerning the means by which France could dominate the country. The colonization of Algeria divided the French political sphere into three approaches: Those who demanded the retreat of French troops, those calling for a limited occupation, and finally those in favour of extending domination and the colonization of the occupied territories. Among the last, let us highlight the chief advocate, Marechal Guizot, and his military accomplices (generals Cavaignac, Pelissier, Saint-Arnaud, Montagnac, and others led by general Bugeaud). Working with them was Alexis de Tocqueville (1805–1859), a fervent defender of colonization at any cost. He was to be their ideologist, a theoretician of colonialism who would legitimize French expansion in Algeria.

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Rabinovitch, Simon. "The Quality of Being French versus the Quality of Being Jewish: Defining the Israelite in French Courts in Algeria and the Metropole." Law and History Review 36, no. 4 (October 30, 2018): 811–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248018000408.

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As the nineteenth-century French state expanded its borders in North Africa and incorporated what came to be Algeria into France, French King Louis-Phillipe, President and then Emperor Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, and various ministers of war, governors general for Algeria, and other advisors and government officials all faced the question of how and if to naturalize the territory's inhabitants as French citizens. Recent literature on the French use of law to classify and control populations in Africa has focused on the French colonial administration. This article emphasizes instead the role courts played in sorting out the legal contradictions created by French colonialism, by using the Jews in Algeria as an example. The existing precedent of the Jews' forced de-corporation and naturalization in France made their collective religious rights in Algeria particularly problematic, and cases in the Algerian and French courts highlighting the anomalous legal status of Algerian Jews eventually led to Jewish, but not Muslim, naturalization by decree in 1870. This new interpretation of Jewish naturalization in French Algeria highlights the philosophical problem that Jewish collective rights forced the French courts and French state to confront, and the barriers to resolving it.

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Franklin, Elise. "A Bridge Across the Mediterranean." French Politics, Culture & Society 36, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 28–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2018.360202.

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During the Algerian War, Nafissa Sid Cara came to public prominence in two roles. As a secretary of state, Sid Cara oversaw the reform of Muslim marriage and divorce laws pursued by Charles de Gaulle’s administration as part of its integration campaign to unite France and Algeria. As president of the Mouvement de solidarité féminine, she sought to “emancipate” Algerian women so they could enjoy the rights France offered. Though the politics of the Algerian War circumscribed both roles, Sid Cara’s work with Algerian women did not remain limited by colonial rule. As Algeria approached independence, Sid Cara rearticulated the language of women’s rights as an apolitical and universal good, regardless of the future of the French colonial state, though she—and the language of women’s rights— remained bound to the former metropole.

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12

Hamidani, Salim. "Colonial Legacy in Algerian–French Relations." Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.1.69.

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The colonial period in Algeria was a time of suffering and struggle for Algerians who fought to win back their freedom and defend their values against French attempts to subjugate them. It was also a struggle to end foreign control over the country’s wealth and resources. National independence sought a sovereign state with free decision-making, away from French influence in particular, in a context of ideological polarization and mutual hostility between ex-colonial forces and independent states. The root of such hostility lies in what both parties lost, and resulted in a distinctive pattern of French–Algerian bilateral relations tainted by nostalgia from the French side and the struggle for parity from the Algerian side. The three decades following Algeria’s independence witnessed, to a certain extent, a national sentiment opposed to colonial France, and it is the sentiment that Algerian politicians attempted to use to manage relations between the two countries and obtain some benefits by invoking the past in speeches at a local level, and to overcome that past in building relations with France. As a security crisis and economic decline hit Algeria, it became apparent that the French regime was to exert effective influence on the country and control its foreign policy to meet French aspirations and ambitions in both Africa and the Arab world. This conclusion suggested to several observers the fall of the Algerian elite, responsible for decision-making, under French influence. Moreover, this elite group, while dealing with several regional issues, was not able to assert complete independence in its decision-making regarding foreign affairs, whether due to its past and formation or to the network of new relations built between the Algerian and French systems. This reality, which is deeply rooted in the Algerian foreign policy system, raises the question of the ability of the Algerian elite to pull away from its colonial inheritance and the grip of the French regime. One might therefore wonder how historical events and Algerian solid ties with the French administration shape French–Algerian relations and their political agendas.

