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Journal articles on the topic 'France and China'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 4 February 2022

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1

Zhilian, Zhang. "China and France." Chinese Studies in History 43, no. 3 (April 2010): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/csh0009-4633430307.

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2

Yee, J. "France/China. Intercultural Imaginings." French Studies 62, no. 3 (July 1, 2008): 368. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knn005.

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3

Nivard, Jacqueline. "Studies of Republican China in France." Republican China 16, no. 2 (January 1991): 72–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08932344.1991.11720175.

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Nivard, Jaqueline. "Studies of Republican China in France." Republican China 17, no. 2 (January 1992): 129–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08932344.1992.11720202.

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5

Radomska, Ewa. "Bezpośrednie inwestycje zagraniczne we francusko-chińskiej współpracy gospodarczej w kontekście dwustronnych relacji Unii Europejskiej z Chinami." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 72, no. 3 (September 27, 2019): 171–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2019.72.3.13.

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The goals of the paper are: to analyse the scale and nature of foreign direct investments (FDI) in the economic cooperation between France and China; to explain the main reasons for the Chinese capital commitment in the form of FDI in the European Union (EU) and France as well as French one in China; and to identify the conditions and barriers in the flow of FDI and the main activities undertaken by France and the EU to introduce more symmetry in relations with China. The following research hypothesis has been adopted: FDI are an important element of the economic cooperation between France and China, which is developed despite barriers including differences in potentials and asymmetry in market access. In the face of China’s growing activity in the global economy, noticing the benefits, France does not question the bilateral relations but puts more emphasis on the need to create coherent and coordinated strategy towards China at the EU level. This analysis allowed formulation of a few main conclusions. The recent dynamic inflow of Chinese FDI to the EU (including France) is closely connected with China’s measures aimed at reinforcing its position in the global economy. The dynamic and nature of Chinese FDI coming to France and other EU countries, asymmetry in access to markets, the Belt and Road Initiative, changes in the US trade policy and divisions among EU member countries pose challenges to the EU. France is fully committed to creating a common EU strategy towards China and restoring the balance within the EU-China strategic partnership.
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Fukuda, Madoka. "The Normalization of Sino-French Diplomatic Relations in 1964 and the Formation of the “One-China” Principle: Negotiations over Breaking French Diplomatic Relations with the Republic of China Government and the Recognition of the People’s Republic of China as the Sole Legitimate Government." World Political Science 8, no. 1 (October 18, 2012): 252–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2012-0013.

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AbstractThis article examines the substance and modification of the “One-China” principle, which the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) pursued in the mid 1960s. Under this principle, a country wishing to establish diplomatic relations with the PRC was required first to break off such relations with the Republic of China (ROC). In 1964 the PRC established diplomatic relations with France. This was its first ambassadorial exchange with a Western government. The PRC, in the negotiations over the establishment of diplomatic relations, attempted to achieve some consensus with France on the matter of “One-China”. The PRC, nevertheless, had to abandon these attempts, even though it demanded fewer conditions of France than of the United States (USA), Japan and other Western countries in the 1970s. The PRC had demanded adherence to the “One-China” principle since 1949. France, however, refused to accept this condition. Nevertheless, the PRC established diplomatic relations with France before the latter broke off relations with the ROC. Subsequently, the PRC abandoned the same condition in negotiations with the African governments of the Republic of Congo, Central Africa, Dahomey and Mauritania. After the negotiations with France, the PRC began to insist that the joint communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations should clearly state that “the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government of China”. However, France refused to insert these words into the communiqué. Afterwards, the PRC nevertheless insisted on putting such a statement into the joint communiqués or exchanges of notes on the establishment of diplomatic relations with the African countries mentioned above. This was done in order to set precedents for making countries accede to the “One-China” principle. The “One-China” principle was, thus, gradually formed in the process of the negotiation and bargaining between the PRC and other governments.
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7

Coles, Peter. "Campaign in France for democracy in China." Nature 340, no. 6231 (July 1989): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/340251b0.

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8

Anne Marie Mercier Faivre. "Dreaming of China in Eighteenth-Century France." Sogang Journal of Philosophy 17, no. ll (February 2009): 123–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17325/sgjp.2009.17..123.

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9

Martin, Garret. "Playing the China Card? Revisiting France's Recognition of Communist China, 1963–1964." Journal of Cold War Studies 10, no. 1 (January 2008): 52–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.1.52.

