Relevant bibliographies by topics / France. Constitution (1791)

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'France. Constitution (1791)'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "France. Constitution (1791)"

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Bossenga, Gail, and Michael P. Fitzsimmons. "The Remaking of France: The National Assembly and the Constitution of 1791." American Historical Review 101, no. 1 (February 1996): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169292.

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Todd, Christopher, and Michael P. Fitzsimmons. "The Remaking of France: The National Assembly and the Constitution of 1791." Modern Language Review 91, no. 1 (January 1996): 223. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3734047.

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Greene, Nathanael. "The Remaking of France: The National Assembly and the Constitution of 1791." History: Reviews of New Books 23, no. 4 (June 1995): 175–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1995.9946242.

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FITZSIMMONS, MICHAEL P. "THE COMMITTEE OF THE CONSTITUTION AND THE REMAKING OF FRANCE, 1789–1791." French History 4, no. 1 (1990): 23–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/4.1.23.

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PRICE, MUNRO. "LOUIS XVI AND GUSTAVUS III: SECRET DIPLOMACY AND COUNTER-REVOLUTION, 1791–1792." Historical Journal 42, no. 2 (June 1999): 435–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008493.

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This article re-examines a crucial aspect of French history between 1789 and 1793, and one which remains controversial : the attitude of Louis XVI towards the Revolution. It does this by exploiting an important and unpublished source, the letters of the king's secret plenipotentiary to the European powers, the baron de Breteuil, to the foreign monarch most trusted by the French royal family, Gustavus III of Sweden. Since Louis XVI's precarious position in Paris from the October Days until his death prevented him from expressing his true feelings except very rarely, historians since have found it difficult to reach firm conclusions on his political views and motivation during the Revolution, and the result has often been partisan judgements from left and right. The issue has been further clouded by persistent claims for over a century that several of Louis's most important letters of this period are forgeries. While they do not resolve all these problems, the letters of Breteuil to Gustavus III, which are incontestably genuine, reveal Louis XVI's views on critical events between 1791 and 1792 as represented by the politician closest to his real policy, to the fellow-ruler in whom he had the most faith. The most important subjects covered are Breteuil's interpretation of Louis XVI's true attitude to the constitution of September 1791, his distrust of his brothers, the comtes de Provence and d'Artois, and the plan for an armed congress of the European powers to put pressure on revolutionary France. These letters, and Gustavus III's replies to them, are published at the end of the article in an appendix.
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Germani, Ian. "The Remaking of France: The National Assembly and the Constitution of 1791, by Michael P. FitzsimmonsThe Remaking of France: The National Assembly and the Constitution of 1791, by Michael P. Fitzsimmons. New York, Cambridge University Press, 1994. xvi, 273 pp. $59.95 U.S." Canadian Journal of History 30, no. 1 (April 1995): 124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.30.1.124.

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Black, Jeremy. "Reviews : The Remaking of France. The National Assembly and the Constitution of 1791. By Michael P. Fitzsimmons. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. PP xvi + 273. £35.00." Journal of European Studies 25, no. 3 (September 1995): 327–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004724419502500314.

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Boon, Bart. "Jan Anthony d'Averhoult door Louis-Léopold Boilly: de geschiedenis achter een ongewoon portret." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 111, no. 4 (1997): 253–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501797x00267.

