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Shalanina, Natalia A. "RUSSIA - PAKISTAN: DEVELOPMENT OF FOREIGN ECONOMIC RELATIONS TODAY." Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (Economics), no. 4 (2020): 112–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-6646-2020-4-112-117.
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Degtereva, Ekaterina A., and Han-Sol Lee. "South Korea - Russia economic relations: focused on FDI." RUDN Journal of Economics 28, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2020-28-1-45-54.
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The emphasis on economic cooperation between South Korea and Russia is growing according to the new foreign policies of the two countries. This study aims to draw policy implications for increasing inter South Korea-Russia investments as reflecting growing political significances of economic cooperation of the two countries. For that, we analyzed FDI data from Central Bank of Russia, Export-Import Bank of Korea, and KOTRA given that in globalized economies, above all the other entry modes in foreign markets, FDI plays a significant role in national economic growth as allowing firms to utilize cross-border production factors with high efficiencies. Based on the data analysis, we made the following meaningful conclusions. First, despite growing political importance, FDI flows between the two countries are insignificant, partially due to the profound sense of closeness. Second, the motivations of Korean FDI showed differences dependent on Russian cities. Third, Korean FDI in Russia is highly concentrated in the manufacturing industry. To increase FDI flows between the two countries, we recommend to launch cultural exchange programs in private sectors with longterm visions and diversify investment in a way to increase cooperation among SMEs, and start-ups in high value-added and innovative industries.
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Yakushev, Nikolay, Ekaterina Khusainova, Tatiana Maksimova, and Lazar Badalov. "Features of Foreign Trade Between Russia and China and Prospects for its Development." E3S Web of Conferences 220 (2020): 01020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202022001020.
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Trade and economic relations are the main basis for partnership and strategic cooperation between Russia and China. This paper examines the place of Russia and China in global trade. The main strategic priority in the development of trade and economic relations between Russia and China is indicated. The analysis of Russian-Chinese foreign trade turnover for the period from 2001 to 2018 is presented. The main product groups in Russian-Chinese foreign trade are analyzed and promising areas for further development are identified.
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Boykov, S. S. "Evolution of Russian foreign policy towards the Baltic States at the present Stage." Post-Soviet Issues 7, no. 3 (November 24, 2020): 389–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2020-7-3-389-406.
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The article gives an analysis of Russia’s foreign policy in relation to the Baltic States from 1990 to 2019. The author identifies four main stages of its evolution. It is concluded that the main problems of the Russian-Baltic dialogue are discrimination of the Russian-speaking minority, issues of historical memory, a decrease of the Russian transit and security. The relations between Russia and the Baltic states has become conflict almost after dissolution of the USSR. However, in 1990-2000-ies, Russia still tried to formulate a positive agenda for the relations with the Baltics. The main motive of its strategy was to build trust and political relations on the basis of economic cooperation and civil society. Since 1990-s Russia has been developing cross-border cooperation programs. Since late 2000-s Russia has been also developing cross-border programs with the EU. However, Russia’s hopes were not justified. Its relations with Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania have worsened since 2014 after the Ukrainian conflict. Prospects for their improvement are still unclear. The author comes to the conclusion that Russia is “tired” from the Baltic States. Despite the fact that Russia has been systematically transforming its foreign policy after the dissolution of the USSR, it has not fully achieved its goals. There is still discrimination of the Russian minority. Russia and the Baltics have not come to a single interpretation of the Second World War history. Political contradictions prevail over economic ties. Despite the growing estrangement between Russia and the Baltic States, Russia keeps developing them concentrating on trans-border and civil society cooperation. Such relations are non-political and they are focused on solving specific problems.
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Volkov, A. M. "Contemporary Foreign Economic Relations of Russia with the Countries of Northern Europe." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 176–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-10.
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Recently new problems have arisen that have complicated Russia’s foreign economic relations with foreign countries. The countries of Northern Europe were no exception. The economic situation in many countries was far from optimal. Problems with economy took place in the euro area. A significant drop in oil prices led to a slowdown in economic growth in the Russian Federation and a sharp decline of ruble exchange rate. Since 2014, various Western sanctions have emerged, followed by retaliatory sanctions from Russia. Against this background, the analysis of the dynamics of Russian economic relations with the Nordic countries is of particular interest. A sharp decline in foreign economic indicators occurred in 2015–2016. Subsequent development has shown different dynamics. On the one hand, by the end of the 2010s foreign trade with Finland and Sweden did not reach the level of 2013–2014 (primarily due to the decline in oil prices), but on the other, foreign trade indicators with Denmark and Norway were exceeded (due to Russian exports). Year 2020 brought new problems – the coronavirus pandemic and the associated restrictions on the movement of goods, services and people, as well as the rupture of production chains, which had an impact on foreign economic relations – and exacerbated the old ones: a new sharp drop in oil prices and a new depreciation of ruble. The article reveals the features of the general dynamics and commodity structure of foreign trade with each of the observed countries. The significant dependence of Russian exports, primarily on energy supplies, is considered in detail. Special attention is given to the general dynamics of foreign direct investment in Russia. The problems of modern development of Russian export and import were analyzed.
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Selyukov, Maksim V., Natalia P. Shalygina, and Anna M. Kulik. "Factors of the Russian-Chinese economic relations development in the Eurasian integration field." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series Economics. Management. Law 21, no. 1 (February 24, 2021): 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1994-2540-2021-21-1-23-29.
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Introduction. We can confidently say already that in the current conditions of global economic development, China is the most important and priority partner in the development of our country’s foreign economic activity. Theoretical analysis. The development of a strategic approach to bilateral economic cooperation with China is the most relevant in the modern system of coordinates of Russia’s foreign economic activity. Nowadays China is really the most important and priority partner in the issues related to the development of our country’s foreign economic activity. There have been different stages in the history of relations between Russia and China, but their current state gives hope for even greater mutually beneficial effect in the strategic perspective. The need to study the formation, transformation and development of Russian-Chinese relations in the context of foreign economic relations and projects is due to the growing influence of China in Russia over the past four years, the cooling of relations between Russia and the West after the events of 2014 and the Russian “turn to the East”. Empirical analysis. Speaking about the effectiveness of foreign trade relations between Russia and China in 2019, it should be noted that Russia’s trade turnover with China in 2019 increased by 3.4% to $110.76 billion, including Russia’s exports to China increased by 3.2% to $61.05 billion, imports from China to Russia increased by 3.6% to $49.7 billion. In comparison, the trade turnover between China and the United States fell by 14.6% to $541.22 billion againist the background of a trade war between these countries. It amounted to USD 541.22 billion, with USD 418 billion coming from China to America. Results. The prerequisites and factors for further development of relations and deepening of trade and economic cooperation between Russia and China have recently been growing. In addition to classical factors: geographical, territorial and, consequently, common border, which allows the development of new forms of cooperation and business (cross-border trade, cross-border economic zones and clusters, interbank settlements in national currencies in border areas, etc.). Political factors are increasing, as well as the impact of modern world economic trends on deepening bilateral economic relations between the countries. However, it is important to remember that in today’s realities Russia needs China more than China needs Russia.