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On 27 January 1964, France and the People's Republic of China (PRC) officially established diplomatic relations. This was the first time since 1950 that a major power had recognized the PRC. The French initiative caused an international uproar and generated extensive debate about the motivations of French President General Charles de Gaulle. This article uses new archival materials to look closely at de Gaulle's decision and to show how the new links with Communist China fit into France's larger strategy in the Cold War. Although domestic political considerations helped to spur de Gaulle's action, the new documentary evidence makes clear that de Gaulle also was determined to establish France as a major actor on the world scene that could forge a middle path between the United States and the Soviet Union.
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Fung, K. C., and Nathalie Aminian. "Silicon Valley, France and China: a comparative study of innovation systems and policies." Journal of Chinese Economic and Foreign Trade Studies 10, no. 3 (October 2, 2017): 194–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcefts-05-2016-0015.

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Purpose In this paper, the authors aim to examine some characteristics of the innovation system and policy in France and China. For comparison, they also highlight some high technology features of Silicon Valley and California. Design/methodology/approach The authors study the characteristics of innovation in France and in China. The authors examine the technology systems and policies in both countries and compare their features with those in Silicon Valley. Findings As far as France is concerned, it can be stated that the innovation system and policy are under transformation, going from a strong state involvement to a more decentralized framework. This evolution leads to a multi-level governance of the innovation system and to the emergence of new actors. For China, the most interesting development in China is the evolution of its internet-related sector. The authors argue here that the internet-driven economy is a radical, systemic technological change and it is rapidly growing in China. Originality/value One of the earliest papers comparing the innovation policies and activities in France, China and Silicon Valley.
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11

Israeli, Raphael. "Consul de France in Mid-Nineteenth-Century China." Modern Asian Studies 23, no. 4 (October 1989): 671–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010167.

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What was it like to be a French Consul in newly opened up China of the 1850s? What sort of people served in that risky yet challenging job in an exotic, yet remote and isolated place like mid-nineteenth-century China? How did they discharge their duties both vis-à-vis the puzzled Chinese who did not quite know how to handle the ‘Western Devils’ who thrust themselves into the Middle Kingdom, and their Western colleagues who, like them, were scrambling for Chinese concessions and for commercial and diplomatic rights for their countries, in pursuance of ever-elusive gains in prestige and diplomacy? What kind of matters did they deal with, what were they concerned with, and how well did they perform their consular duties? Under what bureaucratic and hierarchical constraints, both French and Chinese, did they operate? What was their personal contribution to advancing the cause they were delegated to promote?
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12

Ling Xu-Priour, Dong, and Gérard Cliquet. "In-store shopping experience in China and France." International Journal of Retail & Distribution Management 41, no. 9 (July 15, 2013): 706–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijrdm-05-2013-0108.

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13

Young, Ernest P. "Researching Modern China in France: The Nantes Archive." Republican China 18, no. 1 (January 1993): 259–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08932344.1993.11720219.

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14

Adelman, Jonathon. "Revolutionary failure and success: Russia, France and China?" History of European Ideas 20, no. 1-3 (January 1995): 255–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(95)92949-u.

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15

Yuanbin, Wang, and Liu Shulin. "Comparison on Training Mode of Graduate Education between France and China." Frontiers in Education Technology 2, no. 2 (May 13, 2019): p120. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/fet.v2n2p120.

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France and China both are of typical power centralization with similar political management systems, and there are same and different aspects existing in higher education. so comparison between the two countries is meaningful. Curriculum provision, innovation ability cultivating and training mode are compared between France and China. Development trend of graduate education is also presented. Some enlightenment may be obtained to improve Chinese higher education level further.
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16

Stein, Gertrude, and Birgit Van Puymbroeck. "“Let Us Save China”: Gertrude Stein and Politics." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 132, no. 1 (January 2017): 198–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2017.132.1.198.