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AbstractThe soldier and politician Jan Anthony d'Averhoult (1756-1792) was portrayed in 1792 (or perhaps posthumously, but no later than 1793) by Louis-Léopold Boilly (1761 - 1845). On the basis of new data the author reconstructs the exceptional circumstances under which the portrait was painted and adds vital data to the sitter's biography. Jan Anthony d'Averhoult played an prominent role in his native city of Utrecht during the Batavian revolution. In 1788 he was forced to flee to France, where he was naturalized and embarked on a second career. In January 1702 he briefly held the office of president of the Assemblée Nationale, in which capacity he was portrayed by Boilly. Reports of his parliamentary speeches and actions are to be found in the Archives parlementaires (note 9). Like his friend and kindred spirit La Fayette, d'Averhoult was in favour of the constitutional monarchy. In the summer of 1792 the monarchist cause was lost. D'Averhoult attempted to flee north, but died a violent death on August 26 1792. Few details about his relationship with his aunt, Josina Bcnjamina d'Averhoult (1724- 1807), are divulged in the literature pertaining to d'Averhoult. After a family tragedy in his childhood she became a significant factor in his life and she accompanied him to France in 1788. A receipt shows that she paid for his portrait in 1793, and that François Vitto Elia, an Amsterdam art dealer, acted as an intermediary (note 28). In view of the close ties between the aunt and her nephew it is not unlikely that she commissioned the portrait. She had it framed, probably along with a pair of portraits of her parents, painted in 1721 by Constantijn Netscher, published here for the first time. Boilly's portrait stayed in the family until it was bequeathed to the Centraal Museum, Utrecht, in 1980.
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Burson, Jeffrey D. "The Crystallization of Counter-Enlightenment and Philosophe Identities: Theological Controversy and Catholic Enlightenment in Pre-Revolutionary France." Church History 77, no. 4 (December 2008): 955–1002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640708001595.

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Recent works of modern French history have found it fashionable, when focusing on the eighteenth century from across the jagged shoals of nineteenth- and twentieth-century France, to reductively treat Francophone national identity as the dialogical interaction of two related “imagined communities.” On the one hand, as scholars such as Joseph Byrnes have unconvincingly argued, French national identity after the Enlightenment and Revolutionary eras has been shaped by the more secular “Cult of the Nation,” nourished by the Revolutionary ethos ofliberté,égalité, andfraternité; on the other hand, there is the identity of France as Europe's first, most Catholic people. Such stark contrasts between opposing identities, which were in fact self-consciously nourished and cultivated by nineteenth-century writers, are overdrawn, and yet the increasingly dialogical character of French national identity in the centuries after the Revolution remains relevant to the subject of eighteenth-century historiography, for the definition of French national identity or identities is intricately intertwined with the unfolding of Enlightenment and Counter-Enlightenment identities that arose in various nuanced forms from the intellectual and religious history of France. Recently, provocative and timely work by Jonathan Israel, Dale Van Kley, and Darrin McMahon has taken up different aspects of these broader questions concerning why and when these competing visions may have sprung from the soil of eighteenth-century France. A remaining historiographical curiosity lingers as many historians of the French Revolution are quick to ascribe this dichotomy chiefly to the years after 1791 when the Civil Constitution of the Clergy and the Oath of Allegiance made allegiance to the Revolutionary government more complicated for less Gallican, more ultramontane priests. On the other hand, historians of the French Enlightenment continue to focus on the inherently secular, scientific, and anticlerical nature of thesiècle de lumièresas though the Church were inevitably opposed to Enlightenment innovations after mid-century, preferring and harshly defending (as Jonathan Israel has recently and voluminously argued) a comfortable and cautious acceptance of Lockeanism and Newtonianism as the only forms of Enlightenment discourse considered acceptable and capable of synthesis with Catholic orthodoxy. Differing historical perspectives on the relationship between the Enlightenment and religion remain central to the identity of participants in the French Enlightenment at various points throughout the eighteenth century and after, and such questions continue to inform the definition of what it means to be “French” today. As such, the historical processes of Enlightenment identity formation continue to require examination; such processes—one of manylietmotifswithin the complex and invaluable conversations opened by the works of Israel, McMahon, and Van Kley—will be the subject of this article. For scholars remain far from a consensus on just what it meant to be Catholic and Enlightened together in the century preceding the French Revolution.
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Devlin, Jonathan D. "The Army, Politics and Public Order in Directorial Provence, 1795–1800." Historical Journal 32, no. 1 (March 1989): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015314.