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Sapronova, M. A. "RUSSIAN-ARAB COOPERATION BEFORE AND AFTER THE "ARAB SPRING"." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-27-36.
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The article considers the main stages of the Russian- Arab economic cooperation since the beginning of the 1990s up to the present time and changing the «Middle Eastern vector» of Russian foreign policy. Analyzes the problems faced by Russia in the development of foreign policy doctrine in the region of the Arab East, becoming the successor of the Soviet Union; difficulty in building bilateral relations with Iraq, Syria, Libya, and Russia's role as a co-sponsor of the Middle East settlement. Next is considered the foreign policy in 2000 and the return of Russia to the «Greater Middle East», analyzes the problems impeding effective Russian- Arab cooperation. Special attention is paid to the strengthening of bilateral relations with the countries of the Arabian Peninsula, the implementation of joint projects in various fields and to establish a constructive dialogue with the new government of Iraq and the establishment of a sound legal framework of mutual relations. Another important direction of Russian foreign policy in the 2000s, becoming the establishment of relations with the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Simultaneously being established permanent contacts with groups «Hamas» and «Hezbollah». In the last part of the article explores the specificity of modern political, trade and economic cooperation after the events of the «Arab Spring» of 2011. Particular attention is paid to the position of Russia in relation to processes taking place in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria. The crisis in Syria has demonstrated a fundamentally different approaches to its solution by Russia and the West. Ultimately, the firm position of Russia on the Syrian issue secured her role as an important political player in the Middle East. In general, regional transformation in 2011, despite their negative consequences for the Russian-Arab economic cooperation and opened new opportunities to promote the Russian Federation for Arab markets.
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Sukhodolov, Yakov, Avirmed Davaasuren, and Alexei Manzhigeev. "Contemporary Peculiarities and Prospects for the Development of Russian Foreign Trade Cooperation with Mongolia." Bulletin of Baikal State University 28, no. 4 (December 27, 2018): 632–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-2759.2018.28(4).632-639.
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Russia attaches great importance to the development of cooperation with the Asia-Pacific region, which is one of the centers of world economic development. These countries include Mongolia. Russian-Mongolian relations are based on a long-term history of good neighborly relations and traditionally have a multidimensional nature. The article discusses the main aspects of Russian-Mongolian foreign trade relations based on the analysis of the dynamics of foreign trade turnover in bilateral trade and commodity structure. Currently, there is a decline in foreign trade cooperation between the countries. The article also touches upon the monostructural nature of trade between the two countries, which is very vulnerable. The national interests of Russia and Mongolia in the Russia - Mongolia - China triangle are acquiring special relevance and importance in modern conditions. The intensification of trade, economic and investment relations between Russia and Mongolia is possible through the implementation of joint projects in the mining and processing industries, modernization of infrastructure and development of tourism.
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Grishin, O. E., and A. V. Trofimova. "Russian-Chinese Relations: Political and Economic Aspect." Post-Soviet Issues 5, no. 3 (August 24, 2018): 224–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2018-5-3-224-235.
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International relations play a vital role in modern politics. They differ from any other relations by several features: spontaneity, lack of a single core of power and the center for making centralized decisions, coverage of all spheres of life of the participants involved in the process and the increasing influence of subjective factors. The scale that embraces international relations differs in «verticals» and «contours». They include global, regional and specific relationships, as well as group and bilateral relations.China and Russia are connected by centuries-old history. Russian-Chinese relations and their dynamic development are of interest to the political science community. At present, they form an important material basis for cooperation in the areas of trade and economy, contributing to the development of the Russian economy.China supports and subsidizes projects that ensure its interests in Russia. Political and economic cooperation between Russia and China is developing actively and is using more and more resources. The more important it becomes to maintain good-neighbor and productive relations. Russian-Chinese relations affect many spheres of life of the two States: scientific, economic, military, cultural, etc.in this light, economic cooperation stands out as one of the main. Russian-Chinese trade and economic cooperation is actively analyzed in the works of many researchers, but there is no consensus on the most important vectors of cooperation and prospects for its development. In this regard, the analysis and structuring of some areas of Russian-Chinese relations, foreign economic relations, opportunities for the development of relations between Russia and China, as well as their transition to a new level are becoming urgent.China is the largest trade partner of Russia and an investor who is interested in promoting some projects implemented in Russia. For this reason, the development of successful and fruitful relations is in the first place among the leaders of the two powers. The need for multidirectional trade and economic relations is also conditioned by geopolitical, cultural and historical factors.
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Avralev, N. V., N. I. Rykhtik, and O. R. Zhernovaya. "COUNTRY IMAGE AND ITS IMPACT ON BILATERAL RELATIONS: CASE CURRENT US-RUSSIAN RELATIONS." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 3, no. 2 (June 25, 2019): 165–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2019-3-2-165-171.
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This paper is devoted to the effects of country image on contemporary US-Russian relations. This is an attempt to apply the results of joint project (University of Florida and Lobachevski University) to the analysis of US-Russian bilateral relations in a broader sense as well as combine tourist management and political science methods and literature. The relationships between the U.S. and Russia have been steadily deteriorating in the last five years. The amount of negative coverage of both countries in Russian and American media and social networks has been gradually increasing for the last few years, starting with the Magnitsky Act and the Dima Yakovlev Law in 2012 and culminating over the events of political crisis in Ukraine, operation in Syria, economic sanctions towards Russia. Media and social networks, as well as rhetoric of official agencies of both countries reflect the growing levels of national pride and mutual animosity. We believe that foreign policy has become a special and independent type of social activity. Economic relations, economic integration, humanitarian relations (education, culture, science, tourism, etc.) are an important part of foreign policy today. Thus, country image does matter.
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SMIRNOV, Valerii V. "Russia's position in the economic relations of the USA and China." National Interests: Priorities and Security 17 (June 15, 2021): 1156–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/ni.17.6.1156.
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Subject. The article discusses the international economic relations. Objectives. I determine Russia's position in the economic relations of the USA and China. Methods. The study is based on the systems approach and the method of statistical, neural network and cluster analysis. Results. I discovered the persisting dominance of the USA over the world economy due to a growth in broad money supply, which makes it the leader in food exports, trade balance and industrial exports. The same reasons helps the USA constrain some material aspects of economic growth in Russia and China, such as inflation, direct foreign investment, ultimate consumption spending, real interest rate, the ratio of broad money supply to total reserves, total value of traded stocks, export of food, goods and services. Trends in SPX, SHCOMP, RTSI и DXY, USDRUB, USDCNY, USDBRO shows that China strives to reach the U.S. economic level given the stable exchange rate. Raising USDRUB, Russia approaches DXY. In case of low USDBRO, RTSI growth will be significantly curbed. Considering commodities within foreign trade between Russia, the USA and China, I should point out resource exports, while importing technology from the USA and equipment from China. Conclusions and Relevance. Studying Russia's position in the U.S.–Chinese economic relations, I found that the Russian government should revise foreign trade priorities to end the political and economic independence on the above relations. The findings contribute to the knowledge and competence of the Russian government members for making complementary administrative decision on sources of foreign trade and seizing opportunities for encouraging it.