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Much has been written about Stein's politics ever since it was revealed, in 1996, that Stein had translated many of Philippe Pétain's speeches (Burns and Dydo, “Gertrude Stein”; Van Dusen). If some critics accuse Stein of collaboration with Vichy France, others defend her by pointing out contradictory evidence regarding her behavior during the war years. Barbara Will, in Unlikely Collaboration; Gertrude Stein, Bernard Fay, and the Vichy Dilemma (2011), casts Stein in the role of pro-Vichy thinker whose support of Pétain was “heartfelt and dogged” (118). In addition to translating Pétain's speeches, Stein was a close friend of Bernard Fay, who, as head of the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, was an official high up in the administration of Vichy France. Charles Bernstein, Edward Burns, and Joan Retallack take up Stein's defense in jacket2's online dossier Gertrude Stein's War Years; Setting the Record Straight (2012). They argue that no conclusive evidence ties Stein explicitly to Vichy France (Burns) and highlight the irony in some of her statements—for instance, that Hitler deserved the Nobel Peace Prize (Bernstein, “Gertrude Stein”; Retallack). Furthermore, Stein published her writing in both the Vichy-sponsored magazine Patrie (“Fatherland”) and the anti-Nazi and anti-Vichy journals Confluences, Fontaine (“Fountain”), and L'arbalète (“The Cross-Bow”) during the war years (Burns and Dydo, “Three Lives”; Burns). She sympathizes with the French maquis in her postwar memoir Wars I Have Seen and writes about the inner workings of the Resistance in her play In Savoy; or, Yes Is for a Very Young Man (Wagner-Martin).
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17

Zhao, C., W. T. Ni, and E. Samain. "Time transfer by laser link between China and France." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 3, S248 (October 2007): 298–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921308019406.

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AbstractTo advance from milli-arcsecond to micro-arcsecond astrometry, time keeping capability and its comparison among different stations need to be improved and enhanced. The T2L2 (Time transfer by laser link) experiment under development at OCA and CNES to be launched in 2008 on Jason-2, allows the synchronization of remote clocks on Earth. It is based on the propagation of light pulses in space which is better controlled than propagation of radio waves. In this paper, characteristics are presented for both a common view and non-common view T2L2 comparisons of clocks between China and France.
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18

Célestin, Roger, Eliane DalMolin, and Christian Doumet. "French Theory Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow in France, The U.S., and China. Volume 1: France." Contemporary French and Francophone Studies 18, no. 1 (January 2014): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17409292.2014.882654.

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19

Yusuf, Hakeem. "S.A.S v France." International Human Rights Law Review 3, no. 2 (November 19, 2014): 277–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131035-00302006.

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The Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights has upheld the French law which prohibits the concealment of one’s face in public places. The law is directed principally at prohibiting Muslim women covering their faces in public spaces in France. The decision of the Strasbourg Court is premised on the French notion of ‘le vivre ensemble’; ‘living together.’ This critical analysis of the judgment contends that the decision is flawed and retrogressive for women’s rights in particular and undermines the socio-cultural rights and freedoms of individuals who belong to minority groups in general. On wider implications of the decision, it is worrisome that the decision appears to pander to dangerous political leanings currently growing in many parts of Europe and beyond. The Court risks promoting forced assimilation policies against minorities in various parts of the world. To illustrate its implications, the article highlights the experience of the Uyghurs, a Turkic ethnic group in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region of China.
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Hannah, Poon Hiu Lam. "Long Day’s Journey into Night (2018): Reality, Memory, and Dream in the Cinema Spectacle." Film Matters 11, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 116–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/fm_00086_4.

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21

Li, You Xing. "Famennian tentaculitids of China." Journal of Paleontology 74, no. 5 (September 2000): 969–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022336000033138.

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Until recently, paleontologists believed tentaculitids became extinct by the end of the Frasnian. Lyaschenko (1958) described the youngest occurrence of the genera Styliolina and Homoctenus from the Frasnian of Russia. However, in Europe and North Africa, Lardeux (1969) proposed that Homoctenus ultimus pergracilis persisted into the Famennian. Sauerland (1983) reported the occurrence in France of the genera Styliolina and Striatostyliolina in the cicatricosa ostracod Zone (Frasnian), and Homoctenus in the splendens ostracod Zone (Frasnian-Famennian, upper gigas—middle triangularis conodont Zones). The first report of Famennian tentaculitids in China was from the Dachang area in Guangxi Province, China by Li and Hamada (1986).
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22

Clark, Catherine E. "WHEN PARIS WAS “À L’HEURE CHINOISE” OR GEORGES POMPIDOU IN CHINA AND JEAN YANNE’S (1974) LES CHINOIS À PARIS." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 56–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370203.