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MacDonald, Megan. "Violent modernity: France in Algeria." Journal of North African Studies 16, no. 3 (September 2011): 499–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2011.560716.

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House, Jim. "Violent Modernity. France in Algeria." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 38, no. 3 (December 2011): 443–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2011.621711.

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Harrison, Olivia C. "Staging Palestine in France-Algeria." Social Text 30, no. 3 (2012): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01642472-1597323.

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Tyukaeva, T. I. "Scientific Community in Algeria: Adopting Traditions and Developing Identity." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(35) (April 28, 2014): 193–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-2-35-193-200.

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The history of scientific development in Algeria, which has not been long, represents a series of continual rises and falls. The Algerian leadership and researchers have been making efforts to create Algeria's national science through protection from the western scientific tradition, which is reminiscent of the colonial period of the country, and at the same time adoption of scientific knowledge and scientific institutions functioning principles from abroad, with no organizational or scientific experience of their own. Since the time the independent Algerian state was established, its scientific development has been inevitably coupled with active support of European countries, especially France, and other western and non-western states. Today the Algerian leadership is highly devoted to the modernization of the national scientific and research potential in strong cooperation with its foreign partners. The article concentrates on examining the present period (the 2000s) of the scientific development in Algeria. The main conclusion is that there still is a number of problems - for Algeria until now lacks an integral scientific community with the state preserving its dominating role in science and research activities. Despite these difficulties, the Algerian science has made an outstanding progress. The efficiently built organizational scientific structure, the growing science and technology cooperation with foreign countries as well as the increasing state expenses in science allow to hope for further success of the Algerian scientific development.

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Bedjaoui, Nabila. "Les étudiants algériens face au français." Taikomoji kalbotyra, no. 11 (August 8, 2018): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/tk.2018.17243.

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L’Algérie est le deuxième pays francophone après la France. 132 ans de colonisation ont été suffisants pour implanter cette langue dans l’esprit des Algériens. Après l’indépendance, les français ont certes quitté l’Algérie, mais ils ont laissé derrière eux leur langue qui s’est immiscée jusque dans la langue arabe, et est devenue de la sorte une partie de l’identité du locuteur algérien. L’avènement de l’arabisation, a fait basculer la balance, en imposant l’utilisation de la langue arabe, seule, dans tous les domaines et dans toutes les institutions. Le français est devenu langue étrangère, voire étrange, dans certaines parties du pays. L’université n’a pas été épargnée par ces changements de statut opérés sur la langue française. L’étudiant algérien trouve, désormais, des difficultés à l’appréhender. De ce fait ses études ne se déroulent pas dans de bonnes conditions. Une prise en charge de l’enseignement de la langue française à l’université algérienne s’impose. Algerian students and the French language Algeria is the second largest French - speaking country after France. 132 years of colonization were sufficient to implant this language in the minds of Algerians. After leaving Algeria, the French left behind their language, which has interfered in the Arabic language, and has thus become part of the identity of the Algerian speaker. The advent of arabization has tipped the scales, imposing the use of the Arabic language in all areas and in all institutions. In some parts ofthe country, French has become a foreign language. Algerian students find it difficult to understand. The situation of French has become rather cumbersome. Therefore, it becomes essential to preserve French at Algerian universities. Key words: Algeria; arabization; French; education; specialty; level.

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Vance, Sharon. "Antisemitism in France and colonial Algeria." Patterns of Prejudice 51, no. 3-4 (August 8, 2017): 292–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.2017.1357791.

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Codaccioni, Vanessa. "States of Exception and Their Targets." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 40, no. 2 (August 1, 2020): 230–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-8524138.