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Masumova, N. R. "TURKEY’S FOREIGN TRADE AS A DRIVER OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(47) (April 28, 2016): 111–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-111-117.
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Turkey now is a regional leader due to economic success story of the past decade, changes in the economy's structure and dynamic. Since 1980th foreign trade has become the main driver of the economic growth. Due to liberalization policy Turkey was able to overcome the system crisis. The negative economic trends had contributed to the political instability. That's why it will be interesting to highlight some aspects of Turkish foreign trade policy, which influence the value, geographical and product orientation of foreign trade. Negative balance of trade is the result of its oil import dependence. But the export of goods with more value added has the trend to growth - 30% of exports come to machineries and transport equipments. After the collapse of the USSR Turkish-Russian economic relationship was facing revival. Trade and investment cooperation was developing rapidly. But the conflict of interest during the war in Syria led to growing differences between Russia and Turkey. 24th of November 2015 became a turning point for the Russian-Turkish relations, when Turkish fighter jet F-16 shot down a Russian military jet along the Syrian border. This tragedy had serious consequences for the bilateral economic relations. Huge investment pipeline project "Turkish stream" is freezed, the work of intergovernmental authorities is stopped, certain agricultural goods originated from Turkey is banned to the territory of the Russian Federation. Russia also suspended the visa-free regime for Turkish citizens, all charter flights to Turkey are prohibited. Nevertheless economic sanctions inevitable affect both the Turkish and Russian economies, but Russia is still one of the main partners of Turkey.
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KAYLI, Ya, and V. V. VELIKOROSSOV. "CURRENT STATE AND PROBLEMS OF DEVELOPMENT OF FOREIGN ECONOMIC COMMERCIAL RELATIONS OF RUSSIA." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 2, no. 6 (2021): 139–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2021.06.02.021.
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Unsustainable external environment, cyclical and structural risks, pandemic crisis form a new reality, in which the importance of technologies, models and methods of management of foreign economic commercial relations increases. The purpose of the article is to assess the current state and problems of the development of foreign economic commercial relations in Russia. In accordance with the tasks set, the concept and es-sence of foreign economic commercial relations were clarified, the problems of the development of foreign economic commercial relations of Russia were summarized, and the impact of protectionism, innovation and digitalization on the development of international relations and foreign economic relations was revealed.
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Lapina, N. "The Perception of Russia in Europe in Context of Ukrainian Crisis." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2015): 24–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-9-24-34.
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This article deals with the impact of various factors on the perception of Russia in different European countries. The focus is on the role of mass media, expert and political elites in forming of Russia's image, especially in the context of Ukrainian crisis. In this article, the reaction of different European counties to events in Ukraine, the polarization of European space is analyzed: some countries prefer to put a pressure on the Russian Federation, other – to find a way out of the critical situation and reach a compromise. Some political establishment representatives in France, Germany, Czech Republic support Russia and the reunification with Crimea, dispute sanctions against Russia. For such politicians, this support results from anti-American views and independent foreign policy aspirations. Other representatives of the European elite demand tougher approach and more pressure on Russia by any means whatsoever (including military ones). European business-communities reveal great interest in solving issues related to sanctions. Many entrepreneurs in Europe (in particular major corporations in France, UK, Germany, Italy), who profit from long and fruitful cooperation with Russia, are against anti-Russian sanctions. In view of the Ukrainian crisis, Russia has to face and solve various important issues. How can Russia implement a modernization project after burning all traditional bridges to the West and western friends and partners? What is the right way for Russian foreign policy to support and defend Russian-speaking people all over the world? Which European political forces can provide support to Russia? How can civil society affect and influence cooperation between Russia and Europe?
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GOLOVINA, EKATERINA E., and OLGA I. MARTYNOVA. "INTERSTATE RELATIONS BETWEEN RUSSIA AND FRANCE: POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC ASPECT." Caspian Region: Politics, Economics, Culture 62, no. 1 (2020): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21672/1818-510x-2020-62-1-085-096.
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Toganova, N. V. "Sanctions: Business as Usual? (Example of Russian-German Relations)." MIR (Modernization. Innovation. Research) 9, no. 4 (January 13, 2019): 596–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.18184/2079-4665.2018.9.4.596-606.
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Purpose:the purpose of the article was to analyze the influence of sanctions on economic relations of Russia and Germany (on firm level and on foreign direct investments), to find out how far the changes influenced the innovation potential of Russia in the long term and also the role of political relations in the economic context.Methods:the methodological base of the research is based on general scientific methods: scientific abstraction, analysis and synthesis, generalization, system-structural analysis.Results:the author analyzes the approaches towards quantifying the sanctions influence on Russian economy and its sectors, also the author analyzes the economic relations with Germany after the sanctions (foreign direct investment, the dynamic of German companies in Russia, corporate cash flow of some German companies, import dynamic).Conclusions and relevance:the author concludes, that although in the long run the sanctions could have an enormous impact on the innovation potential, but in the short term the overall market condition, that influences the intensity of imports and modernization of equipment, plays a bigger role. In spite of sanctions after the down turn of trade and direct investments there is a growth in amount of German business and foreign direct investment. The Russian market remains important for the German companies. The German companies are seeking to strengthening their positions. An important role plays the fact, that for the Russian companies the German ones are important suppliers of commodities and machines. This demand can’t be fully satisfied by the Asian countries.
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Radzhabova, Z. K., O. R. Radzhabov, M. M. Osmanov, T. G. Aygumov, G. A. Emirova, and S. Z. Khidirova. "Government Regulation of Foreign Economic Activity in Russia: Legal and Economic Aspects." International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 10 (December 31, 2020): 180–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2021.10.21.
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The paper assesses the fact that in the current conditions of globalization, any national economy is becoming more open, and therefore the state should take into account in its trade and economic policy the consistent relationship between the processes occurring within the economy and in the sphere of foreign economic relations. The state also acts as the organizer of the system of servicing foreign economic relations and achieving internal economic equilibrium, and finances this activity from budgetary funds. This system is branched in its nature, covering such areas of activity as the provision of information and consulting services, and organization of advertising and exhibition work; it also helps to increase the efficiency of foreign economic activity, introducing new participants to it. The authors conclude that in order to maintain domestic economic balance, the state should strengthen its influence on imports in order to maintain domestic producers and without depriving them of competition from foreign goods at the same time.
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Värk, Juhan. "Russia between China and the European Union: Friends or Foes?" Baltic Journal of European Studies 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2013-0003.