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This article looks at two seemingly disparate events: Georges Pompidou’s 1973 presidential visit to the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the filming and release of Jean Yanne’s blockbuster comedy Les Chinois à Paris (1974). Both produced flawed visions of Franco-Chinese relations. During Pompidou’s visit, officials and the press attempted to demonstrate that France enjoyed warmer relations with the PRC than any other Western nation. Yanne’s film parodied the French fad for Maoism by imagining the People’s Liberation Army invading and occupying Paris. His film caused an uproar in the press and sparked official Chinese protest. The article ultimately argues that the two events were deeply related, part of a wave of popular and official interest in China in the early 1970s that extended well beyond the well-known stories of student and intellectual Maoists. This interest paved the way for Franco-Chinese relations as we know them today.
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Bailey, Paul. "The Chinese Work—Study Movement in France." China Quarterly 115 (September 1988): 441–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100002751x.

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In 1920 Wang Guangqi(1892–1936), a founder member of the Young China Association (Shaonian Zhongguo Xuehui) in 1918, wrote that in the past few years a clear division had arisen among Chinese overseas students. Those studying in the United States, having been influenced by the philosophy of “worshipping money” (baijin zhuyi) wanted to build a “capitalist” China on the American model when they returned. The work-study students in France, however, were concerned with practical training and participation in the labouring world. While Chinese students in the United States received regular government scholarships and enjoyed material comforts, Wang continued, those in France spent their time “sweating and working in factories.” Since the former sought their models in the “oil barons” while the latter looked to the workers for inspiration, Wang concluded, it was inevitable that whereas students returning from the United States would be capitalists, work—study students returning from France would promote “labour-ism” (laodong zhuyi) and become part of the labouring classes.
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Sicking, Louis. "France and the Dutch Colonial Empire in the Nineteenth Century." Itinerario 22, no. 1 (March 1998): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300012419.

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In the historiography of the colonial empires in the nineteenth century, much attention has been paid to the large European powers Britain and France. When the Dutch colonial empire is studied in an international context it is mostly in relation to the British empire. However, little or no attention has been given by scholars to Franco-Dutch colonial relations. This is surprising given the fact that after Britain, France and the Netherlands were the second and third largest colonial empires. Three Franco-Dutch colonial frontiers existed: in South America between French Guyana and Surinam, in the Caribbean on the island of St Martin and in Africa on the Gold Coast. In Asia, where the most important Dutch colony, Indonesia, was located, the French and Dutch did not have neighbouring possessions. Nonetheless, because of its location, Indonesia was highly important for navigation between France and Indo-China. In each of the regions mentioned above, French colonial administrators or private individuals developed plans to extend French territory at the expense of the Dutch: on St Martin from 1843 to 1853, on the Gold Coast from 1867 to 1871, in South America from 1887 to 1891 in Indonesia in 1888. This article will focus on nineteenth century France-Dutch colonial relations and will. address such questions as: what were the motives of the French administrators and how effectively did they exert pressure on the metropolitan government in order to effect their schemes? What was the role of special interest groups? And finally how did the Netherlands react? Being a small European power, how were they able to resist the French?
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Demir, Oral. "POPULATION POLICIES AND EVALUATION OF CHINA, FRANCE VE TURKEY SAMPLES." e-Journal of New World Sciences Academy 11, no. 1 (January 11, 2016): 41–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.12739/nwsa.2016.11.1.3c0137.

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Feng, Xin-Xin, Tie-Mei Yi, and Jian-Hua Jin. "First Record of Paraphyllanthoxylon from China." IAWA Journal 31, no. 1 (2010): 89–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22941932-90000008.

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A new species, Paraphyllanthoxylon hainanensis, is described from the Eocene Changchang Formation of the Changchang Basin on Hainan Island, South China. It is the first record of this genus in China, providing important fossil evidence for research on the phytogeographic history of this genus. The form genus Paraphyllanthoxylon was previously only known from the Cretaceous and Neogene of North America, Mexico, France, Belgium, Japan, India and South Africa.
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Cass, Victoria B., and Tonglin Lu. "Rose and Lotus: Narrative of Desire in France and China." Journal of the American Oriental Society 112, no. 3 (July 1992): 519. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603110.

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Scott, Mary, and Tonglin Lu. "Rose and Lotus: Narrative of Desire in France and China." South Atlantic Review 57, no. 2 (May 1992): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3200232.