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Abstract The article deals with the history of state exception in France since the Algerian War. From this point of view, what is happening in France falls into two overlapping genealogies of exception: a colonial genealogy of exceptionalist logics, in which Algeria plays a central part; and a more metropolitan genealogy of political repression that could be traced back to the monarchy. The author thus divides her remarks into three sections. First, she addresses the double genealogy of exception in France; second, the discriminatory character of the exception; and last, the normalization of exception.

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Brazzoduro, Andrea. "Il nemico interno. La guerra d'Algeria nel cinema francese." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 76 (March 2009): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-076007.

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- Starts from France, that established the state of emergency according to an act dating back to the Algerian war (1955) to cope with the revolt which set on fire the banlieues in 2005. Siri's L'Ennemi intime, which came out in cinemas shortly afterwards, brought to the big screen exactly the French Algerian conflict. Contextualizing the film in the plentiful French production about this issue, the A. wonders whether we are faced with a new stage of "the Algerian syndrome" 50 years after the event or whether the Algerian war, caught up in a complex device of censorship and self censorship (official as well as by authors, producers, public), still remains the major repressed experience of French society (and its cinema). Keywords: Algeria, War, Memory, Cinema, History. Parole chiave: Algeria, Guerra, Memoria, Cinema, Storia.

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Pervillé, Guy. "La révolution algérienne et la « guerre froide » (1954-1962)." Études internationales 16, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701794ar.

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To the French military, still recovering from their defeat in Indochina, the Algerian war was but the final outcome of the "subversive war" carried out by international communism against the colonial empires of the "imperialistic" powers since 1920. The historical analysis does not corroborate this far too unlateral interpretation of the complex and ambiguous relations which existed between the communist and the nationalist movements of Algeria: the algerian FLN in the beginning was no less anticommunist than antinationalist. However, the strategic and diplomatic needs of its struggle against France led it to lean progressively towards the "socialist" States instead of the "imperialistic" West, thereby foregoing its initial neutralism. This has profoundly affected the paths taken by independent Algeria.

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Schreier, Joshua. "A Jewish Riot against Muslims: The Polemics of History in Late Colonial Algeria." Comparative Studies in Society and History 58, no. 3 (July 2016): 746–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417516000347.

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AbstractOn Rosh Hashanah, 1961, six months before the conclusion of the Evian accords promised independence for Algeria, riots broke out in the city of Oran. Surprisingly to many, the aggressors were overwhelmingly Jews, while those injured or killed were largely Muslims. The events—widely covered in the media but since forgotten—were a product of Oran's particular social chemistry, but were also shaped by far wider set of debates about a chasm that was growing between Jews and Arabs in France, Algeria, and the wider Arab world. This article focuses on responses to these riots, especially how they drew on polemical renderings of a shared Muslim-Jewish history. I make two interrelated arguments based on printed matter of the period, French government archives, and memoirs. First, Algerian Jewish observers and pro-FLN nationalist writers, groups that only rarely agreed on the question of Algerian independence, both recalled that the two groups' shared a largely harmonious history. They vehemently disagreed, however, on what this shared, harmonious history meant in terms of political obligations. The article's second argument is that the Israel-Palestine conflict helped sour relations between Jews and Muslims in Algeria, as well as historical renderings of these relations, during the Algerian War of Independence. Specifically, the question of Palestine frequently appeared as a reference when interpreting the riots. Together, the two arguments demonstrate how international issues helped occlude the particular, local stories and belongingness of Algerians, while they defined the future, religio-ethnic contours of the Algerian nation.

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Loyal, Steven. "The French in Algeria, Algerians in France: Bourdieu, Colonialism, and Migration." Sociological Review 57, no. 3 (August 2009): 406–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2009.01847.x.

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Bourdieu's early fieldwork which included field observation, statistical analysis, and the use of photography to capture, represent, and analyse Algerian society in its complexity, took place within the unusual context of the Algerian War of Independence (1954–62). A number of his photographs of Algerian life depict the physical dislocation of Algerian peasantry into shanty towns largely as the result of rapid socio-economic and cultural change introduced by French colonisation and war. Although this fieldwork was to fundamentally shape his subsequent oeuvre, substantive issues which arose out of this research including colonialism, racism, and migration, tended to disappear in his later writings. This paper will argue that Bourdieu's discussion of colonialism in his early work, together with arguments developed by his student and co-author, Abdelmalek Sayad, provide a basis for understanding contemporary processes of ethno-racial domination and migration.