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AbstractFor a long time Russia has regarded the European Union and China as its main economic and trade partners, giving preference to the EU. A sudden change occurred in October 2008, when as a response to the EU’s sharp criticism of the Kremlin over the Georgian-Russian military conflict, Russia decided to re-orient its foreign economic and trade policy from the EU to China and partially also to India. At the same time Russian-Chinese military and energy cooperation started to grow. Russia sold China oil and gas at low price and supplied it with advanced weaponry, which has increased China’s aggression toward its neighbours. Russia also started to politically and militarily support China’s activities in Syria and Iran, which, in turn, worsened Russia’s relations with several EU Member States, including Germany, France and Italy, with whom Russia was planning to cooperate in the developing of the Nord Stream gas pipeline project. However, Russian President Vladimir Putin still declares a great continuing friendship and solidarity with China and is hoping to see the worsening of China’s conflict with the US, which, Putin claims, could avert China’s direct conflict with Russia. Several leading Russian military and political experts describe this hope as unrealistic. At the same time, the volume of EU-Russian mutual trade was almost 395 billion US dollars in 2011, which exceeds in volume the Chinese-Russian trade volume by more than four times. It shows that Russia’s trade reset from the EU to China has been negligible. Also, it is bad news for Russia and China that Iran today stifles cooperation with Georgia and Chinese separatist Uyghurs, and Syrian Bashar al-Assad’s regime is developing cooperation with al Qaeda, and does not explain Russia’s and China’s current similar foreign policy toward Iran and Syria.
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Makarov, A. I., E. A. Rubinchik, and M. A. Kladkin. "Trade and economic relations between Russia and the Netherlands: formation and development." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 4 (December 26, 2020): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2020-4-5-22.
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Successful development of mutual trade and economic ties between Russia and the Netherlands has been lasting for centuries. In ancient times, when both states were actively developing, vessels loaded with various goods were already cruising between their shores; while national leaders were building bilateral trade policy. The development of cooperation reached its peak during the time of Peter the Great, when the Russian Empire carried out industrialization by entering into a full-scale international industrial cooperation with its historical partner. Participation of the Russian state in the development of trade and economic relations with the Netherlands took different shapes depending on the current needs and capabilities of the country. However, specially authorized envoys who carried out their functions on the territory of the Netherlands played exclusively important role in it, whether they were representatives of the Ministry of Trade and Industry of Tsarist Russia in Rotterdam or the People's Commissariat for Foreign Trade in the pre-war years. October 1945, when the Trade Representation opened its doors in Amsterdam, marked the new chapter in the history of trade relations between two countries. Historical review of the activities conducted by the Trade Mission in one of the world's TOP economically developed countries of the world over the 75-year period is demanded for providing advice in respect to setting up of strategic plans for the development of foreign trade in terms of exports, deepening international industrial cooperation and faster adaptation to the requirements by foreign markets.
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Terentev, Pavel, and Yulia Vlasova. "Prospects for the development of Cuba-Russia relations after Fidel Castro’s era." Международные отношения, no. 4 (April 2020): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.4.33983.
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This article is dedicated to analysis of the development prospects of Cuba-Russia relations after Fidel Castro’s rule. The goal consists in examination of the current state of bilateral relations between the countries, as well as in determination of major obstacles towards their reconciliation. The researchers outline most probable scenarios for the development of future foreign policy course of Cuba, and analyze the current state of bilateral Cuba-Russia diplomatic relations, economic and scientific-cultural cooperation. The article employs a wide range of sources that include the works of Russian and foreign experts, as well as reports, statistical and analytical data provided by various international and national institutions. Analysis is conducted on the news reports provided by Russian, US, European, Chinese, Latin American and other news agencies. The scientific novelty of this article consists in placing emphasis on the extremely weak economic framework for further advancement of bilateral Cuba-Russia relations, as well as possible threat to Russia's national interests in case of Cuba becomes a junior partner of the United States, People’s Republic of China, or the European Union. The acquired results allow concluding that the future of Cuba-Russian relations directly depends on strengthening of the economic base of their cooperation. Otherwise, Russia would be dislodged from the island, while other powers would become the so-called senior partner of the Cuban Republic.
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Benzell, Seth G., and Guillermo Lagarda. "Can Russia Survive Economic Sanctions?" Asian Economic Papers 16, no. 3 (November 2017): 78–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00552.
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Motivated by recent events, we study the welfare impact of extreme sanctions regimes on Russia. To do so, we model the demographic and fiscal transitions of the Russian Federation under free trade and autarky. Unlike previous studies of sanctions, our paper utilizes a large-scale overlapping generations model with productivity growth, demographic change, region-specific policies, and an energy sector. This model is uniquely suited to understanding the long-term impacts of different trade and fiscal regimes. This paper investigates the most dramatic sanctions possible, forcing Russia into long-term autarky under a variety of scenarios. The scenarios differ with regard to the sanction's effect on the energy sector, labor productivity, and the enactment of Russian capital controls. We find that elderly Russians are hurt the most by sanctions. When Russia seizes foreign assets, this is in part because of lower interest rates on the assets of retirees. When the sanctions also reduce Russian government energy revenues, the elderly are hurt through increased consumption taxation. In all scenarios but the most benign, all existing generations are made worse off.
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Shkvarya, L. "Russia's Foreign Trade with Persian Gulf Countries." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2010): 77–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-10-77-83.
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The Russian Federation is ever more actively joining world economy processes, and it is important for it to diversify foreign trade relations. In this respect, the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (CCASG) countries appears to be a quite real alternative to industrially developed countries. In the article, stages and the contemporary state of economic relations between Russia and CCASG are analyzed, key ongoing problems are specified.
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Dadalko, V. A., Ya G. Sud'bina, and S. V. Dadalko. "The issues of international cooperation of Russia in countering the economic crime." National Interests: Priorities and Security 16, no. 7 (July 16, 2020): 1264–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/ni.16.7.1264.
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Subject. We analyze the aspects of Russia's cooperation with other countries in countering the economic crime. Objectives. The article analyzes methods and goals of Russia's cooperation with other countries, dealing with general issues and aspects coordinated by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, Federal Security Service, Federal Customs Service and Federal Service for Financial Monitoring. Methods. The study is based on the economic analysis, methods of classification and modeling, deduction and synthesis. Results. We studied what various international relations organizations of Russia do in countering the economic crime. We unveil some aspects of such a cooperation, i.e. legal attache, international treaties, common security council, communications, international compliance. Russia was found to cooperate most actively with Austria, Belarus, Belgium, Cyprus, Latvia, France, the USA, Spain, Germany, Kazakhstan, Palestine, Israel, Azerbaijan and Armenia. Conclusions and Relevance. States need the international cooperation and its advancement to effectively counteract with the economic crime. It is especially important as the transnational crime proliferates. However, the international cooperation is impossible if institutional, legal and regulatory aspects are not refined. The article suggests what should be dine to make the cooperation more effective.