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Fernandez, Bernard, Evalde Mutabazi, and Philippe Pierre. "International Executives, Identity Strategies and Mobility in France and China." Asia Pacific Business Review 12, no. 1 (January 2006): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602380500337010.

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CABESTAN, Jean-Pierre. "Relations between France and China: Towards a Paris-Beijing Axis?" China: An International Journal 04, no. 02 (September 2006): 327–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0219747206000185.

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Abdelhakim Cherif, Abdelhakim Cherif. "Sportsmen Photos in Newspapers: Comparison between China, France and Tunisia." IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science 11, no. 5 (2013): 81–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/0837-1158185.

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Cabestan, Jean-Pierre. "Relations between France and China: Towards a Paris-Beijing Axis?" China: An International Journal 4, no. 2 (2006): 327–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/chn.2006.0010.

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LIM, Yves-Heng. "The Three Myths of France's China Policy." East Asian Policy 06, no. 02 (April 2014): 108–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930514000208.

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Visiting China for the first time in spring 2013, French President François Hollande reaffirmed France's commitment to a policy defined more than 15 years ago by the Jacques Chirac administration. The Paris' unshaken position towards Beijing is nonetheless puzzling. This “global strategic partnership” has incurred significant economic, ideational and political costs for France, while benefits have remained at best meagre and questionable.
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Wu, Weijing. "Commencement of Bankruptcy Proceedings in China." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 35, no. 2 (August 1, 2004): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v35i2.5648.

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Recent events and developments in China's economic reform have exposed the inadequacy of China's bankruptcy infrastructure. In this context, a new People's Republic of China (PRC) bankruptcy law has been proposed. This essay examines the problems in the most recent draft pertaining to the initiation of bankruptcy proceedings. In contrast with the bankruptcy laws of the United States and France, China's draft presents ambiguities and imperfections in the threshold requirement. Accordingly, further improvements have been proposed to facilitate the commencement of bankruptcy proceedings in the PRC.
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Bianco, Lucien. "French Studies of Contemporary China." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 509–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000035037.

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After belated and uneasy beginnings, French studies of contemporary China have recently matured. Thirty years ago the field was almost non-existent in France. Most sinologists either carried on the once celebrated philological tradition or concentrated on philosophy, religion, classical literature and ancient history. Few were happy to see the sacred field encroached upon by modern historians, whose secular interests they deemed closer to those of reporters than of scholars. Furthermore the tiny bunch of “barbarians” comprised mostly historians, not political scientists, economists or sociologists, and so they were interested in the century that preceded the Communist takeover (1840 to 1949), not in contemporary China as such.
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Lane, Bradley W., Natalie Messer–Betts, Devin Hartmann, Sanya Carley, Rachel M. Krause, and John D. Graham. "Government Promotion of the Electric Car: Risk Management or Industrial Policy?" European Journal of Risk Regulation 4, no. 2 (June 2013): 227–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1867299x00003366.

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There are two prominent motivations for why governments seek to promote the electric car: risk management and industrial policy. This article provides operational definitions of these two motivations and uses them to characterize the public policies of six political jurisdictions: California, China, the European Union, France, Germany, and the United States. The article finds that while the European Union is focused primarily on risk management, China, Germany and the United States are primarily engaged in industrial policy. California and France are intermediate cases with a substantial blend of industrial policy and risk management. Future research into the ramifications of industrial policy for liberalized international trade is recommended.
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Ruffier, Clément. "Research on a Case of Technology Transfer Between France and China." International Journal of Sociotechnology and Knowledge Development 1, no. 4 (October 2009): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jskd.2009062603.

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Traditional technology transfer projects are based on the assumption that they can provide direct economic and social development for the receiving countries. In social sciences, this approach is called “technology determinism”: it states that technologies have a decisive effect on societies and that their innovation and use are independent from any social influences. This belief underestimates the weight of society with regards to technologies, its social shaping (Bijker and Law, 1992), and has been the cause of the failure of many technology transfer projects. To what extent, transferred technologies have to be modified to be adopted in a specific developing country? What are their effects on local cultures? The aim of this article is to build an analytical model to understand the role of technological objects in the process of transfers related to development issues, with a special focus on information and communication technologies (ICT). To answer these questions, we studied a case of technology transfer: the sale of a truck engine patent between a French manufacturer (Renault Trucks) and its Chinese partner Dongfeng Limited.
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O'Kane, Rosemary H. T. "The National Causes of State Construction in France, Russia and China." Political Studies 43, no. 1 (March 1995): 2–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1995.tb01697.x.