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Under the French Directory the line army was called into many parts of France to protect law and order and to shore up the regime. The authors of regional studies in the period have alluded to military presence but have failed to draw general inferences about the importance of military policing. The political ambitions of commanders-in-chief of fighting armies after the fall of Robespierre and the nature and history of operations have long been the subject of historical research, but no-one has yet investigated the nature of relations between civil and military authorities in any part of the interior that was not a war zone. The line army had been used in a policing role during the old regime and the early years of the revolution, but the advent of war in 1792 removed it to the frontiers. This suited revolutionary governments which were uncertain of its loyalty and uneasy about the reduction of discipline. In 1793 and 1794 revolutionary order was imposed instead by an increasingly centralized network of civilian elites and militias – revolutionary armies, committees, tribunals and representatives on mission – which operated by means of intimidation and civic denunciation. The dismantling of this apparatus of Terror in the year III (late 1794/5) in favour of a liberal constitution which breathed new life into the elective institutions of local government unleashed an anarchy of frustrated aspirations and hatreds born out of the turbulence of the revolutionary experience. Individuals and factions vied for control of local judicial and executive positions in order to make up revolutionary losses and to keep out their enemies.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "France. Constitution (1791)"

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Glénard, Guillaume. "L'exécutif et la Constitution de 1791." Paris 2, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA020094.

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L'executif tel que consacre par la constitution de 1791 n'est pas, comme on l'a trop longtemps soutenu, un executif faible. Il est un organe concu comme independant, et il dispose d'attributions qu'il exerce de maniere autonome, c'est-a-dire sur le seul fondement de la constitution. Il est co-legislateur soit par le veto, soit exceptionnellement par la proposition des lois. Il conduit egalement la politique exterieure. En cela, l'executif peut etre qualifie d'executif gouvernant. Sans doute, il est aussi executif executant lorsqu'il exerce la fonction d'execution des lois. Mais, cette tache n'est pas celle d'un automate. Il fut meme en pratique reconnu a l'executif une fonction reglementaire d'execution des lois.
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Aberdam, Serge. "L'élargissement du droit de vote entre 1792 et 1795 au travers du dénombrement du comité de division et des votes populaires sur les constitutions de 1793 et 1795." Paris 1, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA010530.

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Le suffrage universel apparait-il pendant la révolution française ? Trop de manuels emploient cette notion pour désigner l'élargissement du droit de vote en 1792. Pour évaluer ce phénomène sous un angle à la fois statistique et politique, ce travail exploite une importante enquête d'époque, qui permet de mesurer les effectifs de citoyens et la population aux différents moments de la révolution. Mais, à l'époque, le vote se pratique d'abord dans des assemblées de citoyens, ou s'exprime le gout des français du temps pour la délibération collective, et leur souci de peser directement sur les lois. On utilise alors les informations massivement disponibles sur deux votes nationaux directs, ceux par lesquels les citoyens ont accepté les constitutions de 1793 et 1795. Dans ces procédures originales, le souverain s'exprime dans sa diversité et même les femmes, exclues en théorie du droit de vote, se font entendre. Ces gestes collectifs forment l'acte de naissance du referendum et produisent un degré inédit de légitimité. Mais cette dernière ne coexiste pas facilement avec les mesures de contrainte nécessaires à la défense du nouveau régime, et interpelle en permanence les détenteurs du pouvoir. De part et d'autre de la terreur, le projet radical d'un gouvernement du peuple par lui-même entraine parallèlement le premier essai d'un recensement, nécessaire pour organiser les rassemblements et les votes des citoyens, essai qui est ainsi associe à la formation de ce que nous appelons la démocratie.
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Dendena, Francesco. "« Nos places maudites » : le mouvement feuillant entre la fuite de Varennes et la chute de la monarchie (1791-1792)." Paris, EHESS, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010EHES0152.