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Ziegler, Charles E. "Sanctions in U.S. - Russia Relations." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 504–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-3-504-520.
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Given America’s leading position in the global economy, the U.S. government has frequently leveraged that power to punish “rogue states”, discourage nuclear proliferation, promote democratization, and create pressure for regime change. Washington relied on economic incentives in relations with Russia after 1991, but since 2012 the United States has utilized a broad range of economic sanctions against Russian side, leading to a significant deterioration in what was already a troubled relationship. In contrast to earlier comprehensive sanctions like those imposed on Iraq and Haiti, the U.S. is now crafting “smart” or targeted sanctions designed to exert maximum pressure on selected Russian elites and firms. Rather than evaluating the effectiveness of these measures on changing Russian behavior, the author explores the neglected domestic dimension of the U.S. sanctions process to improve understanding of U.S. foreign policy. This article draws on primary sources in the form of Congressional legislation, executive orders, and official statements to analyze U.S. sanctions imposed on Russia, and develops three brief case studies - the Magnitsky Act, post-Ukraine sanctions, and the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act - to explicate the main issues and actors driving U.S. sanctions. The author argues that domestic factors, including Congressional pressures and interest group activity, are critical to understanding U.S. sanctions regimes. While President Donald Trump has frequently resisted congressionally imposed sanctions, expectations for a more conciliatory approach towards Russia under the Trump administration have not materialized.
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Mishra, Sh, A. M. Zobov, and E. A. Fedorenko. "Evaluation of institutional grounding for Russian investments to basic industries of Nepal." Russian Journal of Industrial Economics 12, no. 4 (January 3, 2020): 455–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17073/2072-1633-2019-4-455-465.
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This article is developed to understand the Russian investment in Nepal. Since these days due to the western section it is necessary for Russia to expand its economic relations to others continent and Asia is a best part to expand its investment. As there are some countries already tie with Russia in economic connection from South Asia like India, Pakistan but with Nepal and Russia had more on diplomatic relation. Thus it is very good choice to look and increase for economic relation for Russia with Nepal. The author has highlighted institution determinant of Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) to attract investment in Nepal because these days the political stability has become better in Nepal. The author also found the industries to invest in Nepal for Russia however there are some investment existed already by Russia. The author has recommended to the investors to invest in some specific industries without any hesitation as Nepal is facilitation for investment attraction and also its institution condition is becoming better.
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Amirov, V., and A. Fedorovskii. "To XXth Anniversary of Establishment of Diplomatic Relationship between Moscow and Seoul." World Economy and International Relations, no. 1 (2011): 77–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-1-77-85.
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Development of bilateral ties between Russia and Republic of Korea since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1990 are discussed: key trends in evaluation from bilateral cooperation to strategic partnership. Role of PDRK and the ROK in Russia’s foreign policy towards the Korean Peninsula and North East Asia. Close bilateral cooperation in high-tech industries, joint programs of economic development of the Russian Far East are the main factors for successful expansion of Russia-South Korean economic relations in the next 20 years.
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Mikheev, V., V. Shvydko, and S. Lukonin. "China – Russia: When Are Emotions Appropriate?" World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2015): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-2-5-13.
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The article discusses the conditions under which the Russian “turn to the East” is implemented. It emphasizes that the basis for the “turn” is the Russian-Chinese relations. However, there is a number of intense changes in the foreign policy of China itself as long as it becomes a primary tool for supporting economic growth. The main characteristics of the emerging concept of China's foreign policy are: raise of military power of China, “investment attack” on emerging markets, consolidation of regional “zones of new influence of China”, development of the “new type” relations with the US. These features make the behavior of China in defense of their own interests more aggressive (including relations with Russia). Therefore, Russian innovation in the field of geo-economic strategy must be adapted to the new elements of Chinese foreign policy. Despite the status of a “strategic partnership” a number of problems have developed between China and Russia in recent years. These include, mainly, lack of trust because of the unwillingness to provide to each other full political and military-political support and non-optimal consideration of the United States factor in relations between Russia and China. This presupposes the partial “strategic partnership” only. However, the “new interest” of China in Russia is becoming more urgent since China uses Russian "turn to the East" for its own strategic purposes. It is impossible not to see that China refused to support Western sanctions not due to political solidarity with Russia but due to the Chinese business interests’ protection. China is developing plans of entering into those sectors and niches of the Russian economy, which are released as a result of leaving or “non-arrival” of the Western capital. The “turn to the East” strategy (which means the “turn to China”) can soften the internal losses of Russia from the “war of sanctions” with the West, but will not replace the Russian-American cooperation in the sphere of strategic stability, nuclear nonproliferation, space, terrorism, and climate change.
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Obolensky, V. "Foreign Economic Relations of Russia: Some Lessons from the Global Crisis." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 5 (May 20, 2012): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2012-5-87-100.
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The article deals with the influence of the global crisis on the Russian foreign economic relations and their effects on the national economy. The crisis has made it evident that it is necessary to change the character of Russia's participation in the world division of labor. Russian export should rise on the base of development of the manufacturing industry. Also cardinal improvement of the investment climate and certain correction in the rouble exchange rate management are needed.
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Abalkin, Leonid. "Some Notes on Current Problems of Foreign Economic Relations of Russia." World Economy 25, no. 6 (June 2002): 869–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9701.00467.
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Sibarani, Dame Maria-Nova. "Economic Policy in Indonesia and Prospects of Russian-Indonesian Trade and Economic Cooperation." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 450–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-3-450-462.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the current economic situation in Indonesia and the prospects for RussianIndonesian economic cooperation. The author covers the economic development of Indonesia since 1998 Asian economic crisis, the domestic economic agenda and the policy of new President D. Widodo, as well as the history and potential for the further development of trade and economic relations between Russia and Indonesia. The relevance of the research is determined by the increasing role of Indonesia in international politics in the 21st century. Indonesia is the fourth largest country in terms of population, after China, India and the United States. Its economy is 16th in the world and first in ASEAN. It is a member of G20. It is expected that Indonesia will enter the top five largest world economies by 2030. For Russia, the development of relations with the rapidly developing Asian countries is an important element in of its foreign policy strategy of diversifying trading partners and entering the promising markets of developing countries. The main purpose of the article is to analyze current challenges faced by the Indonesian government in implementing new economic policy, to identify promising areas of bilateral cooperation of Russia and Indonesia in the context of anti-Russian sanctions. The article points out the potential of these relations and the mutual benefits for the Russian and Indonesian economy. The author used mainly the historical method, which allows tracing the history of the development of the economic situation in Indonesia and the evolution of Russian-Indonesian relations. While analyzing Indonesia’s domestic economic policy, the key research method has been a comparative analysis, which contributed to summarizing the achievements of Indonesian politics. In conclusion, the author identifies promising areas for further development of Russian-Indonesian trade and economic relations taken into account modern Indonesian economic policy’s need agenda.