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Meloni, Giulia, and Johan Swinnen. "The Rise and Fall of the World's Largest Wine Exporter—And Its Institutional Legacy." Journal of Wine Economics 9, no. 1 (April 16, 2014): 3–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jwe.2014.3.

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AbstractThis paper analyzes the causes of the rise and the fall of the Algerian wine industry. It is hard to imagine in the twenty-first century global wine economy, but until about 50 years ago Algeria was the largest exporter of wine in the world—and by a wide margin. Between 1880 and 1930 Algerian wine production grew dramatically. Equally spectacular was the decline of Algerian wine production: today, Algeria produces and exports little wine. There was an important bidirectional impact between developments in the Algerian wine sector and French regulations. French regulations had a major impact on the Algerian wine industry, and the growth of the Algerian wine industry triggered the introduction of important wine regulations in France at the beginning of the twentieth century and during the 1930s. Important elements of these regulations are still present in European wine policy today. (JEL Classifications: K23, L51, N44, N54, Q13)

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Silverstein, Paul. "Realizing Myth: Berbers in France and Algeria." Middle East Report, no. 200 (July 1996): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3013261.

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Hoffmann, Stanley, and Paul A. Silverstein. "Algeria in France: Transpolitics, Race, and Nation." Foreign Affairs 84, no. 2 (2005): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20034308.

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Schreier, J. "ABDELMAJID HANNOUM. Violent Modernity: France in Algeria." American Historical Review 118, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 295–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/118.1.295.

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Gueydan-Turek, Alexandra. "Penser l’échange artistique franco-algérien: la bande dessinée Alger–Marseille: allers-retours de Nawel Louerrad et Benoît Guillaume, et le musée du MuCEM." Nottingham French Studies 57, no. 1 (March 2018): 92–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2018.0206.

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(English): In the bande dessinée Alger–Marseille: allers-retours, Algerian artist Nawel Louerrad and her French counterpart Benoît Guillaume recount their respective trips to Marseille and Algiers. Commissioned by Musée des civilisations de l'Europe et de la Méditerranée(MuCEM), their artistic project functions as a renewed museography aiming to foster a decentred gaze and improve Franco-Algerian relations. In this context, this article questions the nature of the exchanges generated by such a postcolonial museum project. Even if the two graphic contributions offer geo-poetic and artistic visions irreconcilable at first, I find that the album promotes an ethic of horizontality; it transforms itself into a space of cohabitation, of sharing even. The artists’ residencies across the Mediterranean, and the ensuing graphic production, promote a new artistic and cultural dynamic between Algeria and France.

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CHURCHILL, CHRISTOPHER. "CAMUS AND THE THEATRE OF TERROR: ARTAUDIAN DRAMATURGY AND SETTLER SOCIETY IN THE WORKS OF ALBERT CAMUS." Modern Intellectual History 7, no. 1 (February 26, 2010): 93–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924430999028x.

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This essay examines Albert Camus's considerable debt to Antonin Artaud. Camus was not only a dramatist, but he also employed dramaturgical techniques in his more famous fiction and essays. In this regard, Artaud's ideas on social reconstitution through aesthetic terror were crucial to the development of many of Camus's most famous works, written both in Algeria and in France before and after World War II. This article considers the ways in which aesthetic–political techniques adapted from Artaud's Theatre of Cruelty were employed to challenge fascism in Algeria and France, by simultaneously summoning Algerian settler myths of exile, destitution and regeneration. Camus's considerable sophistication in the use of these techniques, and the colonial context in which they were initially applied, have often been missed by scholars and critics who have sought to unproblematically situate his works within debates about the Cold War and more recently the “War against Terror”.

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Tucker, Judith E. "John Ruedy 1927–2016." Review of Middle East Studies 50, no. 2 (August 2016): 235–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2016.143.