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La recherche a pour but d'étudier le processus politique qui conduit à la marginalisation et la défaite du courant modéré pendant la Révolution française, Elle voudrait le faire en travaillant sur le mouvement feuillant à la Législative, en le considérant comme un élément décisif pour comprendre l'effondrement du nouveau régime tel qui avait été conçu par la Constituante, Cette recherche voudrait esquisser une interprétation des dynamiques révolutionnaires pendant la monarchie constitutionnelle pour comprendre pourquoi le mouvement modéré et constitutionnel a perdu sa propre légitimité, révolutionnaire et pourquoi il a été dépassé par le processus révolutionnaire, La thèse que je voudrais démontrer est que, convaincu que la Constitution de 1791 était la fin de la Révolution, le mouvement feuillant n'a pas traduit sa volonté de défense de la légalité par une action et une pensée cohérente en mesure de les fusionner avec la légitimité révolutionnaire, qui progressivement a été conquise par le mouvement jacobin, Pour le dire autrement, face à l'activisme jacobin, les modérés n'ont pas su élaborer un discours feuillant efficace qui pût s'opposer à l'hégémonie politique de leurs adversaires
This research aims to study the political transition which led to the marginalisation and defeat of the moderate movement during the French Revolution. This will be achieved by focusing on the Feuillant movement at the Legislative Assembly, believing it to be an essential component in understanding the collapse of the new regime, which had been created by the Constituent Assembly. This research aims to outline an interpretation of the revolutionary dynamics during the Constitutional Monarchy in order to understand why the constitutional and moderate movement lost its own revolutionary legitimacy and was overtaken by the revolutionary evolution, The theory I would Iike to put forward is that, convinced that the 1791 Constitution marked the end of the Revolution, the Feuillant movement failed to translate the defence of legality into thought and action coherent enough to unite them with the revolutionary legitimacy, which was being gradually won over by the Jacobin movement
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Anselme, Isabelle. "L'invocation de la déclaration des droits de l'homme et de la constitution dans les débats de l'Assemblée législative (1791-1792)." Aix-Marseille 3, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007AIX32035.

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La présente étude analyse la portée de l’invocation de la Constitution de 1791 à la tête de laquelle a été placée la Déclaration des droits de l’homme et du citoyen au sein des débats parlementaires. Ce travail souligne les effets considérables quant à l’invocation de ces dispositions constitutionnelles dans la création normative. Cette invocation marque cependant ses limites en temps de crise. La Déclaration de 1789 et la Constitution ont été utilisées à maintes reprises. Les grands domaines ayant donné lieu à invocation ont été répertoriés : le principe de la séparation des pouvoirs ; les droits et libertés (les libertés, l’égalité et le droit de propriété). Les députés de la Législative ont également initié une nouvelle législation civile en se fondant sur cette Constitution. La destruction de l’ancienne puissance paternelle, la sécularisation de l’état civil, la distinction entre le mariage religieux et le mariage civil sont autant de mesures témoignant de cette novation. Le travail des parlementaires de la Législative marque un tournant dans la manière de produire le droit
By means of significant examples, the present study highlights the uneven achievement of the invocation of the Constitution of 1791 based on the Declaration of the Human Rights and of the Citizen had been implemented within the Parliament debates. This analysis emphasizes the significant effects as for the invocation of these constitutional measures in the normative creation. This invocation showed its limitations in times of crisis. The Declaration of 1789 and the Constitution have repeatedly been used. The main domains in which they have been referred to, are the principle of the separation of powers, the rights and liberties (the liberties, equality and the right of possession). The members of the Assembly have initiated a new civil legislation based on this Constitution. The disappearing of the traditional paternal will, the secularisation of the Civil State, the distinction between religious and civil marriage, all are measures that show this novelty. The modernity of the very text of the Constitution and its application is noticeable in many respects: raising the Declaration to the rank of positive legal rules, planning the new legal system as a hierarchical system at the top of which is the Declaration of the Human Rights and the Constitution. The work of the members of the “Legislative” marks a turning point in the way to lay down the law
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Saint-Victor, Jacques de. "Droits historiques et constitution à la fin du XVIIIe siècle : Le programme noir (1788-1791)." Paris 2, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA020100.