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General lessons about state construction are drawn from concentration on the ‘Terror’ years of three post-revolutionary regimes: the Jacobin in France, 1793–4; the Bolshevik in Russia, 1918–21; and the Chinese, 1950–3. These three cases are chosen in order to develop a direct challenge to Skocpol's claims about state building in States and Social Revolutions. The findings show that early state building is not, primarily, a rational, centralizing, mobilizing, response to war and foreign war in particular. It is civil war which is of greater importance to an understanding of the development of revolutionary states and it is only after civil war is over that permanent state construction can begin. Comparison for differences, as well as similarity, at this crucial point at the end of civil war shows that, along with the importance of practical domestic policies as a basis for support, the essential foundation for the post-revolutionary state is central control over the revolutionary forces of internal coercion.
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ROEHNER, BERTRAND M., and CAROL H. SHIUE. "COMPARING THE CORRELATION LENGTH OF GRAIN MARKETS IN CHINA AND FRANCE." International Journal of Modern Physics C 11, no. 07 (October 2000): 1383–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s012918310000122x.

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In economics, comparative analysis plays the same role as experimental research in physics. In this paper, we closely examine several methodological problems related to comparative analysis by investigating the specific example of grain markets in China and France respectively. This enables us to answer a question in economic history which has so far remained pending, namely whether or not market integration progressed in the 18th century. In economics as in physics, before any new result being accepted, it has to be checked and re-checked by different researchers. This is what we call the replication and comparison procedures. We show how these procedures should (and can) be implemented.
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TØNNESSON, STEIN. "The class route to nationhood: China, Vietnam, Norway, Cyprus - and France." Nations and Nationalism 15, no. 3 (July 2009): 375–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8129.2009.00398.x.

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41

Yang, Xiaoliu, Jian Xu, Jean-François Donzier, and Coralie Noel. "A comparison of the water management systems in France and China." Frontiers of Environmental Science & Engineering 7, no. 5 (July 27, 2013): 721–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11783-013-0550-z.

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42

Morphet, Sally. "Resolutions and vetoes in the UN Security Council: their relevance and significance." Review of International Studies 16, no. 4 (October 1990): 341–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500112409.

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IntroductionThe aim of this paper is to look at the United Nations Security Council and certain of the 646 resolutions and 232 public vetoes (vetoing 192 draft resolutions) cast between 1946 and the end of 1989, and to discover in what ways both it and they have been legally and politically relevant and significant. Security Council resolutions are, of course, passed by majority vote. This had to be 7 out of 11 votes until the end of 1965 when the Council was enlarged from 11 to 15. Security Council resolutions have had since then to be passed by at least 9 votes: these can only be vetoed by the five Permanent Members (the United States, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, France and China) if the resolution would otherwise have been passed. By the end of 1989 the veto total for each Permanent Member (the Peoples Republic of China took over the China seat in 1971) was as follows: Soviet Union 114; United States 67; United Kingdom 30; France 18 and China 3.
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43

Watermann, Stephanie, Caroline Schmitt, Tobias Schneider, and Thomas Hackl. "Comparison of Regular, Pure Shift, and Fast 2D NMR Experiments for Determination of the Geographical Origin of Walnuts." Metabolites 11, no. 1 (January 8, 2021): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/metabo11010039.

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1H NMR spectroscopy, in combination with chemometric methods, was used to analyze the methanol/acetonitrile (1:1) extract of walnut (Juglans Regia L.) regarding the geographical origin of 128 authentic samples from different countries (France, Germany, China) and harvest years (2016–2019). Due to the large number of different metabolites within the acetonitrile/methanol extract, the one-dimensional (1D) 1H NOESY (nuclear Overhauser effect spectroscopy) spectra suffer from strongly overlapping signals. The identification of specific metabolites and statistical analysis are complicated. The use of pure shift 1H NMR spectra such as PSYCHE (pure shift yielded by chirp excitation) or two-dimensional ASAP-HSQC (acceleration by sharing adjacent polarization-heteronuclear single quantum correlation) spectra for multivariate analysis to determine the geographical origin of foods may be a promising method. Different types of NMR spectra (1D 1H NOESY, PSYCHE, and ASAP-HSQC) were acquired for each of the 128 walnut samples and the results of the statistical analysis were compared. A support vector machine classifier was applied for differentiation of samples from Germany/China, France/Germany, and France/China. The models obtained by conduction of a repeated nested cross-validation showed accuracies from 58.9% (±1.3%) to 95.9% (±0.8%). The potential of the 1H-13C HSQC as a 2D NMR experiment for metabolomics studies was shown.
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44