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John “Jack” Ruedy was an illustrious historian of Algeria, an inspiring mentor, a teacher of great gifts, the founding director of a long-flourishing M.A. program, and a man for whom principle was not a matter of convenience. A Francophile who came to the study of French colonialism in Algeria as the result of an impromptu sail from the south of France to that country while still a student. Jack then engaged deeply with the Maghreb, an interest and commitment that began with his book Land Policy in Colonial Algeria (1967), and ultimately culminated in the writing of Modern Algeria: The Origins and Development of a Nation in 1992. This latter book has endured as a seminal account of the theories and practices of settler colonialism in Algeria, often cited and serving as the springboard for much later work on Algerian history. His research interests in colonial land policies also led him to make an early and signal contribution to Palestine studies in a chapter, “The Dynamics of Land Alienation,” he contributed to Ibrahim Abu-Lughod's The Transformation of Palestine in 1971.

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Zherlitsina, Natalia. "The “Entente cordiale” and the rivalry of Great Britain and France in North Africa in 1830s–1840s. The example of Morocco." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640013914-3.

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The article examines the relationship between the two leading powers of the 19th century, Great Britain and France, against the background of colonial rivalry in North Africa. Analyzing relevant English, French, and Moroccan diplomatic documents, the author concludes that the issue of establishing a dominant influence in Morocco was one of the main issues in the relations between Great Britain and France in 1830–1840. The French takeover of Algeria disrupted the regional and European balance of influence and gave a conflicting character to the relations between the competing powers. The “Entente Cordiale” (“Cordial Accord”), designed to contribute to the preservation of peace in Europe, acted as a deterrent that did not allow Great Britain and France to move to an open phase of confrontation in the Maghreb. The sharp phase of the rivalry between the two powers in Morocco occurred in 1837–1844 and was associated with the name of the hero of the liberation struggle of Algeria from the French invaders, Emir Abd al-Qadir. The Franco-Moroccan War of 1844 ended with the defeat of Morocco, facing the threat of French occupation. Due to the pressure from British diplomacy, the Franco-Moroccan treaty was concluded, and the sultanate existed as an independent country for about sixty years, although in fact the European powers did not stop systematically undermining the country's sovereignty.

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Babicz, Lionel. "Japan–Korea, France–Algeria: Colonialism and Post-Colonialism." Japanese Studies 33, no. 2 (September 2013): 201–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10371397.2013.816243.

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Hargreaves, Alec G. "France and Algeria, 1962-2002: Turning the page?" Modern & Contemporary France 10, no. 4 (November 2002): 445–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0963948022000029529.

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Dine, Philip. "France, Algeria and sport: From colonisation to globalisation." Modern & Contemporary France 10, no. 4 (November 2002): 495–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0963948022000029574.

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Rice, Alison. "The Names of Love: Untranslating Algeria in France." Expressions maghrébines 15, no. 1 (2016): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/exp.2016.0006.

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Goellner, Sage. "Algeria in France: Colette’s “Le manteau de spahi”." French Review 85, no. 3 (2012): 483–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tfr.2012.0369.

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Mark, Andrew. "Gnawa Confusion: The Fusion of Algeria’s Favorite French Band." Ethnologies 33, no. 2 (April 4, 2013): 205–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1015031ar.