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De boulainvilliers aux parlementaires du xviiie siecle en passant par saint-simon et, dans une moindre mesure montesquieu, de nombreux auteurs ont tente en france de freiner l'essor de la monarchie absolue en invoquant l'antique constitution "germanique du royaume. On ignore le plus souvent que ce courant d'opposition a directement inspire en 1789 une majorite de deputes du groupe noir ou aristocrate. L'objet de ce travail est etudier leur programme qui, en associant liberalisme politique et conservatisme social, presente une originalite doctrinale au sein d'une contrerevolution francaise de tradition plutot absolutiste. Il n'est pas sans se repprocher de la critique burkeenne de la revolution
From boulainvilliers to montesquieu, from saint-simon to 18th century "parlementaires", many aristocrats tried to curb the growth of absolutism. What was their justification ? the so-called "german antique constitution" that would have enable aristocracy to remain in power. The "historical right" trend - also known as the aristocratic liberalism or aristocratic constitutionalism - has given birth to a liberal theory of manarchy. It is little known that this trend has greatly influenced a majority of the "assemblee constituante" 300 deputies, "noirs" or "aristocrates". The aim of this thesis is to study the deputies program, torn between their fear of the crown and their fear of the crowd
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Frélaut, Bertrand. "Les Bleus de Vannes : portraits de clubistes bretons 1791-1796." Rennes 2, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989REN20025.

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Réputée pour être environnée de campagnes royalistes et chouannes la ville de Vannes, chef-lieu du Morbihan, est demeurée républicaine pendant la révolution et a donné naissance à un club tenu par des jacobins modérés, minoritaires dans l'opinion mais très actifs. Sans compter de nombreux militaires et quelques personnalités de passage. Plus de 300 vannetais ont participé aux séances du club de 1791 a 1794. Entre les deux temps forts que constituent l'établissement de la Terreur par Prieur de la Marne en 1793 et l'affaire de Quiberon en 1795, les bleus de Vannes tentent de faire face aux événements. De cet ensemble émerge une centaine de membres de la petite bourgeoisie appartenant aux administrations et comités révolutionnaires et, en l'absence presque totale de sans-culottes. Il faut y ajouter une trentaine de personnalités qui forment les notables et les cadres institutionnels de la ville. Ils sont en général très liés entre eux par un complexe réseau de parentés et d'alliances et, de régime en régime, leurs familles dominent pendant plus d'un siècle l'histoire du pays vannetais, ce qui conduit à s'interroger, si cela est possible, sur la nature réelle de leurs idées politiques
Though the area around vannes is known to have been royalist and Chouan, the city of Vannes, county town of the Morbihan, remained republican during the Revolution and gave birth to a club run by moderate Jacobins whose ideas were shared by few but actively defended. Not to mention the numerous members from the army and a few important temporary residents. Over 300 people from vannes took part in the club from 1791 to 1794. Between the two peaks periods when the terror was established by Prieur de la Marne and the Quiberon affair in 1795 the republicans in Vannes tried to face the situation. From that association bundred members emerge, belonging to the lower middle-class. The administration and the revolutionary committees and, the sans-culottes being almost absent. We must add some 30 notables and local town officials. They usually are connected by a complex network of relations and alliances and, from regime to regime, their families ruled the history of the Vannes area for over a century, which leads us to question ourselves about the real nature of their political ideas, as far as it is possible
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Tissot, Dupont Jérôme. "Le comité ecclésiastique de l'Assemblée nationale Constituante 1789-1791." Paris, EHESS, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006EHES0037.