Watermann, Stephanie, Caroline Schmitt, Tobias Schneider, and Thomas Hackl. "Comparison of Regular, Pure Shift, and Fast 2D NMR Experiments for Determination of the Geographical Origin of Walnuts." Metabolites 11, no. 1 (January 8, 2021): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/metabo11010039.

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1H NMR spectroscopy, in combination with chemometric methods, was used to analyze the methanol/acetonitrile (1:1) extract of walnut (Juglans Regia L.) regarding the geographical origin of 128 authentic samples from different countries (France, Germany, China) and harvest years (2016–2019). Due to the large number of different metabolites within the acetonitrile/methanol extract, the one-dimensional (1D) 1H NOESY (nuclear Overhauser effect spectroscopy) spectra suffer from strongly overlapping signals. The identification of specific metabolites and statistical analysis are complicated. The use of pure shift 1H NMR spectra such as PSYCHE (pure shift yielded by chirp excitation) or two-dimensional ASAP-HSQC (acceleration by sharing adjacent polarization-heteronuclear single quantum correlation) spectra for multivariate analysis to determine the geographical origin of foods may be a promising method. Different types of NMR spectra (1D 1H NOESY, PSYCHE, and ASAP-HSQC) were acquired for each of the 128 walnut samples and the results of the statistical analysis were compared. A support vector machine classifier was applied for differentiation of samples from Germany/China, France/Germany, and France/China. The models obtained by conduction of a repeated nested cross-validation showed accuracies from 58.9% (±1.3%) to 95.9% (±0.8%). The potential of the 1H-13C HSQC as a 2D NMR experiment for metabolomics studies was shown.
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45

SMOLIANINOVA, Tatyana A. "ARCHITECTURE OF THE HISTORICAL BUILDINGS OF THE CONSULATES IN SHENYANG, CHINA." Urban construction and architecture 10, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 86–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17673/vestnik.2020.03.12.

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The article is devoted to the architecture of the preserved historical buildings of the consular offi ces of Shenyang City in Liaoning Province during the fi rst half of the 20th century. During the period under review, consulates of countries such as Britain, France, Japan, Germany, Italy, America and Russia were opened. In the process of research, four surviving objects were identifi ed, in which Japan, Germany and France were located. Their compositional and stylistic analysis with a brief historical description is carried out. In particular, it was determined that mainly buildings selected as consular offi ces or built directly for them were located in the central administrative region. Currently, the preserved objects are included in the list of monuments of the architectural heritage of Shenyang. The reported study was funded by RFBR, project number № 20-012-00316
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46

Gao, Hang, and Hans De Wit. "China and International Student Mobility." International Higher Education, no. 90 (June 6, 2017): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/ihe.2017.90.9865.

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China has the objective to receive 500,000 international students at the end of this decade, and is already moving fast in this direction, bypassing Australia, France, and Germany, to become the third destination country after the United States and the United Kingdom in hosting international students. With the current political climate in the main countries hosting international students, China’s perspectives to become a dominant player are more optimistic than a few years ago. Attracting international students and increasing their stay-rate after graduation is becoming a major political strategy at the national level and also for the main cities and provinces, as well as the universities. But, to be sustainable in this effort, China’s higher education system needs to work on the quality of its education and services.
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47

Gao, Hang, and Hans De Wit. "China and International Student Mobility." International Higher Education, no. 90 (June 6, 2017): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/ihe.2017.90.9992.

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China has the objective to receive 500,000 international students at the end of this decade, and is already moving fast in this direction, bypassing Australia, France, and Germany, to become the third destination country after the United States and the United Kingdom in hosting international students. With the current political climate in the main countries hosting international students, China’s perspectives to become a dominant player are more optimistic than a few years ago. Attracting international students and increasing their stay-rate after graduation is becoming a major political strategy at the national level and also for the main cities and provinces, as well as the universities. But, to be sustainable in this effort, China’s higher education system needs to work on the quality of its education and services.
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48

Schück, Stéphane, Pierre Foulquié, Adel Mebarki, Carole Faviez, Mickaïl Khadhar, Nathalie Texier, Sandrine Katsahian, Anita Burgun, and Xiaoyi Chen. "Concerns Discussed on Chinese and French Social Media During the COVID-19 Lockdown: Comparative Infodemiology Study Based on Topic Modeling." JMIR Formative Research 5, no. 4 (April 5, 2021): e23593. http://dx.doi.org/10.2196/23593.