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Gnawa Diffusion was a successful musical group of first- and second-generation North African immigrants that achieved significant fame in North Africa, the Middle East and Europe during the last two decades. Based in France, though from Algeria, their politicized egalitarian message reached the world. Their musical skills, instrumentation, tastes and appeal to youth sounds, sentiments and meanings gave their globalized music a prominent place on the global stage. In their work Gnawa Diffusion addressed a panoply of political issues and sought to represent and reach their audience. Their greatest popularity came at the height and conclusion of the Algerian civil war. By parsing the meanings of the band’s name, this paper engages the events and cultures that informed Gnawa Diffusion, exploring the history of the Gnawa, the history of Algeria, and the relationships between France, North Africa and contemporary “French” music. Issues of cultural authenticity and representation are tightly layered within the band’s purposes and process of artistic production. Because Gnawa Diffusion was envisioned, organized and led by Amazigh Kateb Yassin, and because the band and media recognized him as the spokesperson and principal author for Gnawa Diffusion, Amazigh’s life story and words accompany this paper’s arguments and analysis. Through a selective sketch of the various musical consequences of the North African slave trade, the spread of Islam, the colonization of North Africa and the immigration of Algerians to France, we can begin to comprehend how these histories combined and harmonized through Gnawa Diffusion to form the new musical forms of a generation of people who seek to overcome their often divisive cultural heritage. In this case, the intent of the music challenges common notions of authenticity and thereby affirms it.

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McGregor, Andrew. "Liminal lieux de mémoire." Francosphères 10, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/franc.2021.6.

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This article examines the representation of postcolonial memory in Tony Gatlif’s 2004 film Exils / Exiles. The constant movement that occurs in the film through travel, music, and dance reinforces the permanent dislocation of the film’s pied-noir and beurette protagonists. The film’s road-movie narrative represents, on the one hand, a gravitational pull away from the French Republican integrationist ‘centre’ towards an increasingly complex and diverse landscape of cultural identities linked by France’s colonial history, and on the other, a sense of nostalgia for an Algeria that no longer exists and may never have existed. In so doing, Exils represents modern metropolitan France as a dynamic and polycentric postcolonial space whose lieux de mémoire can and should be positioned not only in geographical and cultural territories that lie outside its contemporary national borders, but also in the liminal spaces that characterize the migrant experience. In line with the title of Gatlif’s film, the protagonists find themselves in a state of permanent exile, both from Algeria and from France. The ‘destination’ of the return to cultural origin, Algeria, emerges as a fundamental but nevertheless mirage-like lieu de mémoire that, notwithstanding its cultural and geographical significance, serves primarily to facilitate a deeper understanding by the protagonists of their personal and collective identity that has long been internalized in the unanchored liminal space of the postcolonial migrant journey.

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Duong, Kevin. "The Demands of Glory: Tocqueville and Terror in Algeria." Review of Politics 80, no. 1 (2018): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670517000766.

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AbstractIt is now commonplace to acknowledge Alexis de Tocqueville's support for Algerian colonization. Less well understood, however, is why he also endorsed the French strategy of “total war” in the regency. How was Tocqueville's liberalism linked to the specific shape of violence in Algeria? By situating his Algerian writings in the intersecting intellectual contexts of the 1840s, this essay argues that Tocqueville endorsed total war in Africa because of his passion for glory. Far from an aristocratic anachronism, that passion was the product of contemporary scientific debates over voluntarism in France. It was also shaped by the lingering legacies of revolutionary republicanism and Bonapartism which defined glory in terms of national defense. By tethering modern liberty to this conception of glory, Tocqueville provided resources for rationalizing settlerism's exterminationist violence.

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GOODMAN, JANE E. "Algeria in France: Transpolitics, Race, and Nation:Algeria in France: Transpolitics, Race, and Nation." American Anthropologist 108, no. 3 (September 2006): 615–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2006.108.3.615.2.

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English, Christopher, and Phillip C. Naylor. "France and Algeria: A History of Decolonization and Transformation." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 36, no. 1 (2002): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4107416.

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Nickels, Benjamin P. "France and Algeria at War: Nation, Identity, and Memory." History: Reviews of New Books 38, no. 4 (September 3, 2010): 119–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2010.500204.

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Nouasria, B., A. Aouati, J. Bernau, B. Rueff, J. P. Benhamou, C. Gaudebout, B. Larouze, M. C. Dazza, A. G. Saimot, and A. Goudeau. "Fulminant viral hepatitis and pregnancy in Algeria and France." Annals of Tropical Medicine & Parasitology 80, no. 6 (December 1986): 623–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00034983.1986.11812077.