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Le Comité ecclésiastique est créé le 12 août 1789, les premiers membres sont nommés le 20 août ; ils sont quinze dont la majorité sont des avocats. Le 7 février 1790, quinze nouveaux membres sont élus dont la moitié sont des ecclésiastiques réformateurs. Mis en minorité, les opposants démissionnent en mai 1790. Les compétences du Comité sont tellement vastes qu'il délègue au Comité des dîmes et aux comités réunis. Ce dernier crée le Comité des savants ou commision des monuments. Les travaux abordés par le comité concernent l'aliénation, l'administration et la vente des biens ecclésiastiques, mais aussi leur conservation, la suppression des ordres religieux, la constitution civile du clergé, l'état civil et le mariage, enfin le culte et la liturgie
The "Comité ecclésiastique" was founded on the 12th of August 1789. The initial members were nominated on the 20th of August. They are fifteen and the majority of them is made of barristers. On the 7th of February 1790, fifteen new members are elected and half of them are reforming ecclesiastics. Defeated, the opponents resign in May 1790. The committee skills are so wide that is delegates to the "Comité des Dîmes" and to united Committees. The latter creates the "Comité des savants" or "Commission des monuments". The work by the committee concerns alienation, administration and sale of the ecclesiastical property, but also its preserving, the abolition of the religious orders, the civil constitution of clergy, the civil status and the marriage and finally the religion and the liturgy
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Aberdam, Serge. "L'élargissement du droit de vote entre 1792 et 1795 au travers du dénombrement du comité de division et des votes populaires sur les constitutions de 1793 et 1795." Villeneuve-d'Ascq : Presses universitaires du septentrion, 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/51744860.html.

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Ackroyd, Marcus Lowell. "Constitution and revolution : political debate in France, 1795-1800." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.319055.

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Bosc, Yannick. "Le conflit des libertés : Thomas Paine et le débat sur la déclaration et la constitution de l'an III." Aix-Marseille 1, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000AIX10023.

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Notre etude analyse le debat sur la declaration et la constitution de l' ete 1795, a partir de la critique formulee par thomas paine dans son discours a la convention le 19 messidor an iii. Cette critique denonce un projet de constitution "retrograde des veritables principes de liberte". Nous decrivons le contenu et les justifications du projet de constitution presente par la commission des onze ainsi que le debat auquel il donne lieu a l'assemblee en les confrontant a la conception politique defendue par thomas paine. Les questions de la citoyennete, de la representation, du rapport entre etat de nature et etat social, entre droit materiel et droit personnel, de la relation a la terreur, sont les axes principaux de notre recherche qui tend a mettre en evidence le conflit politique du liberalisme egalitaire et du liberalisme economique au cours du moment thermidorien.
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Books on the topic "France. Constitution (1791)"

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L'exécutif et la Constitution de 1791. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 2010.

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Furet, François. La monarchie républicaine: La constitution de 1791. [Paris]: Fayard, 1996.

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The remaking of France: The National Assembly and the Constitution of 1791. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1994.

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Anselme, Isabelle. L'invocation de la Déclaration des droits de l'homme et de la Constitution dans les débats de l'Assemblée Législative, 1791-1792. Issy-les-Moulineaux: LGDJ lextenso éditions, 2013.

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The religious origins of the French Revolution: From Calvin to the civil constitution, 1560-1791. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996.

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Terminer la Révolution: La Constitution de 1795. [Paris?]: Fayard, 2006.

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Saitta, Armando. Le costituenti francesi del periodo rivoluzionario (1789-1795). Roma: Istituto storico italiano per l'età moderna e contemporanea, 1989.

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Centre national du livre (France), ed. La première contre-révolution: 1789-1791. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 2010.

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Claude, Betzinger, ed. Der Weg in die Terreur: Radikalisierung und Konflikte im Strassburger Jakobinerclub (1790-1795). München: R. Oldenbourg, 2002.

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Dendena, Francesco. I nostri maledetti scranni: Il movimento fogliante tra la fuga di Varennes e la caduta della monarchia (1791-1792). Milano: Guerini e associati, 2013.

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Book chapters on the topic "France. Constitution (1791)"

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Takeda, Chinatsu. "Invention of the Political Center as an Ideal: Staël and the Constitutional Monarchy (1789–1795)." In Mme de Staël and Political Liberalism in France, 23–43. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-8087-6_2.

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"Constitution française (1791)." In Constitutional Documents of France, Corsica and Monaco 1789–1848, edited by Stéphane Caporal, Jörg Luther, and Olivier Vernier, 35–60. Berlin, New York: De Gruyter, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783598440786.35.

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Elster, Jon. "Introduction." In France before 1789, 1–31. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691149813.003.0001.