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Background During the COVID-19 pandemic, numerous countries, including China and France, have implemented lockdown measures that have been effective in controlling the epidemic. However, little is known about the impact of these measures on the population as expressed on social media from different cultural contexts. Objective This study aims to assess and compare the evolution of the topics discussed on Chinese and French social media during the COVID-19 lockdown. Methods We extracted posts containing COVID-19–related or lockdown-related keywords in the most commonly used microblogging social media platforms (ie, Weibo in China and Twitter in France) from 1 week before lockdown to the lifting of the lockdown. A topic model was applied independently for three periods (prelockdown, early lockdown, and mid to late lockdown) to assess the evolution of the topics discussed on Chinese and French social media. Results A total of 6395; 23,422; and 141,643 Chinese Weibo messages, and 34,327; 119,919; and 282,965 French tweets were extracted in the prelockdown, early lockdown, and mid to late lockdown periods, respectively, in China and France. Four categories of topics were discussed in a continuously evolving way in all three periods: epidemic news and everyday life, scientific information, public measures, and solidarity and encouragement. The most represented category over all periods in both countries was epidemic news and everyday life. Scientific information was far more discussed on Weibo than in French tweets. Misinformation circulated through social media in both countries; however, it was more concerned with the virus and epidemic in China, whereas it was more concerned with the lockdown measures in France. Regarding public measures, more criticisms were identified in French tweets than on Weibo. Advantages and data privacy concerns regarding tracing apps were also addressed in French tweets. All these differences were explained by the different uses of social media, the different timelines of the epidemic, and the different cultural contexts in these two countries. Conclusions This study is the first to compare the social media content in eastern and western countries during the unprecedented COVID-19 lockdown. Using general COVID-19–related social media data, our results describe common and different public reactions, behaviors, and concerns in China and France, even covering the topics identified in prior studies focusing on specific interests. We believe our study can help characterize country-specific public needs and appropriately address them during an outbreak.
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49

Thomas, Martin. "Free France, the British Government and the Future of French Indo-China, 1940–45." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 28, no. 1 (March 1997): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400015216.

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This article traces the development of Gaullist and British policies with respect to Indo-China from the fall of France in 1940 to the end of the Far Eastern war five years later. Directed toward restoring imperial influence in Southeast Asia, these policies were sophisticated and complex, but they bore little fruit owing to the relative strategic insignificance of Indo-China during this period, and the imperatives of Anglo-American relations.
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50

Asgarov, Sirus Rafig. "CHINA'S POST-CORONAVIRUS ECONOMIC SITUATION." SCIENTIFIC WORK 62, no. 01 (February 8, 2021): 162–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/62/162-167.

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In modern times, the United States, Russia, and China are among the world's economic giants. However, China is now moving towards becoming the most economically developed country. As a result of state reforms in 1979, China's economic development was marked by the prospect of free trade, and thus China became one of the hegemons of our time. However, every rise has a decline, and this decline has manifested itself in the Chinese economy. Due to the COVID19 virus in Wuhan, China, the country suddenly became the center of a pandemic. Educational institutions have shut down, companies have gone online, tourists have been given limited access to the country, and even travel to China from most countries has been suspended. Another country that was hit by a second pandemic after China was Italy, and just two months later, after China, Italy, then the United States, then Russia, and Brazil fell into the pandemic. The first country affected by the pandemic, of course, was China. Because the entrances and exits of a country with great economic development were suddenly stopped and ticket offices were closed. Buddha stopped the inflow of foreign currency into the country. However, if we look at developed countries such as Italy and France, China has suffered less from the pandemic than Italy, France, and Russia. China prevented the spread of the pandemic, took a number of measures at the state level, and thus there was almost no infection with COVID19 in China in March. China, albeit partially, has re-entered the country and resumed life. As a result of these measures taken by China, economic development within the country has already resumed. Key words: China, COVID19, economics, crisis, changes
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