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Efanova, L. D., and V. L. Polyakova. "ECONOMIC POTENTIAL OF FRENCH COMPANIES IN RUSSIAN ECONOMY." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 5 (June 10, 2019): 141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2019-5-141-144.
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The objective of the article is to substantiate the interest of French enterprises in modern Russian economy. The key Franco-Russian economic relations participants’ views on the further cooperation between countries, conclusions have been studied, conclusions and forecasts have been made. As an example, the largest French companies in Russian economy have been named and сharacterized. The main obstacles to economic integration of two countries have been designated. A historical aspect of the relationship between France and Russia, causing its mutually beneficial cooperation in our days, has been considered.
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Saidzoda, Z. S. "Tadzhikistan-Russia: Geopolitical Relations at the Turn of the Century." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(40) (February 28, 2015): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-1-40-29-34.
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RETRACTEDIn this article the writer analyses the development peculiarities of the Tajik-Russian geopolitical relations during the establishment of Tajikistan foreign policy up to the commencement of multi-vector «open doors» policy in 2003-2004. Since the establishment of peace and stability in Tajikistan beginning from the year of 2000 the socio-economic development issues have been set as prior actions. To boost the economy, attraction of foreign investments, creation of new jobs and improvement of life standard of population were the issues to address. Political leaders of Tajikistan had no right to waste time making no headway. The country inevitably faced the issue of diversification of interstate and foreign economic relations, including outside the CIS. The article highlights that the foreign «open door» policy declared at the turn of2002-2003 implied mandatory modernization of the Tajik-Russian cooperation through strengthening its economic and human dimensions, adjusting the strategic partnership and alliance between the two states to the new global political realities. As to the geopolitical and military-political priorities, which Tajikistan had firmly adhered throughout the entire 1990th since its Independence, they actually remained unchanged even after 2002. The author points out the long-term Russian presence in the form of a large scale military base and military infrastructure on the territory of Tajikistan. The Republic is one of the most consistent, active and disciplined members of the Collective Security Treaty Organization. During the first decade of the XXI century the political leaders of Tajikistan had been receiving offers from foreign non CIS countries with regard to deployment of military facilities on a fee basis on the territory of Tajikistan which were not even considered by the Government. Thus, the multi-vector foreign policy of «open doors» has been reflected in diversification of the international relations of Tajikistan, in demonopolization of trade and economic priorities, in attraction of foreign investments and military-technical assistance from the third countries (other than CIS and CSTO countries) but completely preserving the geopolitical and military-political priorities established until 2002.
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Baniak, Sandra. "Russia’s economic soft power: The case of Serbia." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 3 (December 2020): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.3.5.
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Serbia inherited Yugoslavia’s tendency to pursue its foreign policy in terms of “multi-vector” policy and balancing between the West and the East to achieve its own political goals and maintain the attention of other countries. Despite the desire to join the European Union, as officially declared by the state authorities, Serbia also strives to maintain a “strategic partnership” with Russia. This paper presents Russia’s interests in the policy towards Serbia in the economic sphere over the years, starting from 1999. It points to the complexity of Serbian-Russian economic relations and their relationship with political issues. Russia, as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, can significantly affect Serbia’s internal and foreign policy, making it dependent on guarding Serbia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and through the lack of recognition of Kosovo’s independence by pursuing its own interests, manifested by an increasing Russian presence in the energy sector.
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Al'-Mavazhde, Vahib. "Analysis of the Impact of Monetary Relations Between the Russian Federation and the Middle East on the Region's Economy." Scientific Research and Development. Economics of the Firm 10, no. 1 (April 8, 2021): 12–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2306-627x-2021-10-1-12-18.
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International monetary and credit relations are an integral part and one of the most difficult areas of a market economy. They reflect the problems of the national and world economies, which historically developed in parallel. With the globalization and internationalization of the world economy, there is an intensification of international flows of goods, services, and especially capital and loans.
International monetary and credit relations (IMCO) are one of the forms of international economic relations (IEE) along with such forms as: international trade, international movement of capital and foreign investment, international labor migration, international cooperation in science and technology, international division of labor (specialization and cooperation of production).
Russia is one of the key partners in the world market in the field of currency and credit relations and trade, which affects the country's economic development. On the financial market arena, Russia acts as a lender for developing countries, and is also a borrower from more developed countries. In the modern realities of the development of international economic relations, it is worth considering various alternative financial markets or renewing old international economic relations, as an option these are the countries of the Middle East.
Today, market economic relations between Russia and the Middle East are based on mutually beneficial conditions for both parties. The Russian Federation views the Arab countries, firstly, as a market for its manufactured products, technical equipment, and secondly, as a prospect for credit relations and the development of a market for energy products. At the moment, the improvement of relations in the currency and credit directions is aggravated by the state of the world economy and foreign economic activity of Russia.
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Nikulin, K. A. "Crisis in Bilateral Economic Cooperation between Russia and Spain." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-11.
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The article examines the dynamics and features of the trade and economic partnership between Spain and Russia from 2014 to the present, considering the latest challenges. The once promising trajectory of the development of bilateral trade and mutual investment has undergone significant tests: in addition to the sanctions pressure of the collective West countries, the situation has been complicated by the global crisis in the world economy, significant changes in world markets for goods and services, and the COVID-19 pandemic. In these conditions, the study of indicators of Russian-Spanish trade and economic interaction is of interest both from the point of view of forming a forecast for the development of bilateral economic relations and highlighting those industries towards which the emphasis in trade and investment is gradually shifting. The question arises: is it possible to return to the indicators of bilateral trade and investment inherent in Russian-Spanish economic relations before the imposition of sanctions? The data on the bilateral trade presented by the Russian and Spanish national statistics differ insignificantly in terms of the total trade turnover but have severe differences at the level of the trade balance. Based on both countries’ statistical databases, the author of the article presents the possible reasons for such discrepancies and considers the general dynamics of the state of foreign trade between Russia and Spain. In addition to stating the negative trends in foreign trade, there are problems in investment cooperation, which until recently was considered one of the “strongholds” of bilateral cooperation under the pressure of sanctions.
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Ilyukhov, Alexander. "CONCESSIONS OF THE 1920s – THE FIRST ATTEMPT TO ESTABLISH ECONOMIC RELATIONS WITH THE WEST." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 1 (49) (May 26, 2020): 176–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-49-1-176-186.
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The article analyzes the use of concessions to attract foreign capital and technology in an almost complete economic blockade because of the revolution and civil war, as well as the fact that the revolution in other foreign countries has not
occured. The article indicates particular regulations in the procedure for the infusion of foreign concessions into Soviet Russia. In addition, the paper points out how this
process gradually developed, as well as what problems arose for western investors in the course of investing their capital in the country. The author shows particular industries that mostly used foreign capital, names donor countries, and provides statistical data on the number of applications for the opening of concessional filed by foreign investors. The paper provides examples of specific concessions. The author draws attention
to the careful selection of concessionaires, states the principles of concessions’ operation in terms of planned and command economy. The original literature of the 1920s is used in the article. The aticle defines the concessions’ place and
role in the Russian economy. The author points out that the questions arising between the Soviet power
and foreign investors concern price policy and employed workers’ compensation that, however, was not typical of all concessions. Moreover, the article provides statistical data concerning the number of contracts concluded in the main sectors of
the economy and the benefit it brought to the economy, as well as the number of citizens of Soviet Russia involved in the economic activities of foreign concessions.