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This chapter compares the making of the American constitution in 1787 and the French constitution in 1791. It discusses aspects of the pre-constitutional systems that would prove relevant for the understanding of the constitution-making processes. It also attempts to practice the union of history and psychology, which are the two main pillars of the social sciences. The chapter focuses on the quest for causality and the quest for agency or methodological individualism. It covers the main features of the prodigiously complex social system of the French ancien régime. It also cites many contemporary texts that illuminate the perverse and sometimes pathological effects of the social system.
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Tackett, Timothy. "Becoming a Radical." In The Glory and the Sorrow, 125–48. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197557389.003.0009.

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In this account of Colson and his neighborhood from the fall of 1791 through the early summer of 1793, the emphasis is on his slow, wavering evolution toward an increasingly radical position. Of particular importance as signs of Colson’s evolution were his changing attitudes toward, on the one hand, the Catholic Church and the clergy and, on the other, King Louis XVI. Though he had always practiced orthodox Catholicism before 1789, Colson came to support the Revolutionary reorganization of the church and the clergy embodied in the Civil Constitution of the Clergy. And though under the Old Regime he had always supported the king, he gradually turned against him after Louis’s attempted flight in 1791 and, above all, after war broke out between France and Austria in April 1792. Though he readily agreed with the overthrow of the monarchy in 1792, he would have preferred the imprisonment or exile of the king rather than his execution. Nevertheless, in 1793 he came strongly to support Robespierre and his faction of the Mountain in their struggle against the Girondins.
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"XI. The Civil Constitution and the Oath of 1791." In Priest and Parish in Eighteenth-Century France, 269–86. Princeton University Press, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400857142.269.

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Colón-Ríos, Joel. "Between Law and Revolution." In Constituent Power and the Law, 77–100. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198785989.003.0004.

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Although the origins of the theory of constituent power are generally placed in the French Revolution, the different legal and institutional implications associated with it in late 18th-century France are seldom explored. This chapter engages in such an exploration by focusing on two institutions that were rejected by Sieyès: the imperative mandate and (decision-making) primary assemblies. Part I focuses on Sieyès’ proposals about constitution-making and constitutional reform after 1789. Part II of the chapter examines the role of citizen instructions in late 18th-century France. Sieyès saw citizen instructions as radically inconsistent with the very idea of representation; they were abolished very early in the Revolution. In so doing, it will be shown, French revolutionaries altered in fundamental ways not only the relationship between electors and representatives, but the very nature of what counts as an exercise of constituent power. Part III focuses on the role of primary assemblies during the more radical stages of the French Revolution (namely, 1792–1793). The approach to primary assemblies found in both in the Constitution of 1793, as well as in the Girondin Draft Constitution, reflected in important ways Rousseau’s conception of those entities as a key mechanism of democratic constitutional change. This approach to constitutional change will be contrasted with that of Sieyès, who saw primary assemblies as the site for the exercise of the much more modest ‘commissioning power’, the power to elect those seen as capable of identifying the nation’s constituent will.
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"Appendixes V. “Democratic” and “Bourgeois” Characteristics in the French Constitution of 1791: Property Qualifications in France, Britain, and America." In The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760-1800, 815–20. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400850228-042.

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"Constitution jacobine (1793)." In Constitutional Documents of France, Corsica and Monaco 1789–1848, edited by Stéphane Caporal, Jörg Luther, and Olivier Vernier, 95–104. Berlin, New York: De Gruyter, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783598440786.95.

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"Constitution de l’an III (1795)." In Constitutional Documents of France, Corsica and Monaco 1789–1848, edited by Stéphane Caporal, Jörg Luther, and Olivier Vernier, 105–32. Berlin, New York: De Gruyter, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783598440786.105.

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"Constitution de l’an VIII (1799)." In Constitutional Documents of France, Corsica and Monaco 1789–1848, edited by Stéphane Caporal, Jörg Luther, and Olivier Vernier, 133–42. Berlin, New York: De Gruyter, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783598440786.133.

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