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Caruso, M. "Contesting views: the visual economy of France and Algeria." Visual Studies 30, no. 1 (March 24, 2014): 104–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1472586x.2014.887306.

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Shilton, S. "Contesting Views: The Visual Economy of France and Algeria." French Studies 68, no. 2 (April 1, 2014): 285–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knu075.

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Lefèvre, Raphaël. "A new chapter in relations between Algeria and France?" Journal of North African Studies 20, no. 3 (April 28, 2015): 315–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2015.1029766.

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Guy, Kolleen M. "Culinary Connections and Colonial Memories in France and Algeria." Food and History 8, no. 1 (January 2010): 219–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.food.1.100981.

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Cleary, Tim. "Book Review: Algeria in France: transpolitics, race and nation." Race & Class 47, no. 4 (April 2006): 105–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396806063865.

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McDonnell, Hugh. "Complicity and memory in soldiers’ testimonies of the Algerian war of decolonisation in Esprit and Les Temps modernes." Memory Studies 13, no. 6 (July 16, 2018): 952–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698018784130.

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In the closing phase of the Algerian War in March 1962, Jean-Marie Domenach, director of the journal Esprit, upbraided his counterpart at Les Temps modernes, Jean-Paul Sartre, for failing to understand the greyness of most human actions and the pervasiveness of knots of complicity. Concern for the complexity of complicity was also apparent in Les Temps modernes circles, however, and it was precisely complicity, both in the form of violence of French troops and of the habituation or indifference of the broader French public, that editor Simone de Beauvoir termed a ‘tetanus of the imagination’. Strikingly, she suggested that a means of countering this affliction of getting used to the unconscionable were testimonies of soldiers returning from Algeria in both Les Temps modernes and Esprit. This article examines this mutual concern for the complexities of complicity and investigates its relationship to memory through the curious importance de Beauvoir placed on such testimonies in these two journals. The discussion looks at the mobilisation of the memory of the Second World War in these testimonies, including analogies with fascism and Nazism, and argues that, rather than merely fashionable hyperbole, they powerfully depicted a multifaceted crisis: in Algeria, of French youth, and of France itself. The second part of the article investigates the testimonies’ representation of military institutionalisation – including its detrimental effects on imagination and the facilitation of violence. These representations of systemic or institutional complicity are contextualised alongside scholarly claims that the Algerian war involved a renegotiation of the memory of Vichy France. I argue that the example of these testimonies calls for a qualification of such claims; though they prefigured later conceptions of a complicity memory trope, or ‘the grey zone’ of Vichy France, they did not override the dominant Second World War memory characterised by heroes and victims.

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Lounici, Rabaḥ. "The relation between the military and the political in contemporary Algerian history*." Contemporary Arab Affairs 4, no. 3 (July 1, 2011): 288–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2011.586504.

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This article details the background to the Algerian military establishment that assumed effective control of the country upon independence from France in 1962 and its subsequent internal power struggles between the likes of Iban Ramadan, Ahmad Ben Bellah and Houwari Boumedienne. While the Algerian adage that ‘some states have an army, but in Algeria, the army has a state’ has had a degree of applicability – especially throughout the 1960s and 1970s, there have been various attempts by Algerians to carve out a political sphere independent from the military. Chastened by the bloody experiences of the crucible in the wake of the abrogated 1992 elections – when the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) had emerged victorious, the army which had paid a heavy price in casualties and damage to its reputation sought to distance itself from the political sphere. The author also makes the case that while independence from France was won primarily through the fighting and sacrifices of the Algerian army of the interior, the Revolution was co-opted largely by elements of the army of the exterior – from the border regions – which participated little or not at all in the actual liberation, but which would subsequently go on to revise history to imply that their role had been crucial to the process. With many of the most prominent figures of the independence generation either deceased or stepping down, and with their replacement by younger generations of officers who are patriotic but less dogmatic and more sympathetic to the Algerian people, the article provides essential background to current events and suggests that the ‘new’ Algerian military is distinct from the previous and more receptive to an enlarged political and civil space.

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Journal articles on the topic 'France. Algeria'

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