The author makes a conclusion that the state policy of concessions was a forced measure aimed at improving the state economic development by attracting foreign capital and technology.
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Ciborek, Przemysław. "A New Alliance against the US? Sino-Russian Relations in Response to Trump’s Redefined Foreign Policy Priorities." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 23, no. 1 (July 15, 2019): 149–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.23.10.
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The current state of bilateral relations between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China is described by many international relations experts as the best in history. After taking the president office by Donald Trump, the bilateral relations between America and abovementioned powers are cooling down. Current foreign policy of the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation focuses on holding a common position in the international political arena, which is in fact an attempt to counterweight political influence of the US administration and their allies. The dimension of the strategic partnership between China and Russia is also determining the mutual economic dependence, which is now crucial for both powers to build a strong position on the international forum. In addition, Russia is one of the crucial partners for the Chinese-led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) – by many recognized as the Chinese attempt to break the American economic domination. The collisional course of the American foreign policy towards Russia and China forces the latter to look for Central and Eastern European allies as well as to gain influence in the region of Central Asia which is leading to a constant increase in tensions between China and Russia.
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Streltsov, D. V. "Russian-Japanese Relations: Long-Term Development Factors." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 3 (July 8, 2020): 68–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-3-72-68-85.
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The article analyzes long-term external and internal factors determining the course of development of Russian-Japanese relations in 2019-2020. On the one hand, the anti-Russian component in Tokyo's foreign policy is shaped by its membership in the Security Treaty with the United States and its solidarity with the sanctions policy of the Group of Seven towards Russia. On the other hand, Japan and Russia are both interested interest in political cooperation in creating multilateral dialog mechanisms of international security in East Asia, resolving the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula, and easing tensions around territorial disputes in the East China and South China seas. Among the economic factors, the author focuses on the significant place of Russia in the context of Japan's task of diversifying sources of external energy supplies, as well as on Russia's desire to avoid unilateral dependence on the Chinese market while reorienting the system of foreign economic relations from the West to the East. Personal diplomacy of political leaders plays a significant role in relations between Russia and Japan, and, above all, close personal relationships and frequent meetings between Prime Minister Abe and President Putin, which make it possible to partially compensate the unfavorable image of the partner country in the public opinion of both Russia and Japan. Against the background of a deadlock in the Peace Treaty talks which emerged in 2019, the search for a way out of the diplomatic impasse is on the agenda. In the author's opinion, it would be appropriate at the first stage to proceed to the conclusion of a basic agreement on the basis bilateral relations, which would be "untied" from the Peace Treaty. In addition, Russia could stop criticizing Japan for its security policy and show greater understanding of the Japanese initiative in the field of quality infrastructure. In turn, Japan could take a number of strategic decisions on cooperation with Russia and announce them in the Prime Minister's keynote speech. In addition, Tokyo could stop positioning the issue of the peace Treaty as the main issue in relations with Russia, which would allow our countries to "untie" bilateral relations from the problem of border demarcation and focus on their positive agenda.
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Kondrat’ev, V. "Foreign Experience of Modernization: Lessons for Russia." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2013): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-10-33-44.
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The article considers international experience of economic modernization. A conclusion is made that the trend of resource nationalism has a global scope and involves both industrial and developing nations. The main reason is the surge of natural resources and extracting industries role in the economic development. In 1930-s the principal source of Russia’s primary industrialization was the agriculture. Now the natural resources can become a source for the nation’s “new industrialization”.
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Sokolov, V. "Russian Engineering Industry in International Economic Links System." World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (2010): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-6-61-71.
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The place of Russian engineering in international trade-production ties system is defined, its position relative to the leading world engineering centers is evaluated, the main directions of foreign relations are analyzed. It is concluded that up to date, for the most part, Russia has taken a stand of an “assembly-room”, typical for countries of medium development level. However, for a dynamic economy development, it needs a potent machine-building complex.
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Al - Fawadi, Rahim Ali. "Possibilities of strategic relations between Russia and Saudi Arabia." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, no. 10 (February 24, 2019): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v3i10.29.
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The active foreign policy of the Russian Federation is multilateral, which dictates the need to build close relations with the strategy of influential regional players. Establishing partnership with Saudi Arabia is Russia's full mission. Saudi Arabia is the leader of the Gulf Cooperation Council and an important player alongside Russia in the oil market. The changes in the region that are transforming the world, as well as Saudi Arabia's announcement of the 2016 forgetfulness of the socio-economic transformation approach (Saudi Arabia's 2030 vision) open up new possibilities for the two countries.
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Zueva, K. "Current French–US Partnership." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 11 (2015): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-47-55.
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The article examines US–France relations, in particular within the NATO framework, as well as positions of France in the Alliance, its participation in NATO operations and its desire to play a more active role in this organization. The pilot of American interests in the Asian-Pacific region and events in Ukraine revive aspirations of Europeans for more active building of the “European defense”. The France-Britain military collaboration is developing intensively. However, France considers the formation of the “European army” as a question of a very long-term perspective. The article also examines the stance of France on the free trade zone between the EU and the U.S. The Atlantic solidarity is one of the most important directions in the French foreign policy. In power, Francois Hollande continues his predecessor's policy in this sphere. Nowadays, France demonstrates the accordance with the US almost in all international issues from Syria to Ukraine. France has shown its dependence on the US policy in such questions as “Mistrals” delivery to Russia and the attitude to the Ukrainian crisis. The scandal around the American ANB spying after French political and business elite did not destroy this dependence. The participation of France in NATO is the most important format of transatlantic relations. The French expert association and opposition forces constantly criticize the transatlantic direction of Hollande's foreign policy. The greater and greater part of French elite stands for the returning of an independent voice of France in international affairs. The great anxiety in French society is provoked by the U.S. pulling into the crusade against Russia. However, in the present situation, French leaders are not going to spoil relations with their transatlantic partner, because they believe that only together with the U.S. they can counter contemporary challenges of the modern world.
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Биганова, G. Biganova, Межевов, and A. Mezhevov. "FEATURES OF THE SOCIAL AND LABOUR RELATIONS IN MODERN RUSSIA." Management of the Personnel and Intellectual Resources in Russia 6, no. 2 (May 4, 2017): 70–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/25278.
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The article is devoted to the social and labour relations features at the present stage of economic development in Russia. The situation on the Russian labour market differs from the foreign countries in view of protracted transformational crisis, traditional regulation methods of the employment relationships, typical to the Soviet period, pushing into background social aspect of employment relationships. Exactly these problems are detailed considered and studied in this article. As a result, there was made a conclusion about what direction will be developing social and labor relations in the Russian Federation at this stage of economy in.
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Nemensky, O. B. "«The Last Ally»: Russian-Belarusian Relations at the Present Stage." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 9, no. 5 (July 24, 2018): 24–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2016-9-5-24-40.
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The article is devoted to relations between Belarus and Russia today. A survey of the history of relations between the two countries over the past 10-15 years, the formation of the modern ideology of the Belarusian foreign policy. aspect of economic relations between the two countries and internal political discussions in Belarus ’s foreign policy in the East. Particular attention is paid to the project of the Union State of Russia and Belarus, the problems of the participation of the Republic of Belarus in integration projects with Russia.
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Lezhenina, Tatiana V. "CURRENT TRENDS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC COOPERATION BETWEEN RUSSIA AND MONGOLIA." SCIENTIFIC REVIEW. SERIES 1. ECONOMICS AND LAW, no. 1 (2021): 83–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.26653/2076-4650-2021-1-08.
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In the post-Soviet era, after a period of stagnation of the 90s, Russia and Mongolia began to actively cooperate, using and updating the economic potential created during the years of cooperation between Mongolia and the USSR. Goal. Explore modern conditions for the transition from stagnation in relations between Russia and Mongolia to cooperation. Tasks. Assess the readiness of the two countries to resume wide-ranging communications on mutually beneficial conditions. Methodology. The use of methods of scientific knowledge, the experience of economic relations of large and small countries in conditions of instability of the world economy, new threats and challenges in the XXI century. Results. It is proved that on the basis of mutually beneficial economic cooperation and coordination of domestic and foreign policies, Russia and Mongolia have created guarantees to maintain peace and promote integration in the Asia-Pacific region. Findings. Using the example of studying bilateral relations between Russia and Mongolia together with tripartite ones in the new Russia-Mongolia-China format, the possibility of reducing the dominance of China's role in Mongolia, reducing American influence and pressure on the leadership of Mongolia in order to weaken the Russian and Chinese presence is proved.
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Stergiou, A. "The EU, Russia and Cyprus." Journal of Law and Administration 15, no. 4 (January 30, 2020): 56–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2019-4-53-56-68.
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In recent years, Russian-Cypriot relations have been a very topical issue among EU politicians, scholars and journalists dealing with international relations of Russia, South-eastern Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean. Through this deep interest many unknown parameters of the topic have been illuminated. Nevertheless, most of the analyses followed a certain pattern that did not always dovetail with reality. Although Cyprus has possessed an exceptional place in the Russian foreign policy, Russia’s interest in the Cypriot economic and political affairs, however, have been in some cases overrated. As a result, for various geo-political and geo-economic reasons the island has been dragged into the EU-Russia political and economic troubled NATO-EU-Russia relationship of the last decade and paid a high tribute for it. Against this background, it is argued that the Eurogroup’s decisions regarding the Cypriot banks in March 2013 were groundless and false and eventually backfired on the goals they intended to achieve. The article also counter-argues the opinion that Moscow is interested in the EastMed gas reserves because of their value in the EU-energy supply diversification policy. Russian companies do not seem to oppose the various projects aimed at exploiting EastMed resources, as they do not view East Med gas as a threat to their economic interests.
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Chebanov, S. "Foreign Economic Strategy of Russia under Conditions of Globalization." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2008): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2008-5-3-18.
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Sidorov, Aleksandr A. "On Current Issues of International Municipal Cooperation." Economic Strategies 144 (November 20, 2020): 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33917/es-7.173.2020.32-43.
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The article examines the world experience and the main trends in developing international cooperation between cities of the world, analyzes economic effect of international relations between territorial formations of national states, considers topical issues and outlines the problem field of international municipal cooperation in Russia. The author concludes that it is feasible to build up international and foreign economic relations of Russian territorial entities in the context of achieving the goals of the country’s economic development and the UN sustainable development until 2030.
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Cheng, Joseph Y. S. "Chinese Perceptions of Russian Foreign Policy during the Putin Administration: U.S.-Russia Relations and “Strategic Triangle” Considerations." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 38, no. 2 (June 2009): 145–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810260903800206.
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This article examines the Chinese perception of Russian foreign policy during the Putin administration by analysing Beijing's assessment of Russia's foreign policy objectives and its policy towards the U.S., as reflected in the official media and the authoritative publications of China's major security and foreign policy think tanks. Promoting multi-polarity and checks and balances against U.S. unilateralism has been a very significant consideration on the part of the Chinese leadership. Using the concept of the “strategic triangle”, the article demonstrates how changes in U.S.-Russian relations have probably become the most important variable in this push for multipolarity. In the past decade and a half, Sino-Russian relations have improved when Russia has become disappointed with the support it received from the U.S. There have also been periods of time when Russia has anticipated closer relations with the U.S. and thus neglected China's vital interests. The Chinese leadership, however, has exercised restraint at such times. There has been greater optimism in Beijing concerning Sino-Russian relations in recent years because of the expanding economic ties, Russia's increasing oil wealth and Putin's authoritarian orientation.
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Mishchenko, X. V., and A. E. Uzhanov. "PR as a tool for the development of nuclear energy in Russia and abroad." Safety and Reliability of Power Industry 13, no. 2 (July 31, 2020): 128–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24223/1999-5555-2020-13-2-128-135.
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The author estimates the impact of PR technologies on the development of nuclear power in Russia and in a number of foreign countries (USA, China, Japan, France). It is determined that as soon as at the stage of development of nuclear generation projects and other nuclear industry facilities, the use of public relations (PR), with a targeted impact on public opinion and interaction with target audiences (TA) at its core, has a significant impact on decision-making in favor of the construction of nuclear power plants, minimizes the protest behavior of the population. It is shown that the advantages of nuclear power among alternative energy sources for strengthening the socio-economic potential of states and increasing their environmental well-being are most clearly, quickly and effectively disclosed through using public relations tools. PR enables to form an adequate and correct understanding of the physical and chemical foundations of nuclear power engineering, the main threats and systems for their minimization or complete elimination at the conceptual, socio-psychological and socio-logical levels, as well as to form, in terms of specific objects and tools, the technological and organizational facilities for the development of nuclear energy projects both in Russia and in foreign countries. The activities of foreign and Russian companies aimed at ensuring loyal public opinion in relation to nuclear projects are critically described and analytically compared. The chronological framework covers the recent period: from the beginning of the 2000s to 2020. This period is noted as the most significant for the development of nuclear power in the world. Statistical data on changes in the attitude of the public in different countries to the prospects for the development of nuclear energy after the Chernobyl and Fukushima-1 disasters are presented. It is concluded that it is PR in its integrated application that contributes to government decision-making and public support in the construction of nuclear power plants in Russia and abroad.